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Encyclopedia of Modern Asia Edition 1

9 Modern Asia Encyclopedia of

9 Modern Asia Encyclopedia of

Volume 1 Abacus to China A Berkshire Reference Work David Levinson • Karen Christensen, Editors

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Editorial Board Virginia Aksan McMaster University Edward Beauchamp University of Hawaii, Honolulu Anthony Bichel Central Michigan University Rebecca Bichel Pennsylvania State University Linsun Cheng University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth Gerald Fry University of Minnesota Bruce Fulton University of British Columbia Paul Hockings University of Illinois, Chicago Robert LaPorte, Jr. Pennsylvania State University Associate Editors Linda Arthur University of Hawaii, Manoa Jamal Elias Amherst College Allen Guttmann Amherst College Josie Hernandez de Leon Laurentian University Gustaaf Houtman Royal Anthropological Institute, London, U.K. Bruce Lockhart Singapore National University Patit Mishra Sambalpur University Anthony Smith Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Honolulu

Encyclopedia of Modern Asia David Levinson and Karen Christensen, Editors

Copyright © 2002 Berkshire Publishing Group Charles Scribner’s Sons An imprint of The Gale Group 300 Park Avenue South New York, NY 10010 Gale and Design™ and Thomson Learning™ are trademark s used herein under license. For more information, contact The Gale Group, Inc. 27500 Drake Rd. Farmington Hills, MI 48331–3535 Or you can visit our Internet site at http://www.gale.com

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented including phootcopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from Berkshire Publishing Group.

Since this page cannot legibly accommodate all copyright notices, the acknowledgments constitute an extension of the copyright notice.

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA Levinson, David, 1947Encyclopedia of modern Asia : / David Levinson, Karen Christensen, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-684-80617-7 (set hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Asia—Encyclopedias. I. Christensen, Karen, 1957- II. Title. DS4 .L48 2002 950′.03—dc21

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Printed in United States of America 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2

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Editorial and Production Staff Berkshire Publishing Group Project Directors David Levinson and Karen Christensen Project Editor Junhee Kim Senior Editor Francesca Forrest Associate Editor Marcy Ross Copy Editors Peter Donovan, Sharon Emmons, Ann Farkas, Adam Groff, Suzanne Guiod, Elizabeth Hayslett, Jean Kaplan, Gary Kessler, Michael Laraque, Laura Lawrie, Hope Leman, Stephen Lynch, Lea Millay, Mike Nichols, Glenn Perkins, William Rodarmor, Stephen Sanborn, Mark Siemens Information Management and Programming Deborah Dillon

Charles Scribner’s Sons Project Editor Sarah Feehan Designer Jennifer Wahi Proofreaders and Editors Tony Coulter, Mary Flower, David Hall, Archie Hobson, Andrew Libby, Katherine Moreau, Laura Patchkofsky, Joseph Pomerance, Linda Sanders Senior Editor John Fitzpatrick Publisher Frank Menchaca

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Contents Volume 1

Volume 4

List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxi Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . xxv Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxiii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxxix Abacus to China

List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . . ix Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii Malaysia to Portuguese in Southeast Asia

Volume 2 List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . . ix Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii China-India Relations to Hyogo Volume 3 List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . . ix Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii Iaido to Malay-Indonesian Language

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Volume 5 List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . . ix Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii Possession to Turkey Volume 6 List of Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations . . . . . . . ix Regional Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii Reader’s Guide . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xxiii Turkic Languages to Zuo Zongtang Directory of Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .225 Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 271

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List of Maps Front Matter of All Volumes

Hong Kong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .548 Huang River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .558

Central Asia China and East Asia South Asia Southeast Asia—Insular Southeast Asia—Mainland West and Southwest Asia

Volume 3

Volume 1 Afghanistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .21 Altay Mountains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .89 Amu Dar’ya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .94 Andaman and Nicobar Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101 Aral Sea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .122 Armenia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .159 Azerbaijan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .205 Bangladesh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .237 Bay of Bengal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .269 Bhutan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .287 Borneo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .308 Brahmaputra River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .317 Brunei . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .329 Cambodia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .408 Caucasus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .449 Chang River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .488 China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .504

Volume 2 East Timor . . . . . . . . Euphrates and Tigris Fergana Valley . . . . . Ganges River . . . . . . Gobi Desert . . . . . . . Great Wall . . . . . . . . Gulf of Thailand . . . Himalayas . . . . . . . .

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India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .9 Indonesia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .53 Indus River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .77 Iran . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .96 Iraq . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .123 Irian Jaya . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .144 Irrawaddy River . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .147 Jammu and Kashmir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .203 Japan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .207 Java and Bali . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .267 Kalimantan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .302 Karakoram Highway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .317 Kara-Kum Canal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .319 Kara-Kum Desert . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .320 Kazakhstan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .337 Killing Fields—Cambodia (1999) . . . . . . . . . . . . . .369 Kyrgyzstan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .424 Laos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .443 Luzon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .530 Macao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .532

Volume 4 Malaysia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .3 Maldives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .22 Mauritius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .86 Mekong River and Delta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .136 Mindanao . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .148 Mongolia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .165 Myanmar (Burma) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .245 Nepal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .307 North Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .348 Pakistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .424

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Pamir Range . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .457 Persian Gulf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .480 Philippines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .492

Volume 5 Red River and Delta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .60 Réunion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .82 Sarawak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .130 Siberia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .195 Silk Road . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .208 Singapore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .212 South Korea . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .270 Spratly Islands . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .314 Sri Lanka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .317 Strait of Malacca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .339

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Volume 6 Turkmenistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .7 Uzbekistan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .43 Vietnam . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .60

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Preface T

he Encyclopedia of Modern Asia is an unprecedented effort at global understanding. With a readership of students and nonspecialists in mind, a team of more than eight hundred scholars and other experts from around the world has compiled this six-volume, 2.2-million-word publication. In it, we explore economics, religion, technology, politics, education, the family, the arts, environmental issues, international relations, scientific advances, and other vital aspects of the Asian experience that will shape the twenty-first century. The Encyclopedia explains the relationship of Asia to the rest of the world through its extensive coverage of the historical exchange of ideas and inventions. Most important, it provides a variety of perspectives on issues and events, and encompasses the past and the present of Asia in an authoritative and fully cross-disciplinary work. To provide the comprehensive view needed by students and scholars in our global age, the Encyclopedia takes the broad and dynamic view of Asian history and culture that does not make false assumptions about Asian unity or uniformity, but allows us to look for continuity and diversity, change and variation, across and beyond this vast territory. The Encyclopedia contains over 2,600 entries, which range from 200 to 4,000 words. The text is supplemented by 1,300 illustrations, tables, and sidebars of mainly primary-source materials; 90 maps; topical and regional outlines; and an extensive index. Articles have been written by experts from more than a dozen scholarly disciplines, from fields including banking, economic development, law, and human rights, and from more than sixty nations. Our goal when we began this project with Charles Scribner’s Sons in 1998 was to make the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia the standard reference work on Asia. Much has happened in Asia since then—the Asian economic crisis of 1997–1998 (the effects of which remain), the September 11th terrorist attack on the United States in 2001 and subsequent invasion of Afghanistan and war on terrorism, and increased fighting in the Middle East—to name just a few. After September 11, 2001, people were fascinated by the fact that three years earlier we came up with the idea for this project, complete with coverage of the Central Asian republics, the Taliban, and many articles on Islam. “Were you smart or lucky?” someone asked. Our small publishing company’s mission is to focus on the “global

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experience and contemporary issues.” Our first publication after September 11 was the Encyclopedia of Fundamentalism, followed by the Encyclopedia of Crime and Punishment, and now the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. Four years ago we had no idea that terrible, dramatic events would have Americans riveted by information on the religion and culture of Islam, or that bookstores would be selling Afghanistan maps by their cash registers. We did know that Asia was important and not well understood. We found its diversity and complexity absorbing. It’s been thrilling to work with Asia scholars all over the world, even though we’ve dealt with threats that e-mail service in Turkmenistan would be stopped by the government, contributors’ worries about political repercussions, and a variety of linguistic and cultural barriers. As new political and economic conflicts—and opportunities—develop worldwide, and international trade barriers come down, and as there is an increasing migration and exchange of people and ideas, the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia will be a vital source of reliable and accessible information on the events, ideas, and issues that are shaping our future. The readership we have in mind is not just scholars and students but also journalists, businesspeople, governmental officials, and tourists. Our essential purpose has been, since the first time we discussed this ambitious and sometimes nearly overwhelming project, to provide readers with information and knowledge about modern Asia from an Asian perspective. This immediately raises several questions about what readers will find in the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia. What is information? What is knowledge? What is Asia? What is modern Asia? What is an Asian perspective? What Are Information and Knowledge? In the age of rapid information availability via the Internet, understanding and appreciating the distinction between information and knowledge is crucial to making our way in the global community. Information and knowledge are both valuable, but they are not the same thing, and in the end only knowledge will enable the citizens of the twenty-first century to work together to create a better world. By information we mean facts—dates, places, people, events, statistics—about who, what, where, and when. In the Encyclopedia you will find tens of thousands of facts, as our goal is always to provide information about the who, what, where, and when of modern Asia. Some of these facts stand alone, others paint a broad picture when combined with other facts, and still others provide context for deeper analysis and discussion. By knowledge we mean information that has been organized, combined, studied, analyzed, and synthesized to answer questions about how and why. Here, you will find much knowledge, primarily in the form of articles by hundreds of international experts. These articles provide comprehensive, up-to-date, and authoritative discussions of the key elements of the history and culture of modern Asia. What Is Asia? By Asia we mean the thirty-three nations that comprise the subregions of East Asia, Southeast Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, and West-Southwest Asia. Geographically, these nations range from Japan in the east to Turkey in the west and from Kazakhstan in the north to Indonesia in the south. Temporally, Asia includes nations and civilizations that are several thousand years old, such as China, Japan, and Iran (ancient Persia); nations that came into being as nation-states only in the twentieth century, such as Turkey and Singapore, and one nation—East Timor—that is brand new.

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The use of the label Asia in this work is not meant to imply that there is one Asia nor to mask the significant variations that exist both across the region and between and even within nations. In fact, quite the opposite is the case. The Encyclopedia emphasizes diversity, with attention given to each region and each nation. One cannot exaggerate just how diverse Asia is in language, religion, economy, form of government, history, and culture. It is more diverse and has less political and economic unity than any other region in the world today. There is no single historical or modern feature that defines or unites all of Asia. In Asia, there is no religion like Christianity, which has long provided unity across Europe and the New World. Islam is the most widespread religion in the region, but is a minority religion in several large nations such as Japan, India, China, and the Philippines, and the majority of people in Asia are not Muslims. Buddhism is the major religion in East and mainland Southeast Asia but is no longer prominent in Central Asia and never was in West Asia. Western colonialism also did not produce regional unity as it has in parts of Africa. Asia was never colonized by one nation, although British influence was the broadest and in places the deepest. China has had much influence in East and northern Southeast Asia, but little in Central and West Asia. Asian colonization by the Mongols moving south and west, Hindu Indians moving east, and the Chinese moving south and east has had subregional rather than regional influence. Every form of government has been found, and many still can be found, across Asia—theocracies, monarchies, constitutional monarchies, stable democracies, emerging democracies, communist states, and military dictatorships. Although Asian nations are members of the United Nations, there is no pan-regional body that is the equivalent of NATO, the European Union, the Organization of American States, or the Organization of African Unity. In fact, it is subregional associations like NATO for Turkey, ASEAN for Southeast Asian nations, and CIS for Central Asian nations which are especially important today. The economy is also diverse, often within nations and across the region. In much of southern Asia and the east, wet-rice agriculture and village and family life based on it have been a powerful unifying force. But elsewhere, in rural areas, we find other primary subsistence methods including nomadic pastoralism, the farming of wheat and barley, horticulture, hunting, and fishing. In modern times, Asian nations have experienced very different patterns of economic development, with some relying on a single resource, such as oil, natural gas, or timber. Others rely on industrialized farming, while still others reply on manufacturing and others on a service-based economy. Asia houses the poorest nation in the world (Afghanistan), the second-leading economy ( Japan), and the fastest-growing economy (China). Within nations, there is much difference in wealth between rural and urban areas and also in many nations with an emerging and increasingly influential middle class. Culturally and linguistically, the region is again the most complex in the world. As the dozens of articles on languages show, there are thousands of languages spoken across Asia and within several nations (for example, India, China, Indonesia) people speak many different languages. Asia is also home to at least a thousand different cultural groups, some of whom have never been studied closely. India and Indonesia have several hundred each, China has at least fifty-five, and even ethnically homogeneous nations such as Japan and Iran have visible ethnic minorities. The nations of Asia also vary in the amount of freedom of expression they afford their citizens. Some nations—Iran, Iraq, China, Vietnam—are considered to be quite restrictive in this regard. This had important implications, as it limited the number of experts from these nations who would agree to write for the project. Several

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authors made it clear that their contributions were for scholarly purposes only, and one asked that his article be published without attribution. Perhaps the one factor common to all of Asia in 2002 is contact with the West and reactions to Westernization. The different regions of Asia feel the effects of Westernization differently and respond to it differently, but it is an issue all of Asia faces. And, to a significant degree, how it is dealt with will have much to do with the nature of Asia in the twenty-first century. It must be noted that there are several nations and regions not covered here in detail that some experts might classify as belonging in Asia: the Caucasus or Caucasia, Siberia, and Australia. Caucasia and Siberia are covered in several articles, but not in the same detail as other regions, mainly because most experts agree that from a cultural and political perspective they are better classified as being in Europe. Australia, too, though it now has close ties to several Asian nations and a growing Asian population, is politically, linguistically, and culturally European. Thus, it is not covered in detail although its relations with Asian nations are well covered. Also not covered in detail are several West Asian nations—Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel and the nations of the Arabian peninsula—which are geographically part of Asia. They are not covered in detail for both conceptual and practical reasons. Conceptually, they form much of a separate region known as the Middle East, a region defined by Arab culture and Islam. The three nations of the Middle East covered here—Turkey, Iran, and Iraq—are part of what used to be called the Near East and in several ways are tied to Asia to the east. And from a practical standpoint, we realized early on that six volumes is still very little space to cover all of Asia and so we restricted breadth of coverage so as not to compromise depth of coverage. One factor in choosing not to include the other Middle Eastern nations was the point made by expert advisers that we would also have to cover North Africa, which is culturally and politically part of the Middle East. A second consideration was the availability of reference material on these nations. In 1996 Macmillan published its four-volume Encyclopedia of the Modern Middle East, which provides excellent coverage of these nations. Because we take a dynamic, international relations perspective, the Encyclopedia also covers many nations outside Asia. For example, the many articles about relations between Asian nations and the United States and about Asian nations and Europe or European nations, tell us much about the United States and Europe today. Similarly, the many articles on economics and commerce emphasize both the international and regional dimensions, a significant consideration in this time of rapid globalization. What Is Modern Asia? Now that we have defined Asia, what do we mean by modern Asia? Not surprisingly, there is no single date that marks the transition to modern—if such a date actually exists at all—that applies to all nations. Early on in the project, the year 1850 was suggested by historians as a reasonable date, but we do not apply it systematically across Asia. From a temporal point of view, we have focused on Asia in the twentieth century and on those earlier events that have continuing impact today. Because Asian nations have rich and deep histories and much cultural continuity over time, many articles cover people, places, events, developments, trends, and ideas of the past. Our conceptualization of modern Asia is dynamic and interactional and stresses those points in recent Asian history when Asian nations became more open to contact with other nations both in the region and beyond. This, of course, varies widely from nation to nation, and in fact some nations, such as Iran and Afghani-

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stan, have in recent times moved to restrict contact with the outside world. Nonetheless, this emphasis on interactions and relationships is an important defining feature of our meaning of “modern” and also a defining and unique focus of this work. It is the reason that there are over one hundred articles on relationships between nations (such as China—India Relations and Japan—United States Relations), dozens of articles on trade, articles on environmental issues across the continent, surveys of human rights, and articles on the media, tourism, and Asian communities outside Asia. Conceptually, this encyclopedia takes a modern world systems view of Asia, with Asian nations and the institutions in them seen as increasingly significant participants in regional and international economic, political, and cultural networks. This approach allows us to extensively cover topics ignored or given less attention in earlier reference works on Asia: contemporary political and business dynasties, international business networks, economic development, the changing roles of women, human rights, migration, regional and subregional alliances, and ethnic relations. What Is an Asian Perspective? When we first began discussing this project with scholars, several told us that they were concerned that other works took a Western perspective and they wanted this work to be different—to describe and explain Asia as Asians see and experience it. We knew that this was what we wanted to do: provide a fresh view of a vital part of the world, a view that would enable students to travel, intellectually and imaginatively, to the heart of Asia. Our determination to provide an Asian perspective—in addition to explaining the Western perspective—influenced the project’s development on a practical level. First, we included many articles on topics that do not translate neatly into English. This is why there are several dozen articles with Asian terms as their titles, such as chaebol, juche, bedaya, and kyoiku mama. Second, it meant that we had to cover the diversity of Asia. We did this in several ways, by, for example, including separate articles on the same phenomenon in different places or forms. The dozens of articles on Islam, Buddhism, and Christianity across Asia reflect this diversity. We also included general survey articles on several topics—history, politics, economy, human rights, women, marriage and family, education—for each nation or subregion. These articles highlight both similarities and differences and make cross-nation and -region comparisons easy and quick. By including hundreds of articles on specific topics such as puppetry, sumo, haiku, and batik, we are able to highlight unique cultural, political, and economic features of all the nations. Finally, we ensured diversity by recruiting an international team of editors and authors—nearly nine hundred in all from more than sixty nations. All of the above decisions were “field-tested” in April 2001 by we two editors and our two children, aged twelve and fifteen, on a month-long trip to Japan, China, and Kazakhstan. Through contacts made during the project, we knew people in all three nations and through their hospitality we were able to sample life in these nations in a way not possible for many travelers. Our trip began during the week in 2001 when the United States and China were acrimoniously negotiating over a grounded U.S. spy plane and its twenty-fourmember crew. It was soon after the sinking of the Ehime Maru, a Japanese fishing boat, by a U.S. nuclear submarine. As we drove to the airport, it occurred to us that the destination we were on best terms with was Kazakhstan. In Beijing we had meetings with contributors to the encyclopedia, executives at an Internet company, and an editor at the People’s Daily, which is based in grounds

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guarded by soldiers. We spoke to the Rotary Club in Almaty, Kazakhstan. Our final few days were spent in Kyoto, Japan, in the tranquil setting of Amherst House, on the Doshisha University campus. “I might want to be an expat,” said our daughter Rachel reflectively. We managed without tour guides and were the only westerners on most of our flights (some of which were delayed—we were glad we brought a spare suitcase of paperback books). We still talk about the day we got a taxi to take us to Heaven Lake, in the mountains north of Urumqi in the far west of China. Negotiation with the driver centered around a tiny map in my guidebook and my memory of the Chinese name for the mountains. He and the hotel doorman seemed to know where we wanted to go, but as we left the doorman waved and said politely, “Hoping to see you again some day.” In China and Japan we sampled the traditional and the modern, although the modern was far more ubiquitous in Japan. The mix of old and new is perhaps most striking in Beijing where broad shopping streets lined with modern department stores and shops are just around the corner from traditional courtyards (hutong) fronted by tiny food stalls with dirt floors. It is also apparent in comparing rural and urban life and life in the rapidly developing Beijing region and in the less-developed Xinjiang province in the far west. In Kyoto, Japan, the old and new is more neatly structured with steel and glass office complexes standing alongside ancient Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples. In Kazakhstan we witnessed the issues involved in making the transition from a state to a private economy with dramatic inequalities of wealth, deteriorating public services, and a grab-it-while-you-can attitude. We also learned of the work of Western medical missionaries trying to fill a health care gap so wide that the rural poor often die from serious, but treatable, illnesses. In all three nations we were continually aware of the Western and especially, the American, presence, and often had to consciously act so as to avoid it. In Almaty, Kazakhstan, there is the TexasKazakh Bank, an “Outback” steakhouse, and three luxurious and brand new hotels serving the international business community. In Beijing, major street signs are in English and Chinese and throughout the nation much is done to make travel easy for tourists. In China we talked with several young men who spoke a bit of English and were eager to learn more. One of these young men guided an English couple and us through the intricacies of changing money at a bank in return for the opportunity to speak English for an hour. And in Kyoto, it was hard not to feel that one was in a smaller, neater, more polite United States. By talking to people in all three nations we also learned the deep mistrust that pervades much of foreign relations in Asia. Some Japanese seem to view the Chinese as backward and uncultured, and also as a threat to Japanese economic dominance in East Asia. The Chinese have yet to forget their treatment at the hands of the Japanese before and during World War II. And, the Kazakhs worry at any moment the Chinese will invade to obtain Kazakhstan’s mineral riches. At the same time, there are friendly exchanges among the nations. We saw many Japanese tourists in China and Chinese students in Japan. And the planes from Urumqi, China, to Almaty, Kazkahstan, were filled with Russian Kazakhs on shopping trips to China, where goods are much cheaper. The contradictions and complexities we experienced gave us new enthusiasm for the coverage we were providing in the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia and a fresh appreciation for the challenges faced by scholars trying to explain in clear, accessible English the sheer variety, volatility, and vitality of the Asia of the twenty-first century.

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Content and Types of Articles The Encyclopedia of Modern Asia provides coverage of the following general topics: Arts, Literature, and Recreation Clothing Cuisine Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Education Ethnicity Geography and the Natural World Government, Politics, and Law History and Profile Human Rights International Relations Language and Communication Marriage and Family Media People, Cultures, and Society Provinces and Cities Regional and International Relations Religion and Philosophy Science, Technology, and Health Significant People For all of these topics there are both long and short articles, articles that focus on unique elements of a single nation or region, and general articles that allow comparisons across nations and regions. There are also several dozen pan-Asia articles, such as those on environmental issues, on organizations (United Nations, IMF) whose actions affect all of Asia, on events that impacted the entire continent (such as World War II), on relations between Asia and other parts of the world, and on pan-Asian trends concerning issues such as fertility and AIDS. In order to facilitate both understanding of each nation and comparisons across nations, we have included a standard list of articles for each nation or each region. For each nation or each subregion you will find articles on the political system, economic system, history, education system, human rights, cuisine, clothing, literature, arts, music, religion, marriage and family, international relations, marriage and family, media, women, and Westernization. Additional Content The Encyclopedia is enriched by maps, photos, and sidebars, which provide information not included in the articles themselves. The maps are meant to help the reader locate places mentioned in the entries. There are a general map of Asia and maps of each region in the front matter of each volume. Each nation—profile article (such as Bangladesh—Profile) includes a political map of the nation showing cities, natural features, and provinces as required. Other

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maps show the location of particular places, such as major rivers or lakes and accompany the entries on those topics. The photographs provide images of places, peoples, events mentioned in the text, and examples of important features of Asian life. They are meant to provide readers with another form of information about Asia and were carefully selected from the vast Corbis collection and from the private collection of Stephen G. Donaldson, who spent eighteen months photographing Asia from 1996 to 1998. The sidebars are an especially important part of the Encyclopedia. The content in the sidebars is meant to supplement the articles and provide readers with additional resources on Asia. The sidebars are of ten different types: 1. Extracts of text from historical documents, such as agreements, treaties, and conventions that provide readers with primary source documentation for significant events in the history, politics, and international relations of Asian nations. 2. Extracts of text from ethnography that provide readers with first-hand accounts of daily life and the cultures and customs of Asian peoples. 3. Extracts from the literature, poetry, drama, and religious texts of Asia that allow readers to experience the broad and deep literary traditions of Asia. 4. Recipes for dishes for all major Asian cuisines that enable readers to enjoy the riches and variety of Asian life by cooking Asian dishes themselves. 5. Up-to-date statistical profiles of each nation that provide readers with a snapshot of the nation and allow easy comparisons across nations. 6. The preambles to national constitutions, which accompany the Nation— Political System articles. These allow readers to experience the philosophy that forms the ideological basis for the nation. 7. Timelines that trace the history of nations and major eras and historical periods and that allow readers to quickly place events in their historical context. 8. Accounts by early travelers and settlers (mainly European) of life in Asia that provide readers with insights into how and why the European or Western image of Asia developed as it did. 9. Notations for the approximately one hundred places described in the encyclopedia that are designated by the United Nations as World Heritage Sites. These notations assist tourists in selecting sites to visit and in learning more about them. 10. Text written for the encyclopedia that highlights especially significant or interesting facts or that provides additional information. Using the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia The Encyclopedia is a complex work, and to help readers make most effective use of it, we have provided several user aids. Perhaps most important are the comprehensive index in Volume 6 and the Reader’s Guide at the front of each volume. The index helps readers find articles on related topics across the encyclopedia, while the Reader’s Guide helps readers find articles on related topics for each nation and region. In addition, there are more than one-hundred blind entries that direct readers to relevant articles as well as cross-references at the end of many articles. We have also tried to help readers in the manner in which we have organized the articles. The basic organization is A to Z from Volume 1 through Volume 6. Within this structure we have tried to group related articles together. For example, all basic survey articles on each nation are found under the nation’s name (for example, Pakistan—Profile, Pakistan—Economic System, Pakistan—Political System, and so forth). Also all major articles on a topic are placed together (for example, Islam— Myanmar, Islam—South Asia; Islam—Southeast Asia, and so forth).

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Finally, we have considered the needs of readers in the editorial and style decisions we made. Most importantly, we have made considerable effort to standardize spelling of places and names despite the considerable diversity of such spellings in the literature. Nonetheless, standardization is not complete as some contributors insisted that particular spellings be used. Also of much importance was our decision after much discussion and consultation with experts to not include diacritics except for the ayn and hamza used in Arabic, Persian, and related languages. (Our language articles are exceptions to this rule, as to express linguistic points it is often absolutely essential to use diacritics.) Our decision was based in part on the needs of general users who, we learned, are intimidated by diacritics which they do not understand. Our hope is that by letting general readers experience the richness of the Asian experience without the barrier of diacritics, we may draw people to further study—at which point they will be able to learn the complexities of the many often conflicting methods of representing Asian languages in English. Another issue was how to order the names of people covered or mentioned in the Encyclopedia. Our first principle in listing people was to list them by the significant identifying portion of their name. For most nationalities and ethnic groups, this is the family name. Because European and American family names come after the personal name, this means that European and American people are listed in the traditional inverted fashion familiar to users of catalogues and reference materials (for example, John Smith becomes Smith, John). Because Chinese, Japanese, and Korean family names come before the personal name, on the other hand, most entries for Chinese, Japanese, or Korean figures are listed in their traditional order, with no comma, as no inversion has occurred (so Mao Zedong is listed as Mao Zedong, not Mao, Zedong). In Thailand it is customary to identify people by their personal name rather than their family name, therefore Thai figures can be found under their personal name, with their family name coming second and no intervening comma. In the case of certain very well-known figures, however, a second principle came into play; namely, that we wanted to list people in the way that most readers would think to search for them. In some cases this second principle has led to deviations from the first principle. In all cases where there is ambiguity about a name or multiple wellknown spellings of a name (for instance, Genghis Khan versus Chinggis Khan), we have included blind entries to direct the reader to our listing of the figure in question. Final Thoughts Massive as this publication is, it is by no means the last word on Asia. We have felt constrained by space limitations as we learned more about the intricacies of regional relations in Asia and beyond and about the ever-present links between the past and the present and the future. In addition, as more nations, such as those in Central Asia, open up to more outside study, our knowledge of Asia will grow and change. For example, more and more Central Asian scholars are studying their nations, and their work is replacing that of previous generations of Russian scholars. Although this is a work produced by scholars and experts, it is intended for a broad audience. We hope that journalists, tourists, government officials, writers, teachers, and the general reading public will find something of interest and use. We welcome suggestions and corrections, and further information about modern Asia. Please write to us at [email protected] David Levinson and Karen Christensen Berkshire Publishing Group http://www.Berkshirepublishing.com

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Acknowledgments T

he purpose of this section is to explain the division of labor for the project and to publicly acknowledge and thank the many people who contributed to the project. The Encyclopedia of Modern Asia took nearly four years to organize and produce and involved the efforts of more than eight hundred people around the world. The first acknowledgment must go to editor Karen Christensen, CEO of Berkshire Publishing Group, who conceived the idea of a general encyclopedia on modern Asia and has served as a steadying influence and the project’s senior diplomat throughout its development. Her childhood passion for everything Japanese led to her trying to persuade her Minnesotan father to move the family to Japan instead of the Silicon Valley in 1968, so the encyclopedia has become the culmination of lifelong interest.

I served as senior project director and took primary responsibility for shaping the scope of the work, creating consistency across countries and regions, stepping in to deal with certain articles, reviewing articles as necessary, and managing the sidebar, photo, and map research. As a cultural anthropologist and editor, I welcomed the opportunity to work again with some of the contributors to the Encyclopedia of World Cultures and Encyclopedia of Cultural Anthropology, as well as with scholars from a wide variety of fields. In the early discussion stages of the project, several people were especially helpful, not all of whom became involved with or remained with the project. They are Virginia Aksan (McMaster University), Doris G. Bargen (University of Massachusetts, Amherst), Thomas Headland (Summer Institute of Linguistics), Paul Hockings (University of Illinois, Chicago), Jennifer Jay (University of Alberta), Anatoly Khazanov (University of Wisconsin), Uli Schamiloglu (University of Wisconsin), Caroline Herrick (editor of Persimmon: Asian Literature, Arts, and Culture), Jonathan Benthall (Royal Anthropological Institute, London), the late Douglas Pike (Texas Tech University), and William McNeill (Emeritus, University of Chicago). The editors and associate editors played a major role in selecting topics for coverage, recommending contributors, and reviewing articles. Editors are Virginia Aksan (McMaster University), Edward Beauchamp (University of Hawaii, Honolulu), Anthony and Rebecca Bichel (Central Michigan University and Pennsylvania State University), Linsun Cheng (University of Massachusetts, Dartmouth), Gerald Fry (University of Minnesota), Bruce Fulton (University of British Columbia), Paul Hockings (University of Illinois, Chicago), and Robert LaPorte, Jr. (Pennsylvania State

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University). The associate editors are Linda Arthur (University of Hawaii, Manoa), Jamal Elias (Amherst College), Allen Guttmann (Amherst College), Josie Hernandez de Leon (Laurentian University), Gustaaf Houtman (Royal Anthropological Institute, London), Bruce Lockhart (Singapore National University), Patit Mishra (Sambalpur University), and Anthony Smith (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies). Editorial board members also advised on numerous editorial issues, and Bruce Fulton, Gerald Fry, and Josie Hernandez de Leon must be thanked for their wise counsel and timely help on these matters. In addition, Stephen Forrest (University of Massachusetts, Amherst) was a ready source of counsel. The work on the Encyclopedia is perhaps best described as evolutionary, with the list of articles and contributors not completely finalized until the last few months of the project. At various stages, several experts provided timely and very helpful assistance in recommending changes to the article list and suggesting contributors: David Buck (University of Wisconsin), Marta Simidchieva (York University), Thomas Dolan (Colombus State Universirty), Vincent Kelly Pollard (University of Hawaii, Manoa), Kevin Alan Brook, Paul Kratoska (National University of Singapore), and Kirk Denton (Ohio State University). We also want to acknowledge and thank publicly our hosts in Asia who opened many doors that would not otherwise been available to us: Dr. Marty Barrett and the Rotary Club in Almaty, Wu Shao Ping and Dr. Chen Bao-xing in Beijing, and Fusako and Hideo Higuchi in Japan. The Encyclopedia was developed and managed from our offices in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, a small New England town with a population of 7,700, only a few miles from Stockbridge where Norman Rockwell painted some of the most well-known images of an idealized American way of life. The languages spoken by staffers over the course of the project include Korean, Turkish, Japanese, Persian, Hindi, and Mandarin. Junhee ( June) Kim, Project Editor, managed the project and deserves unbounded praise for so smoothly coordinating the work of some eight hundred editors, authors, and copy editors and managing the flow of more than twenty-six hundred manuscripts. For her, dealing with hundreds of e-mails a day was routine. June was born in Korea, moved to Thailand at age six with her family, then to Turkey for high school and to the United States for college—experiences that left her uniquely qualified to carry out the responsibilities of Project Editor. Senior Editor Francesca Forrest did an incredible job managing the enormously complex editorial side of the project. With many years specializing in editing resources on Asia and several years’ residence in Japan, she was just the right person to develop the editorial guidelines and manage the copyediting and fact-checking processes. The consistency one sees across articles—and the sensible editorial decisions behind this consistency—is largely due to her efforts. She was ably aided by Associate Editor Marcy Ross who also smoothly handled a good bit of the fact-checking and updating of the articles. Debbie Dillon and Trevor Young deserve special mention for so cheerfully meeting our programming needs to provide the complex database system needed to manage the project. Other members of the Berkshire staff who cheerfully pitched in when needed were Ben Manning, Shana Stalker, Robin O’Sullivan, Poyan Lofti, George Woodward, and Liz Eno. Interns Shannon Bell and James McGirk relieved us of many of the clerical tasks; James also gathered information for a number of the sidebars. We also want to thank Paul Exner at Exner Productions for producing the maps

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and Steve Donaldson for supplying a portion of the photos and the stories of his travels that went with them. At Scribners, we want to thank Karen Day for signing the project four years ago and Frank Menchaca and Tim DeWerff for their strong support. John Fitzpatrick and Sarah Feehan made coordination and delivery of the manuscript smooth and easy, and their timely responses to our questions helped move the project along. Finally, our thanks go to Encyclopedia editors Gerald Fry and Linsun Cheng, Robert Baensch of the New York University Center for Publishing, Kalai Huang of the Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts, friend and author Simon Winchester, and Hahm Chaibong of Yonsei University for the contacts they provided when Karen Christensen again visited China in August 2002, as the final typesetting for the Encyclopedia of Modern Asia was taking place. Our effort to bring information about Asia to students in the U.S. is welcomed in Asia itself, and the networks developed through our work with hundreds of scholars around the globe continue to expand and provide inspiration for further research and publishing efforts. David Levinson Berkshire Publishing Group Great Barrington, Massachusetts

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Survey of Asia’s Regions and Nations

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he Encyclopedia of Modern Asia covers thirty-three nations in depth and also the Caucasus and Siberia. We have divided Asia into five major subregions and assigned the thirty-three nations to each. West and Southwest Asia The West Asian nations covered in detail here are Turkey, Iran, and Iraq. Afghanistan and Pakistan form Southwest Asia, although in some classifications they are placed in Central and South Asia, respectively. Afghanistan, on the crossroads of civilizations for thousands of years, is especially difficult to classify and displays features typical of Central, West, and South Asia.

Despite diversity in language (Persian in Iran, Arabic in Iraq, Turkish in Turkey) form of government (theocracy in Iran, dictatorship in Iraq, and unstable democracy in Turkey) and international ties (Iran to the Islamic world, Iraq to the Arab Middle East, Turkey to the West), there are several sources of unity across West Asia. Perhaps the oldest is geographical location as the site of transportation routes between Europe and Central, East, and South Asia. Since ancient times, people, goods, wealth, and ideas have flowed across the region. In 2002 the flow of oil was most important, from the wells of Iran and Iraq through the pipelines of Turkey. Another source of unity is Sunni Islam, a major feature of life since the seventh century, although Iran is mainly the minority Shia tradition and there have long been Zoroastrian, Jewish, Christian, and Baha’i minorities in the region. Diversity is also evident in the fact that Turkey is a “secular” state while Iran is a theocracy, and in the conflict between fundamentalist and mainstream Islam in all the nations. Another important common thread is the shared historical experience of being part of the Ottoman Empire and having to cope with British and Russian designs on their territory and, more recently, American influence. And, in the twentieth century, all three nations have sought to deal with the Kurdish minority and its demands for a Kurdish state to be established on land taken from all three nations. Unity across Afghanistan and Pakistan is created by adherence to Sunni Islam (although there is a Shiite minority in Afghanistan) and the prominence of the Pashtun ethnic group in each nation. Both nations also experienced British colonialism, although the long-term British influence is more notable in Pakistan, which had been

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tied to India under British rule. West Asia is the only region in the world never colonized by Britain, although some experts argue that it did experience significant British cultural influence. In all nations resistance to external control—British, Russian, or United States—is another common historical experience. Across the region (although less so in Afghanistan) is the stark contrast between the traditional culture and the modernity of liberation from imperial rule, still not complete across the region. This contrast is apparent in clothing styles, manners, architecture, recreation, marriage practices, and many elements of daily life. In 2002 all the nations faced a water crisis of both too little water and water pollution. They all also faced issues of economic and social development, including reducing external debt, controlling inflation, reducing unemployment, improving education and health care, and continually reacting to the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict, which exacerbates many of these problems. The governments also faced the difficult task of solving these problems while resisting Americanization and also while controlling internal political unrest. Political unrest is often tied to efforts at creating democratic governments and the persistence of elite collaboration with tyrannical governments. Central Asia Central Asia is known by many names, including Eurasia, Middle Asia, and Inner Asia. At its core, the region is composed of five states that became independent nations following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Scholars sometimes include Afghanistan, Mongolia and the Xinjiang province of China within the label Central Asia. For this project, Central Asia is restricted to the five former Soviet countries, while Afghanistan is classified in Southwest Asia, and Mongolia and Xinjiang as part of East Asia. These states have a shared landmass of 1.5 million square miles, about one-half the size of the United States. The region’s unity comes from a shared history and religion. Central Asia saw two cultural and economic traditions blossom and intermix along the famed Silk Road: nomadic and sedentary. Nomadic herdsmen, organized into kinship groupings of clans, lived beside sedentary farmers and oasis city dwellers. Four of the countries share Turkic roots, while the Tajiks are of Indo-European descent, linguistically related to the Iranians. While still recognizable today, this shared heritage has developed into distinct ethnic communities. The peoples of Central Asia have seen centuries of invasion, notably the legendary Mongol leader Genghis Khan in the thirteenth century, the Russians in the nineteenth and the Soviets in the twentieth century. For better or worse, each invader left behind markers of their presence: the Arabs introduced Islam in the seventh century. Today Islam is the predominant religion in the region, and most Central Asians are Sunni Muslims. The Russians brought the mixed legacy of modernism, including an educated populace, alarming infant mortality rates, strong economic and political participation by women, high agricultural development, and environmental disasters such as the shrinking of the Aral Sea. It was under Russian colonialism that distinct ethno-national boundaries were created to divide the people of the region. These divisions largely shape the contemporary Central Asian landscape. Today the five Central Asian nations face similar challenges: building robust economies, developing stable, democratic governments, and integrating themselves into the regional and international communities as independent states. They come to these challenges with varied resources: Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan have rich oil reserves; several countries have extensive mineral deposits; and the Fergana Valley is but one example of the region’s rich agricultural regions.

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Finally, the tragic events of September 11, 2001, cast world attention on Afghanistan’s neighbors in Central Asia. The “war on terrorism” forged new alliances and offered a mix of political pressure and economic support for the nations’ leaders to suppress their countries’ internal fundamentalist Muslim movements. Southeast Asia Southeast Asia is conventionally defined as that subregion of Asia consisting of the eleven nation-states of Brunei, Cambodia, East Timor, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Myanmar is sometimes alternatively classified as part of South Asia and Vietnam as in East Asia. The region may be subdivided into Mainland Southeast Asia (Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Vietnam) and Insular Southeast Asia (Brunei, East Timor, Indonesia, Philippines, and Singapore). Malaysia is the one nation in the region that is located both on the mainland and islands, though ethnically it is more linked to the island nations of Indonesia, Brunei, and the Philippines. Perhaps the key defining features for the region and those that are most widespread are the tropical monsoon climate, rich natural resources, and a way of life in rural areas based on cooperative wet-rice agriculture that goes back several thousand years. In the past unity was also created in various places by major civilizations, including those of Funan, Angkor, Pagan, Sukhothai, Majapahit, Srivijaya, Champa, Ayutthaya, and Melaka. Monarchies continue to be significant in several nation—Brunei, Cambodia, Malaysia, and Thailand—today. Subregional unity has also been created since ancient times by the continued use of written languages, including Vietnamese, Thai, Lao, Khmer and the rich literary traditions associated with those languages. The region can also be defined as being located between China and India and has been influenced by both, with Indian influence generally broader, deeper, and longer lasting, especially on the mainland, except for Vietnam and Singapore, where influences from China have been more important. Islamic influence is also present in all eleven of the Southeast Asian nations. Culturally, Southeast Asia is notable for the central importance of the family, religion (mainly Buddhism and Islam), and aesthetics in daily life and national consciousness. In the post–World War II Cold War era, there was a lack of regional unity. Some nations, such as Indonesia under Sukarno, were leaders of the nonaligned nations. Countries such as Thailand and the Philippines joined the U.S. side in the Cold War by being part of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). A move toward greater unity was achieved with the establishment of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967, with the founding members being Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. Subsequently other Southeast Asian nations joined ASEAN (Brunei, 1984; Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam 1997; Cambodia 1999). As of 2002, communism was still the system in Laos and Vietnam and capitalism in Brunei, Cambodia, East Timor, the Philippines Thailand, Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore. Political, economic, and cultural cooperation is fostered by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), with headquarters in Jakarta, Indonesia. Economically, all the nations have attempted to move, although at different speeds and with different results, from a reliance on agriculture to an industrial or service-based economy. All nations also suffered in the Asian economic crisis beginning in July 1997. Alongside these sources of similarity or unity that allow us to speak of Southeast Asia as a region is also considerable diversity. In the past religion, ethnicity, and diverse colonial experience (British, Dutch, French, American) were major sources of diversity. Today, the three major sources of diversity are religion, form of government, and level of economic development. Three nations (Indonesia, Malaysia,

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Brunei) are predominately Islamic, five are mainly Buddhist (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar), two are mainly Christian (Philippines and East Timor), and Singapore is religiously heterogeneous. In addition, there is religious diversity within nations, as all these nations have sizeable and visible religious minorities and indigenous religions, in both traditional and syncretic forms, also remain important. In terms of government, there is considerable variation: communism in Vietnam and Laos; state socialism in Myanmar; absolute monarchy in Brunei; evolving democracy in the Philippines, Thailand, Cambodia, and Indonesia; and authoritarian democracy in Malaysia and Singapore. The economic variation that exists among the nations and also across regions within nations is reflected in different levels of urbanization and economic development, with Singapore and Malaysia at one end of the spectrum and Laos and Cambodia at the other. Myanmar is economically underdeveloped, although it is urbanized, while Brunei is one of the wealthiest nations in the world but not very urbanized. In 2002, Southeast Asia faced major environmental, political, economic, and health issues. All Southeast Asian nations suffer from serious environmental degradation, including water pollution, soil erosion, air pollution in and around cities, traffic congestion, and species extinctions. To a significant extent all these problems are the result of rapid industrial expansion and overexploitation of natural resources for international trade. The economic crisis has hampered efforts to address these issues and has threatened the economies of some nations, making them more dependent on international loans and assistance from nations such as Japan, Australia, and China. The persisting economic disparities between the rich and the poor are actually exacerbated by rapid economic growth. Related to poverty is the AIDS epidemic, which is especially serious in Cambodia, Myanmar, and Thailand and becoming more serious in Vietnam; in all these nations it associated with the commercial sex industry. Politically, many Southeast Asian nations faced one or more threats to their stability. Political corruption, lack of transparency, and weak civic institutions are a problem to varying degrees in all the nations but are most severe in Indonesia, which faces threats to its sovereignty. Cambodia and Thailand face problems involving monarch succession, and several nations have had difficulty finding effective leaders. Myanmar’s authoritarian rulers face a continual threat from the political opposition and from ethnic and religious separatists. In addition, several nations faced continuing religious or ethnic-based conflicts that disrupt political stability and economic growth in some provinces. The major conflicts involve Muslim separatists in the southern Philippines, Muslims and Christians in some Indonesian islands and Aceh separatists in northern Sumatra, and Muslims and the Karen and other ethnic groups against the Burman government in Myanmar. Since the economic crisis of 1997, ethnic and religion-based conflict has intensified, as wealthier ethnic or religious minorities have increasingly been attacked by members of the dominant ethnic group. A related issue is the cultural and political future of indigenous peoples, including the so-called hill tribes of the mainland and horticulturalists and former hunter-gatherers of the islands. In looking to the future, among the region’s positive features are the following. First, there is Southeast Asia’s strategic location between India and China, between Japan and Europe, and between Europe and Oceania. It stands in close proximity to the world’s two most populous countries, China and India. Singapore, the centrally located port in Southeast Asia, is one of two major gateways to the dynamic Pacific Basin (the other is the Panama Canal). Second, there is the region’s huge population and related economic market, with a total population approaching that of one half of China’s. Indonesia is the world’s fourth most populous nation. Third, there is enor-

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mous tourist potential in sites and recreational locales such as Angkor Wat, Bali, Borobudur, Phuket, and Ha Long Bay. Fourth, there is the region’s notable eclecticism in borrowing from the outside and resiliency in transcending tragedies such as experienced by Cambodia and Vietnam. Fifth, there is the region’s significant economic potential: Southeast Asia may well have the world’s highest-quality labor force relative to cost. And, sixth, there is the region’s openness to new technologies and ideas, an important feature in the modern global community. South Asia South Asia is the easiest region to demarcate, as it is bounded by the Hindu Kush and Himalayan ranges to the north and the Bay of Bengal and Arabian Sea to the south. It contains the nation-states of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka and the more distant island nations of the Maldives and Mauritius. Myanmar and Pakistan, which are considered part of South Asia in some schemes, are here classified in Southeast Asia and Southwest Asia, respectively. While the region is diverse economically, culturally, linguistically, and religiously, there is unity that, in some form, has existed for several thousand years. One source of unity is the historical influence of two major civilizations (Indus and Dravidian) and three major religions (Hinduism, Buddhism, and Islam). Regionally, Sikhism and Jainism have been of great importance. There is also considerable economic unity, as the majority of people continue to live by farming, with rice and especially wet-rice the primary crop. In addition, three-quarters of the people continue to live in rural, agricultural villages, although this has now become an important source of diversity, with clear distinctions between urban and rural life. A third source of unity is the caste system, which continues to define life for most people in the three mainland nations. Another source of unity is the nature and structure of society, which was heavily influenced by the several centuries of British rule. A final source of political unity in the twentieth century—although sometimes weakened by ethnic and religious differences—has been nationalism in each nation. South Asia is diverse linguistically, ethnically, religiously, and economically. This diversity is most obvious in India, but exists in various forms in other nations, except for the isolated Maldives, which is the home of one ethnic group, the Divehi, who are Muslims and who have an economy based largely on tourism and fishing. The dozens of languages of South Asia fall into four major families: Indo-European, Austroasiatic, Dravidian, and Tibeto-Burman and several cannot be classified at all. Because of its linguistic diversity, India is divided into “linguistic” states with Hindi and English serving as the national languages. Hinduism is the dominant religion in South Asia, but India is the home also to Buddhism, Jainism, and Sikhism. India also has over 120 million Muslims and the world’s largest Zoroastrian population (known in India as Parsis) and Bangladesh is a predominately Muslim nation. India also has about twenty-five million Christians and until recently India had several small but thriving Jewish communities. Nepal is mainly Hindu with a Buddhist minority, and Bhutan the reverse. Sri Lanka is mainly Theravada Buddhist with Hindu, Muslim, and Christian minorities. Mauritius, which has no indigenous population, is about 50 percent Hindu, with a large Christian and smaller Muslim and Buddhist minorities. Linguistic and religious diversity is more than matched by social diversity. One classification suggests that the sociocultural groups of South Asia can be divided into four general and several subcategories: (1) castes (Hindu and Muslim); (2) modern urban classes (including laborers, non-Hindus, and the Westernized elite); (3) hill tribes of at least six types; and (4) peripatetics.

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Economically, there are major distinctions between the rural poor and the urban middle class and elite, and also between the urban poor and urban middle class and elite. There are also significant wealth distinctions based on caste and gender, and a sizeable and wealthy Indian diaspora. There is political diversity as well, with India and Sri Lanka being democracies, Bangladesh shifting back and forth between Islamic democracy and military rule, the Maldives being an Islamic state, and Nepal and Bhutan being constitutional monarchies. In 2002, South Asia faced several categories of issues. Among the most serious are the ongoing ethnic and religious conflicts between Muslims and Hindus in India, the conflict between the nations of Pakistan and India; the ethnic conflict between the Sinhalese and Sri Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka; and the conflict between the Nepalese and Bhutanese in both nations. There are also various ethnic separatists movements in the region, as involving some Sikhs in India. The most threatening to order in the region and beyond is the conflict between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region, as both have nuclear weapons and armies gathered at their respective borders. A second serious issue is the host of related environmental problems, including pollution; limited water resources; overexploitation of natural resources; destruction and death caused by typhoons, flooding, and earthquakes; famine (less of a problem today), and epidemics of tropical and other diseases. The Maldives faces the unique problem of disappearing into the sea as global warming melts glaciers and raises the sea level. Coastal regions of Bangladesh could also suffer from this. There are pressing social, economic, and political issues as well. Socially, there are wide and growing gaps between the rich and middle classes and the poor, who are disproportionately women and children and rural. Tribal peoples and untouchables still do not enjoy full civil rights, and women are often discriminated against, although India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh have all had women prime ministers. Economically, all the nations continue to wrestle with the issues involved in transforming themselves from mainly rural, agricultural nations to ones with strong industrial and service sectors. Politically, all still also struggle with the task of establishing strong, central governments that can control ethnic, religious, and region variation and provide services to the entire population. Despite these difficulties, there are also positive developments. India continues to benefit from the inflow of wealth earned by Indians outside India and is emerging as a major technological center. And, in Sri Lanka, an early 2002 cease-fire has led to the prospect of a series of peace negotiations in the near future. East Asia East Asia is defined here as the nations of Japan, South Korea, North Korea, China, Taiwan, and Mongolia. It should be noted that Taiwan is part of China although the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China (Taiwan) differ over whether it is a province or not. The inclusion of China in East Asia is not entirely geographically and culturally valid, as parts of southern China could be classified as Southeast Asian from a geographical and cultural standpoint, while western China could be classified as Central Asian. However, there is a long tradition of classifying China as part of East Asia, and that is the approach taken here. Likewise, Mongolia is sometimes classified in Central Asia. As noted above, Siberia can be considered as forming North and Northeast Asia. Economic, political, ideological, and social similarity across China, Korea (North and South), and Japan is the result of several thousand years of Chinese influence (at times strong, at other times weak), which has created considerable similarity on a base of pre-existing Japanese and Korean cultures and civilizations. China’s influence was

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greatest before the modern period and Chinese culture thus in some ways forms the core of East Asian culture and society. At the same time, it must be stressed that Chinese cultural elements merged with existing and new Korean and Japanese ones in ways that produced the unique Japanese and Korean cultures and civilizations, which deserve consideration in their own right. Among the major cultural elements brought from China were Buddhism and Confucianism, the written language, government bureaucracy, various techniques of rice agriculture, and a patrilineal kinship system based on male dominance and male control of family resources. All of these were shaped over the centuries to fit with existing or developing forms in Korea and Japan. For example, Buddhism coexists with Shinto in Japan. In Korea, it coexists with the indigenous shamanistic religion. In China and Korea traditional folk religion remains strong, while Japan has been the home to dozens of new indigenous religions over the past 150 years. Diversity in the region has been largely a product of continuing efforts by the Japanese and Koreans to resist Chinese influence and develop and stress Japanese and Korean culture and civilization. In the twentieth century diversity was mainly political and economic. Japanese invasions and conquests of parts of China and all of Korea beginning in the late nineteenth century led to hostile relations that had not been completely overcome in 2002. In the post–World War II era and after, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea have been closely allied with the United States and the West; they have all developed powerful industrial and postindustrial economies. During the same period, China became a Communist state; significant ties to the West and economic development did not begin until the late 1980s. North Korea is also a Communist state; it lags behind the other nations in economic development and in recent years has not been able to produce enough food to feed its population. In 2002 China was the emerging economic power in the region, while Taiwan and South Korea held on and Japan showed signs of serious and long-term economic decline, although it remained the second-largest (after the United States) economy in the world. Mongolia, freed from Soviet rule, is attempting to build its economy following a capitalist model. Politically, China remains a Communist state despite significant moves toward market capitalism, North Korea is a Communist dictatorship, Japan a democracy, and South Korea and Taiwan in 1990s seem to have become relatively stable democracies following periods of authoritarian rule. Significant contact among the nations is mainly economic, as efforts at forging closer political ties remain stalled over past grievances. For example, in 2001, people in China and South Korea protested publicly about a new Japanese high school history textbook that they believed did not fully describe Japanese atrocities committed toward Chinese and Koreans before and during World War II. Japan has refused to revise the textbook. Similarly, tension remains between Mongolia and China over Mongolian fears about Chinese designs on Mongolian territory. Inner Mongolia is a province of China. Major issues with regional and broader implications are the reunification of Taiwan and China and North and South Korea, and threat of war should reunification efforts go awry. Other major regional issues include environmental pollution, including air pollution from China that spreads east, and pollution of the Yellow Sea, Taiwan Strait, and South China Sea. A third issue is economic development and stability, and the role of each nation, and the region as a unit, in the growing global economy. A final major issue is the emergence of China as a major world political, economic, and military power at the expense of Taiwan, South Korea, and Japan, and the consequences for regional political relations and stability.

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Overview As the above survey indicates, Asia is a varied and dynamic construct. To some extent the notion of Asia, as well as regions within Asia, are artificial constructs imposed by outside observers to provide some structure to a place and subject matter that might otherwise be incomprehensible. The nations of Asia have rich and deep pasts that continue to inform and shape the present—and that play a significant role in relations with other nations and regions. The nations of Asia also face considerable issues—some unique to the region, others shared by nations around the world— as well as enormous potential for future growth and development. We expect that the next edition of this encyclopedia will portray a very different Asia than does this one, but still an Asia that is in many ways in harmony with its pasts. David Levinson (with contributions from Virginia Aksan, Edward Beauchamp, Anthony and Rebecca Bichel, Linsun Cheng, Gerald Fry, Bruce Fulton, and Paul Hockings)

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Reader’s Guide ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Asian Games Board Games Chinese New Year Jade Kabaddi Kites and Kite Flying Mountaineering Olympics Storytelling Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Asian Development Bank Asian Economic Crisis of 1997 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Forum Automobile Industry Bogor Declaration Drug Trade Export-Led Development Golden Crescent High-Technology Industry Information Technology Industry Intellectual Property Islamic Banking Manila Action Plan Measurement Systems Osaka Action Plan Shanghai Cooperation Organization Silk Road Spice Trade Sustainability Tin Industry Tourism World Bank in Asia

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Geography and the Natural World Air Pollution Bamboo Buffalo, Water Camel, Bactrian Caspian Sea Chicken Cormorant Deforestation Duck and Goose, Domesticated Earthquakes Endangered Species Goat Mangroves Monsoons Opium Pacific Ocean Pacific Rim Pig Rhinocerous, Asiatic Rice and Rice Agriculture Soil Loss South China Sea Surkhob River Tiger Toxic-Waste Disposal Typhoons Volcanoes Water Issues Government, Politics, and Law Corruption International Relations Africa-Asia Relations Australia-Asia Relations

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ASIA (continued) International Relations (continued) Europe-Asia Relations International Monetary Fund Land Mines New Zealand-Asia Relations Nuclear Arms United Nations World War I World War II Language and Communication Altaic Languages Austroasiatic Languages English in Asia Hmong-Mien Languages Indo-European Languages Language Purification Media Self-Censorship Sinitic Languages Tibeto-Burman Languages Turkic Languages Uralic Languages Peoples, Cultures, and Society Fertility Homosexuality New Rich Orientalism Religion and Philosophy Asian-Christian Religious Dialogue Baraka Muslim Saints Religious Self-Mortification Shamanism Sharia Zoroastrianism Science,Technology, and Health AIDS Disease, Tropical Terrace Irrigation CENTRAL ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Alpamish Architectural Decoration—Central Asia Architecture—Central Asia Buzkashi Carpets—Central Asia Chagatay Cuisine—Central Asia Dance—Central Asia Dastan, Turkic Dombra Edige

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Felting—Central Asia Fine Arts—Central Asia Folklore—Central Asia Gorkut Ata Koroghli Literature—Central Asia Minaret Music—Central Asia Nava’i, Mir’ Ali Shir Tile Work—Central Asia Woodworking—Central Asia Kazakhstan Auezov, Mukhtar Dauylpaz Dulatov, Mirzhaqyp Kalmakanov, Bukharzhrau Kobyz Kunanbaev, Abai Mailin, Beiimbet Makhambet Utemisov Seifullin, Saduakas Taimanov, Isatai Valikhanov, Chokan Aitmatov, Chingis Manas Epic Tajikistan Bun Bang Fai Turkmenistan Kuli, Maktum Uzbekistan Abdalrauf Fitrat Abdullah Quaisi Mamadali Mahmudov Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Agriculture—Central Asia Caravans Energy—Central Asia Oil and Mineral Industries—Central Asia Kazakhstan Kazakhstan—Economic System Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan—Economic System Tajikistan Tajikistan—Economic System Turkmenistan Turkmenistan—Economic System Uzbekistan Uzbekistan—Economic System Education Madrasahs Kazakhstan Altynsarin, Ibrahim Kazakhstan—Education System

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Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan—Education System Tajikistan Tajikistan—Education System Turkmenistan Turkmenistan—Education System Uzbekistan Alisher Navoiy Samarkand State University Uzbekistan—Education System Geography and the Natural World Altay Mountains Aral Sea Bactria Balkhash, Lake Camel, Arvana Dromedary Fergana Valley Horse, Akhal-teke Horse, Karabair Horse, Lokai Kara-Kum Desert Khwarizm Leopard, Snow Murgab River Pamir Range Paracel Islands Radioactive Waste and Contamination— Central Asia Sheep, Karakul Sheep, Marco Polo Syr Dar’ya Tedzhen River Tobol River Trans Alai Tura Lowland Turugart Pass Ustyurt Plateau Zerafshan River Kazakhstan Irtysh River Ishim River Kazakh Uplands Mangyshlak Peninsula Turgay Plateau Tajikistan Kafirnigan River Sarez Lake Turkmenistan Garabil Plateau Government, Politics, and Law Basmachi Movement Communism—Central Asia Great Game Russification and Sovietization—Central Asia Timur

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Tribes and Tribal Federations—Central Asia Urgench Kazakhstan Almaty Astana Bokeikhanov, Alikhan Kazakhstan—Political System Kunaev, Dinmukhamed Nazarbaev, Nursultan Oral Petropavlovsk Saryshaghan Semipalatinsk Movement Seralin, Mukhammedzhan Suleimenov, Olzhas Kyrgyzstan Akaev, Askar Aksakal Bishkek Kurmanjan Datka Kyrgyzstan—Political System Osh Usubaliev, Turdakun Usubalievich Tajikistan Dushanbe Gafurov, Bobojan Gafurovich Islamic Renaissance Party—Tajikistan Khorog Khujand Kulob Nabiev, Rakhmon Qurghonteppa Rakhmonov, Imomali Tajikistan—Political System Tajikistan Civil War Turkmenistan Ashgabat Mary Niyazov, Saparmurat Turkmenabat Turkmenistan—Political System Uzbekistan Bukhara Guliston Karakalpakstan Karimov, Islam Karshi Mahalla Nukus Rashidov, Sharof Rashidovich Samarqand Tashkent Termez Uzbekistan—Political System

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CENTRAL ASIA (continued) History and Profile Bukhara, Khanate of Central Asia—Early Medieval Period Central Asia—Late Medieval and Early Modern Central Asia—Modern Khiva, Khanate of Paleoanthropology—Central Asia Quqon, Khanate of Kazakhstan Kazakhstan—History Kazakhstan—Profile Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan—History Kyrgyzstan—Profile Tajikistan Tajikistan—History Tajikistan—Profile Turkmenistan Turkmenistan—History Turkmenistan—Profile Uzbekistan Uzbekistan—History Uzbekistan—Profile International Relations Central Asia—Human Rights Central Asia-China Relations Central Asian Regionalism Central Asia-Russia Relations Language and Communication Central Asian Languages Farsi-Tajiki Media—Central Asia Kazakhstan Ai Qap Baitursynov, Akhmet Kazak Leninshil Zhas Peoples, Cultures, and Society Dungans Germans in Central Asia Kalym Kishlak Koreans in Central Asia Marriage and Family—Central Asia Nomadic Pastoralism—Central Asia Pamir Peoples Russians in Central Asia Westernization—Central Asia Women in Central Asia Yurt Kazakhstan Kazakhs

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Kyrgyzstan Clothing, Traditional—Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyz Tajikistan Clothing, Traditional—Tajikistan Tajiks Turkmenistan Clothing, Traditional—Turkmenistan Turkmen Uzbekistan Clothing, Traditional—Uzbekistan Karakalpaks Uzbeks Religion and Philosophy Buddhism—Central Asia Bukharian Jews Christianity—Central Asia Islam—Central Asia Ismaili Sects—Central Asia Jadidism Minaret Muslim Religious Board of Central Asia Naqshbandiya Science,Technology, and Health Ariq Water System Ibn Sina Kara-Kum Canal Kariz Irrigation System Medicine, Traditional—Central Asia EAST ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation China Ang Lee Architecture—China Architecture, Vernacular—China Ba Jin Beijing Opera Birds and Bird Cages Calligraphy—China Cao Xueqin Chen Kaige Chuci Ci Cinema—China Cloisonne Cui Jian Cuisine—China Dazu Rock Carvings Ding Ling Dragon Boat Festival Drama—China Du Fu Five Classics

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Fu Baoshi Gao Xingjian Gardening—China Ginseng Gong Li Guo Moruo Hong lou meng Hong Shen Humor in Chinese History Hungry Ghost Festival Imperial Palace International Labor Day—China Jin ping mei Lao She Li Bai Literature—China Longmen Grottoes Lu Xun Mei Lanfang Mid-Autumn Festival Mogao Caves Music—China National Day—China Nu Shooting Painting—China Poetry—China Qi Baishi Qigong Qin Tomb Qingming Qiu Jin Quan Tangshi Shadow Plays and Puppetry Shen Congwen Shi Shijing Social Realism—China Sports—China Spring Festival—China Summer Palace Tai Chi Tea—China Temple of Heaven Thirteen Ming Tombs Tian Han Tofu Twelve Muqam Wang Yiting Wu Changshi Wushu Xiqu Xu Beihong Xu Zhimo Zhang Yimou

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Dance, Modern— East Asia Lacquerware Masks—East Asia Porcelain—East Asia Japan Aikido Ando Tadao Anime Aoi Matsuri Arata Isozaki Architecture—Japan Architecture—Modern Japan Baseball—Japan Basho Bento Biwa Bon Matsuri Bonsai Bunjinga Bunraku Calligraphy—Japan Ceramics—Japan Children’s Day—Japan Chugen Cinema—Japan Cinema, Contemporary—Japan Cuisine—Japan Dazai Osamu Drama—Japan Edogawa Rampo Emakimono Enchi Fumiko Endo Shusaku Eto Jun Fugu Fujieda Shizuo Fujisawa Takeo Fujita Tsuguhara Fukuchi Gen’ichiro Fukuzawa Yukichi Funakoshi Gichin Futabatei, Shimei Geisha Gion Matsuri Haiku Hakata Matsuri Hayashi Hina Matsuri Hiratsuka Raicho Iaido Ito Noe Judo Jujutsu Kabuki

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EAST ASIA (continued) Arts, Literature, and Recreation (continued) Japan (continued) Karaoke Karate Kawabata Yasunari Kendo Koto Kouta Kurokawa Kisho Literature—Japan Manga Mori Ogai Murasaki Shikibu Music—Japan Music, Ryukyuan Naguata Natsume Soseki Nihonga Noh-Kyogen Oe Kenzaburo Oh Sadaharu Origami Pachinko Painting—Japan Poetry—Japan Shakuhachi Shamisen Shimazaki Toson Sports—Japan Tange Kenzo Tanizaki Jun’ichiro Tatsuno Kingo Tea Ceremony Teahouses Three Imperial Regalia—Japan Utai Yoga Koreas Architecture—Korea Calligraphy—Korea Ceramics—Korea Chajon Nori Ch’oe Nam-son Ch’usok Cuisine—Korea Dance—Korea Dance Drama, Mask—Korea Drama—Korea Hanshik Hwang Sun-won Kim Myong-sun Kim Sowol Literature—Korea

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Music—Korea Paik, Nam June Painting—Korea Pak Kyung-ri P’ansori Paper Crafts and Arts—Korea Poetry—Korea Pojagi Shin Saimdang So Chongju Sol Sottal Sports—Korea Ssirum Tae Kwon Do Tanch’ong Tano Yi Kyu-bo Yi Mun-yol Yun Sun-do Mongolia Buh Cuisine—Mongolia Damdinsuren, Tsendiyn Geser Khan Khararkhi Natsagdori, Dashdorjiyn Economics, Commerce, and Transportation China Agriculture—China Agricultural Collectivization—China China—Economic System Defense Industry—China Development Zones—China Energy Industry—China Fishing Industry—China Household Responsibility System—China Machinery and Equipment Industry—China Privatization—China Rural Workers, Surplus—China Salt Tax Shanghai Pudong New Area Shenzhen Special Economic Zone South Manchuria Railway Special Economic Zones—China Taiwan Economic Miracle Taiwan Investment in Asia Toy Industry—China Transportation System—China Department Stores—East Asia Textile and Clothing Industry—East Asia Japan Danchi Denki Roren

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Economic Planning Agency Economic Stabilization Program Electronics Industry—Japan Farmer’s Movement Financial Crisis of 1927 Fishing Industry—Japan Furukawa Ichibei Japan—Economic System Japan—Money Japanese Firms Abroad Japanese Foreign Investments Japanese International Cooperation Agency Kawasaki Nikkyoso Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund Quality Circles Ringi System Settai Shibusawa Eiichi Shunto Whaling—Japan Koreas Chaebol Fishing Industry—Korea Food Crisis—North Korea North and South Korean Economic Ventures North Korea—Economic System South Korea—Economic System Steel Industry—Korea Mongolia Cashmere Industry Forest Industry—Mongolia Mongolia—Economic System Trans-Mongolian Railway Education China Academia Sinica China—Education System Hu Shi National Taiwan University Peking University Taiwan—Education System Japan Asiatic Society of Japan Cram Schools Daigaku Ebina Danjo Gakureki Shakai Ienaga Saburo Imperial Rescript on Education Japan—Education System Kyoiku Mama Nitobe Inazo Shiga Shigetaka

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Koreas Korea Institute of Science and Technology North Korea—Education System Seoul National University South Korea—Education System Mongolia Mongolia—Education System Geography and the Natural World Siberia Yellow Sea China Bramaputra River Cathaya Tree Chang River East China Sea Emei, Mount Famine—China Greater Xing’an Range Hengduan Ranges Huang River Huang Shan Huanglongsi Jiuzhaigou Kunlun Mountains Lu, Mount Panda Qinling Range Tai Shan Taiwan Strait Taklimakan Desert Tarim Basin Tian Shan Wudang Shan Wulingyuan Wuyi, Mount Yak Japan Amami Islands Chrysanthemum Chubu Chugoku Etorofu Island Fuji, Mount Hokkaido Honshu Iriomotejima Island Kansai Region Kanto Region Kinki Region Kunashiro Island Kyushu Sado Island Setouchi Region Shikoku

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EAST ASIA (continued) Geography and the Natural World (continued) Japan (continued) Tohoku Region Tokaimura Nuclear Disaster Tsushima Island Yakushima Island Koreas Amnok River Han River Kaema Plateau Keumkang, Mount Korea Bay Korea Strait Kum River Naktong River and Delta Nangnim Range T’aebaek Mountains Taedong River Tumen River Mongolia Gobi Desert Hangai Mountains Hentii Mountains Horse, Przewalski’s Government, Politics, and Law China Anhui Beijing Cadre System—China Chen Duxiu Chen Shui-bian Chen Yun Chengde Chengdu Chiang Kai-shek Chilung China—Political System Chinese Civil War of 1945–1949 Chinese Communist Party Chongqing Ci Xi, Empress Dowager Civil-Service Examination System—China Communism—China Corruption—China Cultural Revolution—China Deng Xiaoping Fujian Gang of Four Gansu Great Leap Forward Guangdong Guangxi Guangzhou

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Guizhou Guomindang Hainan Hangzhou Harbin Hebei Heilongjiang Henan Hong Kong Hu Jintao Hu Yaobang Hubei Hunan Hundred Days Reform Hundred Flowers Campaign Jiang Zemin Jiangsu Jiangxi Jilin Kang Youwei Kao-hsiung Kong Xiangxi Lee Teng-hui Lhasa Li Hongzhang Li Peng Liang Qichao Liaoning Lin Biao Liu Shaoqi Long March Macao Manchuria Manchurian Incident Mao Zedong May Fourth Movement Nanjing Nei Monggol Ningxia Northern Expedition People’s Liberation Army Political Participation, Unofficial—China Qinghai Quemoy and Matsu Red Guard Organizations Republican Revolution of 1911 Self-Strengthening Movement Shaanxi Shandong Shanghai Shanxi Sichuan Socialist Spiritual Civilization—China Song Ziwen

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Sun Yat-sen Suzhou Tainan Taipei Taiping Rebellion Taiwan—Political System Thought Work—China Three and Five Antis Campaigns Tiananmen Square Tianjin Tibet Tibetan Uprising Wang Jingwei White Terror Wu Zetian Xi’an Xi’an Incident Xinjiang Yen, Y.C. James Yuan Shikai Yunnan Zeng Guofan Zhang Zhidong Zhao Ziyang Zhejiang Zhou Enlai Zhu De Zhu Rongji Zuo Zongtang Government, Politics, and Law Japan Abe Iso Aichi Akita Aomori Araki Sadao Aum Shinrikyo Scandal Baba Tatsui Buraku Liberation League Chiba Citizen’s Movement Constitution, Postwar—Japan Constitutional Crisis of 1881 Democratic Socialist Party—Japan Eda Saburo Ehime Enomoto Takeaki Fukuda Hideko Fukuda Takeo Fukui Fukumoto Kazuo Fukuoka Fukushima Gifu

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Goto Shinpei Gumma Hara Takashi Hatoyama Ichiro Higashikuni Naruhiko Hirohito Hiroshima Hyogo Ibaraki Ichikawa Fusae Ikeda Hayato Ishihara Shintaro Ishikawa Iwate Japan—Political System Japan Communist Party Japan Socialist Party Kagawa Kagoshima Kanagawa Kanno Suga Kato Takaaki Kishi Nobusuke Kochi Kodama Yoshio Komeito Konoe Fumimaro Kumamoto Kyoto Liberal Democratic Party—Japan Lockheed Scandal Maruyama Masao Mie Minobe Tatsukichi Miyagi Miyazaki Mori Arinori Nagano Nagasaki Nakasone Yasuhiro Nara Niigata Ogasawara Oita Okayama Okinawa Osaka Recruit Scandal Saga Saionji Kinmochi Saitama Sapporo Sasagawa Ryoichi Sato Eisaku

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READER’S GUIDE

EAST ASIA (continued) Government, Politics, and Law (continued) Japan (continued) Sendai Shiga Shimane Shipbuilding Scandal Shizuoka Showa Denko Scandal Siemens Incident Tanaka Giichi Textbook Scandal Tochigi Tojo Hideki Tokushima Tokyo Tottori Toyama Wakayama Yamagata Yamagata Aritomo Yamaguchi Yamamoto Isoroku Yamanashi Yoshida Shigeru Yoshida Shoin Koreas April 19 Revolution—Korea Chagang Province Cheju Province Ch’ongjin Chun Doo Hwan Communism—North Korea Corruption—Korea Democratization—South Korea Haeju Hamhung Han Yong-un Inchon Juche Kaesong Kangwon Province Kim Dae Jung Kim Il Sung Kim Jong Il Kim Pu-shik Kim Young-sam Kim Yu-sin Kwangju Kwangju Uprising Kyonggi Province March First Independence Movement Namp’o North Cholla Province

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North Ch’ungch’ong Province North Hamgyong Province North Hwanghae Province North Korea—Political System North Kyongsang Province North P’yongan Province Park Chung Hee Pusan Pyongyang Rhee, Syngman Roh Tae Woo Sadaejuui Sejong, King Seoul Sinuiju South Cholla Province South Ch’ungch’ong Province South Hamgyong Province South Hwanghae Province South Korea—Political System South Kyongsang Province South P’yongan Province Taegu Taejon Three Revolutions Movement Ulchi Mundok Wang Kon Yanggang Province Yi Ha-ung Yi Song-gye Yi T’ae-yong Yu Kwan Sun Yushin Mongolia Aimag Batmonkh, Jambyn Choybalsan, Horloogiyn Chormaqan, Noyan Darhan Erdenet Genghis Khan Golden Horde Gurragchaa, Jugderdemidiyn Karakorum Khubilai Khan Mongolia—Political System Mongolian Social Democratic Party Narantsatsralt, Janlavyn Ochirbat, Punsalmaagiyn Sukhbaatar, Damdiny Tsedenbel, Yumjaagiyn Ulaanbaatar United Party of Mongolia

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

History and Profile East Asia Paleoanthropology—East Asia China China—Profile Han Dynasty Hongcun and Xidi Jurchen Jin Dynasty Lijiang, Old Town of Ming Dynasty Pingyao, Ancient City of Qin Dynasty Qing Dynasty Republican China Shang Dynasty Sixteen Kingdoms Song Dynasty Sui Dynasty Taiwan—Profile Taiwan, Modern Tang Dynasty Warring States Period—China Yuan Dynasty Zhou Dynasty Japan Choshu Expeditions Heian Period Heisei Period Japan—Profile Jomon Period Kamakura Period Meiji Period Muromachi Period Nara Period Showa Period Taisho Period Tokugawa Period Yayoi Period Koreas Choson Kingdom Korea—History Koryo Kingdom North Korea—Profile Parhae Kingdom South Korea—Profile Three Kingdoms Period Unified Shilla Kingdom Mongolia Mongol Empire Mongolia—History Mongolia—Profile International Relations Chinese Influence in East Asia United Front Strategy

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

China Boxer Rebellion Central Asia-China Relations China—Human Rights China-India Relations China-Japan Peace and Friendship Treaty China-Japan Relations China-Korea Relations China-Russia Relations China-Taiwan Relations China-United States Relations China-Vietnam Relations Chinese Influence in East Asia Chinese Influence in Southeast Asia Hart, Robert Japan-Taiwan Relations Mongolia-China-Russia Relations Nanjing Massacre Open Door Policy Opium War Sino-French War Spratly Islands Dispute Taiwan—Human Rights Taiwan-United States Relations Tibet—Image in the Modern West Japan China-Japan Peace and Friendship Treaty China-Japan Relations Comfort Women Japan—Human Rights Japan-Africa Relations Japan-France Relations Japan-Germany Relations Japan-Korea Relations Japan-Latin America Relations Japan-Pacific Islands Relations Japan-Philippines Relations Japan-Russia Relations Japan-Taiwan Relations Japan–United Kingdom Relations Japan–United States Relations Japanese Expansion Nixon Shock Northern Territories Nuclear Allergy Plaza Accord Russo-Japanese War San Francisco Peace Treaty Sino-Japanese Conflict, Second Sino-Japanese War Status of Forces Agreement United States Military Bases—Japan United States-Japan Security Treaty Yasukuni Shrine Controversy

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READER’S GUIDE

EAST ASIA (continued) History and Profile (continued) Koreas China-Korea Relations Japan-Korea Relations Korea-Japan Treaty of 1965 Korean War North Korea—Human Rights North Korea-South Korea Relations North Korea-United States Relations South Korea—Human Rights South Korea-European Union Relations South Korea-United States Relations Mongolia Mongolia—Human Rights Mongolia-China-Russia Relations Mongolia-Soviet Union Relations Polo, Marco Language and Communication China Chinese, Classical Dai Qing Hakka Languages Mandarin Media—China Min Romanization Systems, Chinese Sino-Tibetan Languages Wu Xiang Yue Japan Feminine Language Japanese Language Matsumoto Shigeharu Media—Japan Koreas Hangul Script Korean Language Media—South Korea Romanization Systems, Korean Mongolia Khalkha Mongolian Languages Tungus Languages Peoples, Cultures, and Society Marriage and Family—East Asia Westernization—East Asia China Aboriginal Peoples—Taiwan China—Internal Migration China—Population Resettlement Chinese, Overseas Clothing, Traditional—China

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Clothing, Traditional—Hong Kong Clothing, Traditional—Taiwan Clothing, Traditional—Tibet Courtyards Foot Binding Guanxi Hakka Han Hmong Hui Manchu Marriage and Family—China Miao—China Moso Muslim Peoples in China National Minorities—China Qingke Single-Child Phenomenon—China Social Associations—China Social Stratification—China Tibetans Tujia Uighurs Women in China Yao Yi Zhuang Japan Aging Population—Japan Ainu Burakumin Chinese in Japan Clothing, Traditional—Japan Ijime Koreans in Japan Social Relations—Japan Women in Japan Koreas Ch’onmin Clothing, Traditional—Korea Koreans Koreans, Overseas Kye Nobi Women in Korea Yangban Mongolia Clothing, Traditional—Mongolia Mongols Russians in Mongolia Religion and Philosophy Ancestor Worship—East Asia Zodiac System—East Asia

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

China Analects Atheism, Official—China Buddhism—China Buddhism, Chan Buddhism—Tibet Buddhism, Pure Land Bureau of Religious Affairs Christianity—China Confucian Ethics Confucianism—China Confucius Cult of Maitreya Dalai Lama Falun Gong Feng Shui Five Phases Four Books Judaism—China Laozi Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought Mencius Mozi Neo-Confucianism Potala Palace Religion, Folk—China Ricci, Matteo Taoism Xunzi Zhu Xi Japan Atsuta Shrine Buddhism—Japan Christianity—Japan Confucianism—Japan Hayashi Razan Honen Ikkyu Ise Shrine Iwashimizu Hachiman Shrine Izumo Shrine Kukai Motoori Norinaga Nichiren Nishida Kitaro Religion, Folk—Japan Religions, New—Japan Saicho Shinran Shinto Suzuki Daisetsu Teitaro Twenty-Six Martyrs Uchimura Kanzo Yamato Damashii

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Yasukuni Shrine Koreas Buddhism—Korea Ch’ondogyo Christianity—Korea Confucianism—Korea Religions, New—Korea Seshi Customs Taejonggyo Tan’gun Myth Taoism—Korea Tonghak Unification Church Yi I Mongolia Bogdo Khan Buddhism—Mongolia Gandan Lamasery Islam—Mongolia Shamanism—Mongolia Science, Technology, and Health Calendars—East Asia China Abacus Acupuncture Dujiangyan Grand Canal Great Wall Gunpowder and Rocketry Junk Li Shizhen Magnetism Massage—China Medicine, Traditional—China Moxibustion Needham, Joseph Printing and Papermaking Science, Traditional—China Sericulture—China Three Gorges Dam Project Xu Guangqi Koreas Science Towns—Korea SOUTH ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Chitra/Ardhachitra/Chitrabhasha Conveyance Arts Cricket Cuisine—South Asia Drama—South Asia Farid, Khwaja Ghulam Indigo Islam, Kazi Nazrul

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READER’S GUIDE

SOUTH ASIA (continued) Arts, Literature, and Recreation (continued) Jatra Kama Sutra Kipling, Joseph Rudyard Literature, Bengali Literature, Sanskrit Literature, Tamil Mahabharata Manto, Sadaat Hasan Nur Jehan Painting—South Asia Persian Miniature Painting Raga Ramayana Rubab Sarangi Sarod Sculpture—South Asia Shah, Lalon Shehnai Veena Bangladesh Dance—Bangladesh Music—Bangladesh Bhutan Textiles—Bhutan India Anand, Mulk Raj Architecture—India Bachchan, Amitabh Chatterjee, Bankim Chandra Chaudhuri, Nirad Chandra Chughtai, Ismat Cinema—India Dance—India Diwali Drama—India Forster, E. M. Ghalib, Mirza Asadullah Khan Holi Kalidasa Khan, Vilayat Khusrau, Amir Kumar, Dilip Literature—India Mangeshkar, Lata Music—India Music, Devotional—India Narayan, R.K. Nataka Poetry—India Prakarana Premchand

lii

Rahman, A.R. Rao, Raja Rasa Ray, Satyajit Sports—India Taj Mahal Sri Lanka Coomaraswamy, Ananda Kentish Dance, Kandyan Literature, Sinhalese Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Agriculture—South Asia British East India Company French East India Company Hawkins, William Nomadic Pastoralism—South Asia Tea—South Asia Bangladesh Bangladesh—Economic System Grameen Bank India Agriculture—South Asia British East India Company French East India Company Hawkins, William India—Economic System Nomadic Pastoralism—South Asia Remittances Salt Tax Tea—South Asia Nepal Nepal—Economic System Sri Lanka Sri Lanka—Economic System Education Panini Sayyid, Ahmad Khan Bangladesh Bangladesh—Education System India India—Education System Nepal Nepal—Education System Sri Lanka Sri Lanka—Education System Geography and the Natural World Andaman Sea Bay of Bengal Bramaputra River Bustard, Hubara Chagos Archipelago Elephant, Asian Green Revolution—South Asia Himalaya Range

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Indian Ocean Indian Subcontinent Indo-Gangetic Plain Jhelum River Jute K2, Mount Kangchenjunga, Mount Kaveri River Kistna River Mongoose Punjab Reunion Island Sundarbhans Tarai India Abu, Mount Andaman and Nicobar Islands Bhopal Chenab River Dekkan Eastern Ghats Ganges River Godavari River Hindu Kush Jumna River Lion, Asiatic Mahanadi River Narmada Dam Controversy Narmada River Rann of Kachchh Satpura Range Sutlej River Thar Desert Tungabhadra River Vindhya Mountains Western Ghats Zebu Nepal Everest, Mount Kathmandu Valley Government, Politics, and Law Bahadur Shah Birla Family Colombo Plan Hastings, Warren Humayun Ibn al-Qasim, Muhammad Jahangir Marxism—South Asia Poros Raziya Roy, Rammohan Shah Jahan Singh, Jai

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Tata Family Tipu Sultan Bangladesh Awami League Bangladesh—Political System Bangladesh Nationalist Party Chittagong Dhaka Ershad, H.M. Hasina Wajid, Sheikh Jatiya Party Rahman, Mujibur Rahman, Ziaur Zia, Khaleda Bhutan Thimphu Wangchuck, King Jigme Singye India Afzal Khan Agartala Agra Ahmadabad Ajanta Ajodhya Akbar Ali Janhar, Mohamed Allahabad Ambedkar, B.R. Amritsar Andhra Pradesh Arunachal Pradesh Asoka Assam Aurangabad Aurangzeb Awadh Azad, Abu’l-Kalam Babur Bangalore Bengal, West Bentinck, William Cavendish Bhosle, Shivaji Bhubaneshwar Bihar Bodh Gaya Bose, Subhas Chandra Calcutta Calicut Canning, Charles John Chandigarh Chhattisgarh Coimbatore Constitution—India

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READER’S GUIDE

SOUTH ASIA (continued) Government, Politics, and Law (continued) India (continued) Cranganur Curzon, George Nathaniel Dadra and Nagar Haveli Union Territory Daman and Diu Union Territory Darjeeling Dehra Dun Delhi Union Territory Devi, Phoolan Fazl, Abu’l Gandhi, Indira Gandhi, Mohandas K. Gangtok Goa Godse, Nathuram Vinayak Gujarat Guwahati Haidar, Ali Khan Harsa Haryana Himachal Pradesh Hindu Law Hindu Nationalism Hyderabad Imphal India—Political System Indore Jaipur Jammu and Kashmir Jharkhand Jodhpur Kanpur Karnataka Kautilya Kerala Khilafat Movement Kohima Ladakh Lakshadweep Laxmibai Leh Lucknow Macaulay, Thomas B. Madhya Pradesh Madras Madurai Maharashtra Mangalore Manipur Mathura Meghalaya Mizoram

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Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms Morley-Minto Reforms Mumbai Muslim League Mysore Nagaland Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru, Motilal Nilgiri District Ootacamund Orissa Patna Pondicherry Pune Puri Raipur Rajagopalachari, Chakravarti Rajasthan Rajkot Ramachandran, Marudur Gopalamenon Sarnath Satyagraha Shillong Sikkim Simla Sindhia Family Srinagar Tamil Nadu Thanjavur Tripura Trivandrum Uttar Pradesh Uttaranchal Varanasi Vishakapatnam Nepal Kathmandu Nepal—Political System Rana Sri Lanka Bandaranaike, Sirimavo Ratwatte Dias Bandaranaike, Solomon West Ridgeway Diaz Colombo Jaffna Kandy Polonnaruva Sri Lanka—Political System Trincomalee History and Profile British Indian Empire Chera Chola Dogra Dynasty Gupta Empire

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Harappa Holkars Mauryan Empire Mughal Empire Paleoanthropology—South Asia Pandya South Asia—History Vijayanagara Empire Bangladesh Bangladesh—History Bangladesh—Profile Bhutan Bhutan—History Bhutan—Profile India Anglo-Mysore Wars India—Medieval Period India—Profile Mutiny, Indian Quit India Movement Maldives Maldives—History Maldives—Profile Mauritius Mauritius—Profile Nepal Nepal—History Nepal—Profile Sri Lanka Sri Lanka—History Sri Lanka—Profile International Relations Bangladesh Bangladesh-India Relations Bangladesh-Pakistan Relations India Bangladesh-India Relations China-India Relations India—Human Rights India-Myanmar Relations India-Pakistan Relations India-Southeast Asia Relations India-Sri Lanka Relations India-United Kingdom Relations India-United States Relations Sri Lanka India-Sri Lanka Relations Sri Lanka—Human Rights Language and Communication Bengali Language Dravidian Languages Indo-Aryan Languages Media—South Asia Munda Languages

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

India Hindi-Urdu Sanskrit Tamil Language Sri Lanka Sinhala Peoples, Cultures, and Society Bengalis Ethnic Conflict—South Asia Gama, Vasco da Ismaili Sects—South Asia Marriage and Family—South Asia Nagas Panjabi Refugees—South Asia South Asians, Overseas Westernization—South Asia Women in South Asia Bhutan Bhutanese Clothing, Traditional—Bhutan India Anglo-Indians Aryan Assamese Bhil Brahman Caste Clothing, Traditional—India Garo Gond Gujarati Hill Tribes of India Khasi Oriyas Pahari Pandit Parsi Peripatetics Rajput Sanskritization Santal Sati Tamils Telugu Untouchability Sri Lanka Sinhalese Vedda Religion and Philosophy Buddhism—South Asia Chishtiya Christianity—South Asia

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READER’S GUIDE

SOUTH ASIA (continued) Religion and Philosophy (continued) Islam—South Asia Jones, William Judaism—South Asia Khwaja Mu’in al-Din Chishti Nurbakhshiya Pilgrimage—South Asia Sankara Siddhartha Gautama Sufism—South Asia Vivekananda, Swami Wali Allah, Shah Bhutan Bhutan—Religion India Blavatsky, Helena Petrovna Bhakti Dev, Nanak Guru Hindu Philosophy Hindu Values Hinduism—India Jainism Jesuits— India Lingayat Nagarjuna Nizam ad-din Awliya Possession Ramakrishna Ramanuja Sai Baba, Satya Sikhism Tagore, Rabindranath Teresa, Mother Upanishads Science,Technology, and Health Calendars—South Asia Climatology—South Asia India Medicine, Ayurvedic Medicine, Unani SOUTHEAST ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Architecture—Southeast Asia Batik Cockfighting Drama—Southeast Asia Hari Raya Puasa Kain Batik Kain Songket Mendu Sepak Takraw Thaipusam

lvi

Cambodia Angkor Wat Literature, Khmer Indonesia Arja Bali Barong-Rangda Balinese Sanghyang Bedaya Borobudur Cuisine—Indonesia Dance—Bali Gambang Kromong Gambuh Gamelan Hikayat Amir Hamza Ludruk Masks, Javanese Music—Indonesia Noer, Arifin C. Pramoedya Ananta Toer Puisi Randai Rendra, W.S. Riantiarno, Nano Sandiwara Wayang Beber Wayang Golek Wayang Kulit Wayang Topeng Wayang Wong Wijaya, Putu Laos Ikat Dyeing Luang Prabang Music, Folk—Laos Palm-Leaf Manuscripts Textiles—Laos That Luang Festival Wat Xieng Khouan Malaysia Bangsawan Chang Fee Ming Chuah Thean Teng Cuisine—Malaysia Dance—Malaysia Dikir Barat Gawai Dayak Jikey Jit, Krishen Labu Sayong Lim, Shirley Mak Yong Maniam, K.S. Manora

ENCYCLOPEDIA

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MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Pesta Menuai Petronas Towers Songket Tarian Asyik Tarian Portugis Tay Hooi Keat Myanmar Burmese Arts Literature—Myanmar Mandalay Palace Pagodas, Burmese Philippines Arnis Bagonbanta, Fernando Balisong Baltazar, Francisco Bulosan, Carlos Cuisine—Philippines Guerrero, Fernando M. Literature—Philippines Luna Y Novicio, Juan Poetry—Philippines Thailand Bidyalankarana Cuisine—Thailand Damkoeng, Akat Dokmai Sot Drama—Thailand Emerald Buddha Fish Fighting Khun Chang, Khun Phaen Literature—Thailand Longboat Racing Muay Thai Nirat Phumisak, Chit Ramakien Siburapha Sot Kuramarohit Vietnam Ao Dai Cuisine—Vietnam Dai Viet Su Ky Doan Thi Diem Ho Xuan Huong Hoang Ngoc Phach Hoat, Doan Viet Khai Hung Linh Nhat Literature—Vietnam Nguyen Du Nguyen Thieu Gia Opera—Vietnam Plowing Ritual—Vietnam

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Poetry—Vietnam Puppetry, Water Tet Tran Do Truong Vinh Ky Tu Luc Van Doan Wandering Souls Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Agriculture—Southeast Asia Burma-Thailand Railway Fishing Industry—Southeast Asia Forest Industry—Southeast Asia Golden Triangle Ho Chi Minh Trail Rubber Industry Cambodia Cambodia—Economic System Indonesia Indonesia—Economic System Manufacturing Industry—Indonesia Repelita Laos Chintanakan mai Laos—Economic System Mittaphap Bridge Malaysia Malaysia—Economic System Manufacturing Industry—Malaysia Mineral Industry—Malaysia New Economic Policy—Malaysia Rubber Industry—Malaysia Timber Industry—Malaysia Myanmar Burma Road Myanmar—Economic System Philippines Manufacturing Industry—Philippines Pan-Philippine Highway Philippines—Economic System Suki Singapore Banking and Finance Industry—Singapore Singapore—Economic System Thailand Thailand—Economic System Thompson, Jim Vietnam Doi Moi Ho Chi Minh Trail Mekong Project New Economic Zones Vietnam—Economic System

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READER’S GUIDE

SOUTHEAST ASIA (continued) Education Brunei Universiti Brunei Darussalam Cambodia Cambodia—Education System Royal University of Phnom Penh Indonesia Bandung Institute of Technology Gadjah Mada University Indonesia—Education System University of Indonesia Laos Laos—Education System Sisavangvong University Malaysia Malaysia—Education System Universiti Sains Malaysia University of Malaya Myanmar Myanmar—Education System Philippines Philippines—Education System Singapore Nanyang Technological University National University of Singapore Singapore—Education System Thailand Chulalongkorn University Thailand—Education System Vietnam Vietnam—Education System Geography and the Natural World Andaman Sea Banteng Borneo Dangrek Range Green Revolution—Southeast Asia Leopard, Clouded Mongoose Orangutan Sun Bear Cambodia Cardamon Mountains Elephant Range Kompong Som Bay Tonle Sap Indonesia Babirusa Bali Banda Sea Flores Sea Java Sea Komodo Dragon

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Maluku Nusa Tenggara Timor Sea Laos Bolovens Plateau Plain of Jars Malaysia Cameron Highlands Kinabalu, Mount Strait of Malacca Myanmar Arakan Yoma Mountains Inle Lake Region Irrawaddy River and Delta Salween River Sittang River Philippines Agno River Cagayan River Caraballo Mountains Celebes Sea Cordillera Central Luzon Group Maguey Mindanao Philippine Sea Sierra Madre Sulu Archipelago Visayan Islands Zambales Mountains Thailand Chao Phraya River and Delta Doi Inthanon Gulf of Thailand Khon Kaen Nakhon Ratchasima Peninsular Thailand Three Pagodas Pass Vietnam Cam Ranh Bay Central Highlands of Vietnam Con Dao Islands Ha Long Bay Ho Dynasty Citadel Hoan Kiem Lake Karun River and Shatt al Arab River Mekong River and Delta Red River and Delta Tonkin Gulf Government, Politics, and Law Albuquerque, Afonso de British Military Administration Doumer, Paul Dutch East India Company

ENCYCLOPEDIA

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MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Romusha Weld, Frederick Brunei Azahari, A.M. Bandar Seri Begawan Brooke, James Hassanal Bolkaih Parti Rakyat Brunei Cambodia Buddhist Liberal Democratic Party—Cambodia Cambodia—Civil War of 1970-1975 Cambodia—Political System Cambodian People’s Party Fa Ngoum FUNCINPEC Heng Samrin Hun Sen Jayavarman II Jayavarman VII Khieu Samphan Khmer Rouge Killing Fields Lon Nol Phnom Penh Phnom Penh Evacuation Pol Pot Ranariddh, Norodom Sam Rainsy Sihanouk, Norodom East Timor Belo, Bishop Carlos Dili Dili Massacre Fretilin Gusmao, Xanana Ramos-Horta, José Indonesia Airlangga Amboina Massacre Bandung Batavia Bosch, Johannes van den Budi Utomo Coen, Jan Pieterszoon Cukong Daendels, Herman Darul Islam Ethnic Colonial Policy—Indonesia Gajah Mada Gerindo Gestapu Affair Golkar Habibie, B.J. Hamengku Buwono IX, Sri Sultan

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Hatta, Mohammad Hizbullah Indonesia—Political Parties Indonesia—Political System Indonesian Democratic Party Indonesian Revolution Irian Jaya Jakarta Jakarta Riots of May 1998 Java Kalimantan Malik, Adam Medan Megawati Sukarnoputri Military, Indonesia Moerdani, Leonardus Benjamin New Order Old Order Pancasila Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Partai Persatuan Pembangunan Rais, Muhammad Amien Sarekat Islam Solo Speelman, Cornelius Suharto Sukarno Sulawesi Sumatra Surabaya Taman Siswa Treaty of Giyanti Umar, Teuku Wahid, Abdurrahman Yogyakarta Laos Bokeo Chao Anou Civil War of 1956–1975—Laos Kaysone Phomvihan Lao People’s Revolutionary Party Laos—Political System Louangnamtha Pathet Lao Setthathirat Souphanuvong, Prince Souvanna Phouma, Prince Vientiane Xayabury Malaysia Abdul Razak Abu Bakar Anwar, Ibrahim Badawi, Abdullah Ahmed

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READER’S GUIDE

SOUTHEAST ASIA (continued) Government, Politics, and Law (continued) Malaysia (continued) Bendahara Birch, James W. W. Bumiputra Clifford, Hugh Federal Territories—Malaysia Federation of Malaysia Haji, Raja Hussein Onn Iskandar Muda Johor Kapitan Cina Kedah Kelantan Kota Kinabalu Kuala Lumpur Kuching Laksamana Light, Francis Lim Chong Eu Mahathir Mohamad Mahmud Shah Malay States, Unfederated Malayan People’s Anti-Japanese Army Malayan Union Malaysia—Political System Malaysian Chinese Association Mansur Shah Mat Salleh Rebellion May 13 Ethnic Riots— Malaysia Melaka Negeri Sembilan Ningkan, Stephen Kalong Onn Bin Jaafar Pahang Pangkor Treaty Penang Perak Perlis Raffles, Thomas Stamford Resident System Rukunegara Sabah Sarawak Straits Settlements Swettenham, Frank Tan Siew Sin Temenggong Templer, Gerald Trengganu Wan Ahmad Yap Ah Loy

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Myanmar All Burma Students Democratic Front Anawratha Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League—Myanmar Aung San Aung San Suu Kyi Bassein Burma Independence Army Chin State Communist Party of Burma Irrawaddy Division Kachin Independence Organization Kachin State Karen National Union Karen State Kayah State Magwe Division Mandalay Mandalay Division Mon State Mong Tai Army Moulmein Myanmar—Political System National League for Democracy—Myanmar National Unity Party—Myanmar Ne Win, U Nu, U Palaung State Liberation Party Pao National Organization Pegu Rakhine State Sagaing Division Shan State Shan State Army State Law and Order Restoration Council— Myanmar Tenasserim Division Thakins Than Shwe Thant, U Union Solidarity and Development Association— Mya United Wa State Party Yangon Yangon Division Philippines Aquino, Benigno Aquino, Corazon Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao Baguio Cebu Davao Estrada, Joseph Garcia, Carlos P.

ENCYCLOPEDIA

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MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Huk Rebellion Macapagal, Diosdado MacArthur, Douglas Magsaysay, Ramon Manila Marcos, Ferdinand Marcos, Imelda Moro Islamic Liberation Front Moro National Liberation Front Nur Misuari People Power Movement Philippines—Political System Ramos, Fidel Rizal, José Romulo, Carlos Peña Urdaneta, Andres de Zamboanga Singapore Barisan Sosialis Goh Chok Tong Goh Keng Swee Jeyaretnam, Joshua Benjamin Lee Kuan Yew Lim Chin Siong Marshall, David Singapore—Political System Singapore Democratic Party Workers’ Party—Singapore Thailand Anand Panyarachun Bangkok Bhumipol Adulyadej Chart Thai Chavalit, Yongchaiyudh Chiang Mai Chuan Leekpai Chulalongkorn, King Ekaphap Manhattan Incident Mongkut National Peacekeeping Council—Thailand Nation-Religion-Monarch October 6 Crisis—Thailand Phalang Dharma Party Phuket Phya Taksin Pibul Songgram Pridi Banomyong Rama Khamheng Rama Tibodi I Sarit Thanarat Student Uprising of 1973—Thailand Sulak Sivaraksa Thai Revolution of 1932

ENCYCLOPEDIA

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MODERN ASIA

Thailand—Political Parties Thailand—Political System Thaksin Shinawatra Thanom Kittikachorn Trailok Ungphakorn Puey Vietnam An Duong Vuong Anh Dao Duy Army of the Republic of Vietnam August Revolution Ba Trieu Bac Son Uprising Bao Dai Co Loa Thanh Communism—Vietnam Da Nang Dalat Duong Van Minh Haiphong Hanoi Ho Chi Minh Ho Chi Minh City Ho Tung Mau Hoi An Hue Huynh Tan Phat Iron Triangle Lac Long Quan Le Duan Le Duc Anh Le Duc Tho National Front for the Liberation of South Vietnam Ngo Dinh Diem Ngo Dinh Nhu Nguyen Cao Ky Nguyen Thi Minh Khai Nguyen Van Thieu Nhu, Madame Ngo Dinh People’s Army of Vietnam Phan Boi Chau Phieu Le Kha Revolt of the Short Hair Revolutionary Youth League of Vietnam Tay Son Rebellion Tran Van Giau Trung Sisters Vietnam—Political System Vietnam Communist Party Vo Nguyen Giap Vo Van Kiet History and Profile British in Southeast Asia Dutch in Southeast Asia

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SOUTHEAST ASIA (continued) History and Profile (continued) Paleoanthropology—Southeast Asia Portuguese in Southeast Asia Srivijaya Brunei Brunei—Political System Brunei—Profile Cambodia Cambodia—History Cambodia—Profile Khmer Empire East Timor East Timor—Profile Indonesia Aceh Rebellion Amangkurat British-Dutch Wars Candi of Java Indonesia—History Indonesia—Profile Java War Konfrontasi Majapahit Mataram Netherlands East Indies Padri War Pakualaman Sailendra Laos Laos—History Laos—Profile Malaysia Anglo-Dutch Treaty Federated Malay States Malaysia—History Malaysia—Profile Melaka Sultanate White Rajas Myanmar Myanmar—History Myanmar—Profile Pagan Philippines Philippines—History Philippines—Profile Singapore Singapore—History Singapore—Profile Thailand Ayutthaya, Kingdom of Ban Chiang Sukhothai Thailand—History

lxii

Thailand—Profile Vietnam Vietnam—History Vietnam—Profile International Relations Association of South-East Asian Nations Bali Summit Bandung Conference Bangkok Declaration Chinese Influence in Southeast Asia Five Power Defence Arrangements India-Southeast Asia Relations Indochina War of 1940–1941 Piracy—Southeast Asia Southeast Asia—Human Rights Southeast Asia Treaty Organization Treaty of Amity and Co-operation of 1976 ZOPFAN Cambodia Cambodia-Laos Relations Cambodia-Vietnam Relations United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia East Timor United Nations in East Timor Indonesia Indonesia-Malaysia Relations Indonesia–United States Relations Irian Jaya Conquest Volksraad Laos Cambodia-Laos Relations Laos-Thailand Relations Laos-Vietnam Relations Malaysia Indonesia-Malaysia Relations Malayan Emergency Malaysia-Europe Relations Sabah Dispute Myanmar India-Myanmar Relations Myanmar—Foreign Relations Myanmar—Human Rights Philippines Japan-Philippines Relations Philippines—Human Rights Philippines–United States Relations Thailand Laos-Thailand Relations Vietnam Cambodia-Vietnam Relations China-Vietnam Relations Franco-Viet Minh War Laos-Vietnam Relations Soviet-Vietnamese TFOC

ENCYCLOPEDIA

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MODERN ASIA

READER’S GUIDE

Vietnam War Vietnam–United States Relations Language and Communication Austronesian Languages Malay-Indonesian Languages Media—Insular Southeast Asia Media—Mainland Southeast Asia Mon-Khmer Languages Tai-Kadai Languages Indonesia Bahasa Indonesia Javanese Mohamad, Goenawan Tempo Laos Lao-Tai Languages Myanmar Burmese Philippines Philippine Languages Singapore Chinese-Language Newspapers—Singapore Straits Times, The Thailand Saek Vietnam Chu Nom Vietnamese Language Peoples, Cultures, and Society Adat Akha Borneo Peoples Chinese in Southeast Asia Clothing, Traditional—Tribal Southeast Asia Ethnic Relations—Southeast Asia Hmong Khmu Marriage and Family—Insular Southeast Asia Marriage and Family—Mainland Southeast Asia Refugees—Southeast Asia Westernization—Southeast Asia Women in Southeast Asia Cambodia Clothing, Traditional—Cambodia Indonesia Acehnese Balinese Clothing, Traditional—Indonesia Coastal Malays Madurese Peranakan Pribumi Priyayi South Asians in Southeast Asia

ENCYCLOPEDIA

OF

MODERN ASIA

Sundanese Laos Clothing, Traditional—Laos Khmer Malaysia Clothing, Traditional—Malaysia Orang Asli Myanmar Burmans Chin Chinese in Myanmar Ethnic Conflict—Myanmar Kachin Karen Mon Rohingya Shan Philippines Godparenthood—Philippines Thailand Clothing, Traditional—Thailand Mechai Viravaidya Thai Vietnam Boat People Chinese in Vietnam Clothing, Traditional—Vietnam Sino-Vietnamese Culture Vietnam—Internal Migration Vietnamese Vietnamese, Overseas Religion and Philosophy Basi Buddhism, Theravada—Southeast Asia Christianity—Southeast Asia Islam—Mainland Southeast Asia Muang Pali Canon Protestant Fundamentalism—Southeast Asia Zikir Brunei Islam—Brunei Indonesia Abangan Hosen, Ibrahim Islam—Indonesia Muhammadiyah Nahdlatul Ulama Prambanan Hindu Santri Laos Prabang That Luang

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SOUTHEAST ASIA (continued) Religion and Philosophy (continued) Malaysia Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia Islam—Malaysia Myanmar Christianity—Myanmar Islam—Myanmar Spirit Cults Philippines Catholicism, Roman—Philippines Iglesia ni Christo Islam—Philippines Philippine Independent Church Ruiz, Saint Lorenzo Sin, Jaime Thailand Buddhadasa, Bhikku Dhammayut Sect Hinduism—Thailand Phra Pathom Chedi Vietnam Buddhism—Vietnam Cao Dai Catholicism, Roman—Vietnam Hoa Hao Thich Nhat Hanh Science,Technology, and Health Bedil Calendars—Southeast Asia Gunpowder and Rocketry SOUTHWEST ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Alghoza Bhitai, Shah Abdul Latif Jami, ‘Abdurrahman Khushal Khan Khatak Shah, Waris Afghanistan Cuisine—Afghanistan Pakistan Ali Khan, Bade Ghulam Bhit Shah Faiz Ahmed Faiz Gulgee Hir Ranjha Story Iqbal, Muhammad Makli Hill Naqsh, Jamil Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan Sabri Brothers Sadequain

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Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Afghanistan Afghanistan—Economic System Pakistan Karakoram Highway Pakistan—Economic System Education Pakistan Pakistan—Education System Geography and the Natural World Badakhshan Kabul River Karakoram Mountains Khyber Pass Ravi River Afghanistan Afghan Hound Dasht-e Margo Hunza Wakhan Pakistan Azad Kashmir Baltistan Bolan Pass Indus River Indus River Dolphin Khunjerab Pass Sutlej River Government, Politics, and Law Afghani, Jamal ad-din Baluchistan Dost Muhammad Taxila Afghanistan Afghanistan—Political System Amanollah Bagram Bamian Bin Laden, Osama Daud, Muhammad Dawai, Abdul Hadi Din Mohammad, Mushk-e Alam Ghazna Herat Kabul Mahmud of Ghazna Mazar-e Sharif Mujahideen Omar, Mullah Muhammad Taliban Zahir Shah Pakistan Abdullah, Muhammad Anarkali

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Ayub Khan Bhutto, Benazir Bhutto, Zulfiqar Ali David, Collin Hadood Islamabad Jamaat-e-Islami Jinnah, Mohammed Ali Karachi Khan, Abdul Ghaffar Lahore Mohenjo Daro Muhajir Qawmi Movement Multan Musharraf, Pervez North-West Frontier Province Sarhad Pakistan—Political System Pakistan People’s Party Peshawar Rahmat Ali, Chauduri Rohtas Fort Sehwan Sind Zia-ul-Haq, Mohammad History and Profile Afghanistan Afghanistan—History Afghanistan—Profile Durrani Pakistan Federally Administered Tribal Areas—Pakistan Pakistan—History Pakistan—Profile International Relations Afghanistan Afghanistan—Human Rights Treaty of Gandomak Pakistan Bangladesh-Pakistan Relations India-Pakistan Relations Pakistan—Human Rights Language and Communication Pashto Afghanistan Dari Peoples, Cultures, and Society Afridi Baluchi Brahui Pashtun Pashtunwali Waziri Clothing, Traditional—Afghanistan Ethnic Conflict—Afghanistan

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Hazara Pakistan Sindhi Siraiki Women in Pakistan Religion and Philosophy Bakhsh, Data Ganj Islam—Southwest Asia Shah, Mihr Ali Shahbaz Qalandar Lal Sufism—Southwest Asia Afghanistan Ansari, Abdullah Bitab, Sufi Pakistan Mawdudi, Abu’l-A’la Muhajir WEST ASIA Arts, Literature, and Recreation Architecture—West Asia Architecture, Islamic—West Asia Cinema—West Asia Music—West Asia Rudaki Shahnameh Epic Sports—Islamic Asia Twelver Shiism Iran Cuisine—Iran No-ruz Literature, Persian Iraq Cuisine—Iraq Poetry—Iraq Turkey Children’s Day—Turkey Cuisine—Turkey Guney, Yilmaz Literature—Turkey Music—Turkey Nesin, Aziz Pamuk, Orhan Economics, Commerce, and Transportation Agriculture—West Asia Industry—West Asia Oil Industry—West Asia Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries Iran Iran—Economic System Iraq Iraq—Economic System Turkey Etatism—Turkey

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WEST ASIA (continued) Economics, Commerce, and Transportation (continued) Turkey—Economic System Education Iran Iran—Education System Iraq Iraq—Education System Turkey Turkey—Education System Geography and the Natural World Caucasia Euphrates River Sistan Tigris River Iran Abkhazia Amu Dar’ya Dagestan Elburz Gulf of Oman Persian Gulf Zagros Mountains Turkey Aegean Sea Anti-Taurus Ararat, Mount Black Sea Bosporus Cappadocia Cilician Gates Dardanelles Gaziantep Izmir Kizel Irmak River Marmara, Sea of Tarsus Taurus Mountains Yesilirmak River Government, Politics, and Law Aleppo Karabag Yerevan Iran Abadan Ardabil Azerbaijan Bakhtaran Bandar Abbas Bazargan, Mehdi Constitution, Islamic—Iran Esfahan Fars

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Hamadan Iran—Political System Islamic Revolution—Iran Kandahar Kerman Khomeini, Ayatollah Khurasan Khuzestan Mashhad Qom Sana’i Shariati, Ali Shiraz Tabriz Tehran Veleyet-e Faqih Iraq Al-Najaf Baghdad Basra Hussein, Saddam Iraq—Political System Karbala Kirkuk Mosul Sulaymaniya Turkey Adalet Partisi Adana Afyon Amasya Anatolia Ankara Antakya Antalya Ataturk Bayar, Mahmut Celal Bodrum Bursa Constitution—Turkey Demirel, Suleyman Democrat Party—Turkey Diyarbakir Edirne Erzurum Halide Edib Adivar Hikmet, Nazim Inonu, Mustafa Ismet Istanbul Iznik Kars Kas Kemal, Yasar Konya

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Kutahya Menderes, Adnan Mersin North Cyprus, Turkish Republic of Ozal, Turgut Pergamon Refah and Fazilet Parties Republican People’s Party—Turkey Rize Samsun Sardis Sinop Sivas Tanzimat Trabzon Turkey—Political System Urfa Van Zonguldak History and Profile Iran Iran—History Iran—Profile Pahlavi Dynasty Qajar Dynasty Iraq Iraq—History Iraq—Profile Turkey Archaeology—Turkey Byzantines Hittites Ottoman Empire Turkey—Profile Turkey, Republic of International Relations Ibn Battutah Iran Iran—Human Rights Iran-Iraq Relations Iran-Russia Relations Iran–United States Hostage Crisis Iran–United States Relations Iraq Iran-Iraq Relations Iraq—Human Rights Iraq-Turkey Relations Persian Gulf War Turkey European Union and Turkey Iraq-Turkey Relations

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North Atlantic Treaty Organization and Turkey Turkey—Human Rights Turkey-Russia Relations Turkey–United States Relations Language and Communication Arabic Media—West Asia Persian Peoples, Cultures, and Society Arabs Armenians Kurds Marriage and Family—West Asia Turks—West Asia Westernization—West Asia Women in West Asia Iran Azerbaijanis Bakhtiari Persepolis Persians Iraq Clothing, Traditional—Iraq Marsh Arabs Turkey Albanians Bulgarians Circassians Clothing, Traditional—Turkey Greeks in Turkey Miletus Tatars Religion and Philosophy Alevi Muslims Bahai Islam—West Asia Judaism—West Asia Muslims, Shiite Muslims, Sunni Oriental Orthodox Church Qadiriya Saint Paul Iran Babism Turkey Eastern Orthodox Church Science, Technology, and Health Calendars—West Asia Kariz Irrigation System Medicine, Traditional—West Asia

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A 9 ABACUS A manual computing device used in ancient China, the abacus (suan pan, or “counting plate”) was probably invented there in ancient times. The word “abacus” has its roots in the Phoenician term for a flat surface, and its Greek and Roman forms used flat surfaces with grooves for beads.

ment until the 1980s. Even today, shopkeepers in Russia sometimes use abaci to calculate customers’ purchases. A good-quality abacus is generally about two feet wide by one foot tall and made of sturdy brass with hardwood beads.

The Chinese abacus has a frame of thirteen wires holding seven beads on each wire; a horizontal divider separates the top two beads from the bottom five, sometimes referred to as the “heaven” and the “earth” beads, respectively. Chinese sources show wide use of the device by 190 CE, popularization during the Song dynasty (960–1279), and printed instructions appearing in the 1300s during the Yuan (1279–1368). By the Ming dynasty (1368–1644), the Chinese abacus had taken on its modern form and had become an integral part of business and financial accounting. This basic counting machine spread by the 1600s to Japan and then to eastern Russia, with small modifications in the number of beads above and below the divider.

Margaret Sankey

In China, the abacus replaced paper-and-pencil mathematical calculations; the beads served as markers representing quantity, and the beads’ position on the vertical wires represented value. A skilled user of an abacus performed addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division quickly and easily, with the additional advantage of requiring no electricity to produce a readout that cannot be lost or erased without being manually changed. Because of the traditional Chinese use of 16 as an important standard weight, the Chinese abacus is particularly useful for calculations using a base number system of 2 and 16. Among storekeepers and small businesses in China, an abacus remained a standard piece of office equip-

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Further Reading Dilson, Jesse. (1968) The Abacus: A Pocket Computer. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Menninger, Karl. (1992) Number Words and Number Symbols: A Cultural History of Numbers. Trans. by Paul Broneer. New York: Dover. Pullan, J. M. (1968) The History of the Abacus. London: Hutchinson and Company.

ABADAN

(1997 est. pop. 308,000). The Iranian city of Abadan is located in the southeast corner of the country along the east bank of the Shatt al Arab River, 55 kilometers from the Persian Gulf. Its population is mainly Persian, though with a considerable Arab minority. According to popular belief the city was founded by a mystic named Abbad in the eighth or ninth century CE. Its proximity to the port of Basra allowed it to develop quickly into a prosperous town, but it was reduced to an impoverished village after the Mongol conquests of the thirteenth century. The establishment of the Safavid dynasty in 1501 promised to bring stability but the Ottoman conquest of Iraq in 1534 and the ensuing Ottoman-Safavid conflict prevented any renewed prosperity. It was not until 1847 that the Ottomans finally recognized Persian sovereignty over Abadan. In 1909, following the discovery

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The Abadan Refinery burns following an attack at the start of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980. (FRANCOISE DE MULDER/CORBIS)

of oil in the area, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company chose Abadan as its main refinery site. By 1956 Abadan had become one of Iran’s major cities, boasting the world’s largest oil refinery and a busy maritime port. During the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) the city, along with its industrial infrastructure, was completely destroyed. Reconstruction started immediately after the war and some oil exports have resumed. Thabit Abdullah

ABANGAN Abangan ( Javanese “red”) is a term popularized by the anthropologist Clifford Geertz (b. 1926) to describe the rural Javanese Muslims whose Islam is blended syncretistically with older animist and Hindu-Buddhist beliefs. The term has entered Indonesian usage and is now considered pejorative, implying laxness in belief. The complex of beliefs that Geertz described are now more commonly called Kejawen (“Javanism”). Abangan belief centers on spirits, magic, and the ceremonial feast or slametan. Most spirits are malicious beings who intervene in human affairs on their own initiative, whereas magic involves the direct control of supernatural forces by a sorcerer or dukun. The skills of a dukun include treating disease, preventing accidents or injury, controlling natural phenomena, and both casting and lifting spells. The slametan is a feast offered to the immediate (male) community and accompanied by incense and prayer to mark a special occasion, to placate the spirits, and to confer on participants and their families a state of being slamet, or healthy and calm. Geertz distinguished

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abangan beliefs from the similarly syncretistic Javanese aristocratic priyayi tradition, but most observers now use the term priyayi to indicate aristocratic status and culture in general and regard it as part of the broader abangan or Kejawen category. The abangan stand in contrast to the santri, considered more pious Muslims, and both are referred to as aliran (streams) in Javanese society. They became one of the bases for political organization after Indonesian independence, the Partai Nasional Indonesia initially having a strong abangan base. During the 1950s, the Partai Komunis Indonesia won increasing abangan support, because the party espoused the interests of the rural poor. Many abangan were therefore among the victims of the anti-Communist massacres of 1965–1966, in which perhaps half a million people died. Ironically, however, President Suharto (b. 1921, reigned 1967–1998) was abangan in upbringing and strongly supported abangan beliefs in his early years in office. Abangan belief was the responsibility of the powerful Department of Education and Culture and in the early 1980s came close to receiving recognition as “belief” distinct from “religion.” Since 1950, the Indonesian state had provided massive support for religion by constructing places of worship, maintaining Islamic universities, and paying the salaries of religious officials. The Department of Religion was generally dominated by orthodox Muslims who regarded abangan belief as heterodox and lax and therefore ensured that no funds went to abangan purposes. A passage in the Indonesian constitution, which refers to religion and belief as if they were sep-

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arate phenomena, however, gave the government a legal basis for regarding belief as part of culture and therefore for supporting it through the Department of Education and Culture, in which abangan Javanese tended to be more influential. Nevertheless, from the late 1980s, official support for abangan practice weakened as Suharto’s New Order began to cultivate orthodox Islam. Traditionally, abangan belief was not at all organized, but from the late colonial period formal organizations began to emerge, generally centered on mystical practice (kebatinan, “innerness”). The largest of these, including Pangestu and Subud, also have a following outside Java. Robert Cribb See also: Islam—Indonesia

Further Reading Beatty, Andrew. (1999) Varieties of Javanese Religion: An Anthropological Account. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Geertz, Clifford. (1960) The Religion of Java. Glencoe, NY: Free Press.

ABDALRAUF FITRAT (1886–1938), Bukharan writer, educator, social activist. Abdalrauf Fitrat was born in 1886 in the emirate of Bukhara to a merchant family, and little is known of his early years. As a young student he attended the Mir-I Arab madrasah (Islamic school) until 1909, when he received a scholarship to continue his education in Constantinople. He spent five years there and traveled broadly throughout the Ottoman empire, Iran, and Xinjiang, China. In 1911, he published his well-known and popular Bayanat-I sayyah-I hindi (Tales of an Indian Traveler) in Persian. It was published in Samarqand in Russian in 1914. The novel denounces Bukhara’s poverty-ridden conditions and the corrupt practices of many Islamic clerics and teachers. It challenges the emirate’s social order, which was a common theme in his professional and social activities. In 1917, Fitrat was elected secretary of the jadidist- (new method) influenced Young Bukharan Party, which seized power in Bukhara during the Russian Civil War. Following the Bolshevik victory, he became the minister for education in the newly established Soviet republic. He is credited with revising the educational system and helping to establish a European-style university in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. In 1923, he was removed from office after being accused

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of bourgeois nationalism. He was arrested in 1938 and executed during the Stalinist party purges. Steven Sabol Further Reading Allworth, Edward. (1990) The Modern Uzbeks from the Fourteenth Century to the Present: A Cultural History. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution. Carrere d’Encausse, Helene. (1988) Islam and the Russian Empire: Reform and Revolution in Central Asia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Khalid, Adeeb. (1998) The Politics of Muslim Cultural Reform: Jadidism in Central Asia. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

ABDUL RAZAK (1922–1976), Second prime minister of Malaysia. Abdul Razak bin Dato’ Hussein, second prime minister of Malaysia (1970–1976), effected major policy changes with long-term implications for the multiethnic population and the nation. Born on 11 March 1922 in Pekan, Pahang, he was educated at the Malay College, Kuala Kangsar, and Raffles College, Singapore. During the Japanese occupation (1941–1945), he joined the Anti-Japanese Malay Resistance Movement (Wataniah). On a scholarship, he read law at Lincoln’s Inn, England, and was called to the bar in 1950. He married Hajah Rahah on 4 September 1952 in Johor. Abdul Razak believed that poverty and socioeconomic imbalances among Malaysia’s multiethnic population could be alleviated through rural development and education. He was instrumental in establishing such agencies as the Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), Malayan Industrial Development Finance (MIDF), and Council of Indigenous People’s Trust (Majlis Amanah Rakyat, MARA). In 1956 he chaired a committee whose recommendations (Razak Report) formed the basis of Malaysia’s education policy. During his premiership, he reshaped Malaysia’s socioeconomic landscape through the New Economic Policy (NEP) aimed at eradicating poverty and restructuring society by focusing on rural development and education. He played a pivotal role in reestablishing public order and the resumption of parliamentary rule (1971) in the aftermath of the 13 May 1969 racial troubles. He expanded the Alliance Party to form a larger coalition, the National Front (Barisan Nasional). During the mid-1970s, he faced a resurgence of Communist activities on the peninsula and secessionist tendencies in Sabah.

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Wan Hashim. (1983) Race Relations in Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Heinemann Educational Books (Asia).

ABDULLAH, MUHAMMAD

(1905–1982), Kashmiri nationalist leader and statesman. Born in Soura, Srinagar District, Kashmir, in a family of shawl merchants, Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah was educated in Lahore and Aligarh and earned a Master’s degree in physics in 1930. He became a central figure in Kashmiri politics, even though for much of his political life he was in prison or under house arrest in Ootacamund, in south India. In 1931 he was arrested for the first time for his role in the Indian independence movement. After the 15 August 1947 partition establishing the separate states of India and Pakistan, the Hindu maharaja of Kashmir wanted his kingdom to remain autonomous of both nations, but on 20 October 1947 Pakistani militia, with government backing, occupied a western sector of Kashmir that has been known ever since as Azad Kashmir (Free Kashmir). In response, the maharaja urgently requested support from India, acting on the advice of Sheikh Abdullah.

Prime Minister Abdul Razak in Kuala Lumpur in 1968. (BETTMANN/CORBIS)

Abdul Razak was closely involved in the formation of Malaysia (1963) and in the reconciliation with Indonesia following Konfrantasi (the Confrontation, 1966). He argued for regional economic cooperation that subsequently led to the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. He proposed the concept for a Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in Southeast Asia (adopted in 1971) and advocated a nonaligned stance for Malaysia and established relations with socialist countries. Ooi Keat Gin Further Reading Means, Gordon P. (1976) Malaysian Politics. 2d ed. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Paridah Abd, Samad. (1998) Tun Abdul Razak. A Phenomenon in Malaysian Politics: A Political Biography. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Affluent Master. Shaw, William. (1976) Tun Abdul Razak: His Life and Times. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Longman Malaysia.

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Sheik Muhammad Abdullah in Kashmir, c. 1950. (BRADLEY SMITH/CORBIS)

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The maharaja executed the Instrument of Accession to the Indian Union, and thereupon, India rushed airborne troops to secure Srinagar, Kashmir’s capital. Sheikh Abdullah was a signatory to the Indian constitution and never advocated the secession of Kashmir to Pakistan. In January 1948 the U.N. Security Council, convened at the request of India, imposed a ceasefire in the region. Thus, Kashmir became a pawn in regional power politics. Soon Abdullah was leading a struggle to oust the maharaja of Kashmir who, unlike the majority of Kashmiris, was not a Muslim. But in 1953, he was dismissed as prime minister because of Pandit Nehru’s suspicion that Abdullah wanted independence for Kashmir. He was kept under house arrest in India, but was finally released in 1964. Abdullah, called the Lion of Kashmir by Muslims and others, became chief minister of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir in 1975 and held that position until his death. Paul Hockings Further Reading Bazaz, Prem Nath. (1954) History of the Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir: Cultural and Political, from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. New Delhi: Pamposh Publications.

ABDULLAH QUAISI

(1894–1938), Master of Uzbek literature. Abdullah Quaisi produced many of the first modern indigenous plays, stories, and novels of Central Asia and had a major role in establishing the genre of the novel in modern Uzbek literature. His works, published between 1913 and 1923, reflect the changing circumstances of Uzbek life under the late czarist and early Soviet regimes. Initially attracted to the Turan society (a chauvinistic idea of a superpolitical unity of the Turkic language–speaking nations) as a reformer, he later became involved in promoting the revolutionary cause of the Bolsheviks, as reflected in his story Atam va Bolshevik (My Father and the Bolshevik, 1922). Quaisi came to prominence with the publication of Otgan Kunlar (Past Days, 1923), credited as the first Uzbek historical novel, as a nationalist work, and as an attack on traditional Uzbek attitudes. His second novel, Mehradban Chayan (The Scorpion from the Mihrab), also received acclaim. Quaisi died in Stalin’s purges of the 1930s, but gained posthumous recognition in 1956, and since Uzbek independence he has been recognized as a martyred nationalist. Leonard A. Stone

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Further Reading Murphy, Christopher. (1992) “Abdullah Qadiriy and the Bolsheviks: From Reform to Revolution.” In Muslims in Central Asia, edited by Jo-Ann Gross. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 269–270.

ABE ISO (1865–1949), Father of Japanese socialism. A native of Fukuoka Prefecture and graduate of Japan’s first important Christian university, Doshisha, Abe Iso spent his career advocating pacifism, Christianity, and labor rights. Following an early stint as a minister and a time of study at Hartford School of Theology in Connecticut, Abe joined the Waseda University faculty in 1899, a post he would hold for most of his remaining life. A moderate socialist, Abe helped launch Japan’s most important socialist parties and organizations. In 1901, he was a creator of Japan’s first socialist party, the short-lived Socialist Democrats; in later years, he helped found the Socialist People’s Party (1928), the Socialist Masses Party (1932), and the Nationalist Labor Party (1940). He was elected to the Diet in 1928 and continued to win in successive elections, until he resigned in 1940, in opposition to Japan’s growing militarism. Though lacking a brilliant personality (he called himself a “utility man,” drawing on the language of baseball, which he loved passionately), Abe was admired by supporters for the dogged consistency of his ideals and damned by more radical leftists as too moderate and pragmatic. His insistent antimilitarist stance made him a target of the right wing, and in 1938, he was nearly assassinated. After World War II, he served as an advisor to the Japan Socialist Party. James L. Huffman Further Reading Powles, Cyril. (1978) “Abe Isoo: The Utility Man.” In Pacifism in Japan. Kyoto, Japan: Minerva Press.

ABIM. See Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia. ABKHAZIA A semiautonomous republic in northwestern Georgia, Abkhazia borders Russia to the north, along a ridge of peaks in the Caucasus Mountains; the northeastern coast of the Black Sea defines its southern boundary. With some river valleys and a few lakes breaking the terrain, its steep northern slopes run from glaciers to pastures, to mixed forests,

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and eventually to a long, narrow strip of fertile coastland. Because Abkhazia has a subtropical climate along its coastal slopes and lowlands, its farms have long been known for their abundant yields of tea, citrus fruit, tobacco, grapes, and other crops. The capital is the port of Sukhum, erected on the grounds of a former Greek colony. The Abkhaz region has been the site of human settlement since prehistoric times. Some of the first recorded histories of the region involve the Colchis state of the first millennium BCE; Greece conquered it in approximately 100 BCE. In later periods, both the Romans and Byzantines supported trading posts and garrisons in Abkhazia in order to maintain control over the Black Sea. The first Abkhaz kingdom was established in the eighth century CE; a later manifestation of this state merged with a Georgian kingdom in the eleventh century. The region fell to Mongol-Turkic invasions in the thirteenth century, and the Ottoman Turks claimed Abkhazia in the sixteenth century. The Russians seized it in the early nineteenth century. With the rise of the Soviet Union, and throughout most of the Soviet period, Abkhazia was designated an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic within the republic of Georgia. The consolidation of Russian—and later Soviet and Georgian—control over the region led to the migration of ethnic Abkhazians, mostly to Turkey. Soviet restrictions on Abkhaz ethnolinguistic expression and institutions were particularly severe under Stalin and the Communist Party. Ethnic Abkhaz—often referring to themselves as Apsua, or variations thereof—are generally regarded as descendents of those peoples who had entered the region by the first century CE. Images of traditional Abkhazians depict a people with great longevity who are associated with cattle husbandry along the slopes and agriculture in the lowlands. About half are Orthodox Christians; Sunni Muslims comprise the other half. The Abkhaz language is part of the Northwest group of Caucasian languages and, despite periods of severe suppression under the Soviets, maintains both written and literary traditions. According to the 1990 census, Abkhazia had a population of almost 550,000; of these fewer than 20 percent were ethnic Abkhaz. The majority were Georgian—almost 50 percent— with Armenians, Russians and Ukrainians, and some smaller groups constituting the remaining 30 percent. In the mid-1990s, however, large numbers of nonAbkhaz peoples left amid armed conflict. Despite their minority status, Abkhazians were particularly active in promoting their ethnolinguistic and political rights in the later years of the Soviet Union,

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and since its collapse. In 1978, the Abkhazians proposed a petition for secession, and in 1990 the Abkhazian Supreme Soviet declared independence— envisioning a federation with Georgia rather than a subordinate state in a larger Georgian republic. In 1992, military conflicts between the Abkhaz and Georgia ensued. Since 1994, a relative peace has been imposed by Russia, according to terms that critics view as favoring Russia, Georgia, and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). However, having been forced to accept peace under the threat of Russian force and trade sanctions imposed by the CIS, the resolution to the problem of Abkhaz autonomy and sovereignty are far from resolved. Kyle T. Evered Further Reading Benet, Sula. (1974) Abkhasians: The Long-Living People of the Caucasus. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Hewitt, B. George. (1993) “Abkhazia: A Problem of Identity and Ownership.” Central Asian Survey 12, 3: 267–323. Slider, Darrell. (1985) “Crisis and Response in Soviet Nationality Policy: The Case of Abkhazia.” Central Asian Survey 4, 4: 51–68.

ABORIGINAL PEOPLES—TAIWAN The aboriginal people of Taiwan are the island’s nonChinese indigenous inhabitants. Their cultures and languages are Austronesian and include the oldest languages of the Austronesian family. Archaeological evidence suggests that their ancestors came from the Asian mainland at least 6,000 years ago and then became the source of the migrations south into the Pacific and insular Southeast Asia. It appears that later migration northward from the Philippines brought new groups back to southern Taiwan. The twenty-two aboriginal languages and cultures in Taiwan, of which ten are still living, are a major anthropological source for research into Austronesian origins. History Aboriginal peoples were the only inhabitants of Taiwan until 1624, when the Dutch established a colony and Chinese migration began. Today, the remaining ten aboriginal “tribes” number some 400,000 people, or 1.8 percent of Taiwan’s population. By the early twentieth century, almost all the plains aborigines (Pingpuzu) were sinicized and had intermarried into Chinese settler society. While there is a Pingpu ethnic revival today, their real descendents are the Hokkien-speaking Taiwanese, most of whom have Pingpu as well as Chinese ancestors. The ten groups

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inhabiting the mountains and eastern coast survived in part because of geograph, and in part because they were feared as “savages” and headhunters. Aboriginal people were called Mountain People (Shandiren, Shanbao) until the “Return our Name” movement resulted in the official adoption of the term “Taiwan Aboriginal People” (Yuanzhuminzu) in 1994. Relations between the settler society and mountain aborigines were shaped by trade and a Chinese defensive line along the mountain fringe until the 1860s, when export demand for tea and camphor led the settlers to push into the mountains, especially in northern Taiwan. Aboriginal resistance and settler reprisals characterized a generation of sporadic warfare in the north, which ended only with the imposition after 1895 of a strong defense line by the new Japanese rulers of Taiwan. They separated mountain aboriginal areas from the rest of Taiwan, forbidding Chinese settlement and any non-Japanese cultural influence on them. Ultimately, this colonial control strategy contributed to the preservation of aboriginal territory and culture. The imposition of harsh Japanese police administration was resisted most strongly by the Tayal tribe. It took a five-year military campaign (1910– 1914) in which thousands of lives were lost before the Tayal were conquered. In 1930 there was a final uprising, the Wushe Incident, in central Taiwan. The Japanese moved villages out of the deep mountains, introduced rice agriculture and cash economy, and educated a generation of aboriginal elite, while destroying much traditional aboriginal social structure. Aboriginal culture today is deeply marked by Japanese custom and language. Importance of Churches in Modern Period After 1945, the Republic of Taiwan (under the Chinese Nationalists) continued most Japanese policies, but the government opened the mountains to Chinese settlement and Christian evangelism. Policies of agricultural development, enforcement of Mandarin Chinese education, suppression of aboriginal languages, and politicized sinicization in the 1950s were aimed at assimilating the aboriginal people. Attempts by some among the aboriginal elite to oppose these policies were quickly crushed, notably with the execution of several leaders of the “Formosan National Salvation Alliance” in 1954. Most local leaders joined the Guomindang Nationalist Party (GMD) and learned how to win elections in the thirty Mountain Townships, lowlevel units of self-government that serve as conduits for patronage and corruption. Much aboriginal reserve land, held in trust since Japanese days by the state for aboriginal users, fell into Chinese hands. Aboriginal so-

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ciety became tormented by poverty, alcoholism, suicide, and family breakdown. The aboriginal people became sources of cheap labor in construction, mining, factories, and fishing. These problems persist despite improvements in the aboriginal people’s situation. The churches became the basis of aboriginal cultural persistence and ethnic revival. Presbyterian and Catholic evangelism resulted in about 70 percent of the aboriginal people becoming Christian by 1960. Christianity is often seen in Taiwan as a mark of aboriginal identity. Especially among Presbyterians, leadership by aboriginal clergy, use of aboriginal language in worship, and inclusion of traditional forms of social cooperation in church organization meant that the churches became the only autonomous aboriginal people’s organizations outside state control that affirmed and perpetuated aboriginal identity. From the mid-1970s on, a charismatic movement revitalized the aboriginal Presbyterian churches, and human-rights ideas combined with biblical images of the chosen people and the promised land, bringing elements of aboriginal nationalism into everyday religious practice. Politically, most aboriginal politicians remained loyal members of the Guomindang. In the early 1980s, widespread opposition to authoritarian GMD rule began to gather strength in Taiwan. A few educated youths began to challenge GMD control of the aboriginal people and in 1984 founded the Alliance of Taiwan Aborigines (ATA), with support from the Presbyterian Church. Aboriginal churches were already engaged in a campaign to gain land rights from the state, and, with the ATA, began to be overtly critical of state policies. In 1987 several highly publicized local protests ensued over land issues, in which Presbyterian clergy played leading roles. In 1988 these coalesced into the “Return our Land” movement and a mass aboriginal demonstration in Taipei on 25 August 1988. Aboriginal Rights Movements and Contemporary Policies The Return our Land movement resulted in only about 13,000 hectares of land being released, but it raised the profile of aboriginal issues in the media and among Taiwan’s political elite. Aboriginal politicians, formerly GMD party hacks, sought to outdo one another in fighting for long-denied rights. Native language and self-government became popular social causes. These were enshrined in constitutional revisions between 1992 and 1997: The State affirms cultural pluralism and shall actively preserve and foster the development of aboriginal languages and culture.

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The state shall, in accordance with the will of the ethnic groups, safeguard the status and political participation of the aborigines. The state shall also guarantee and provide assistance and encouragement for aboriginal education, culture, medical care, economic activity, land and social welfare, measures for which . . . shall be established by law.

(Republic of China Constitution, Additional Article 10) A cabinet-level Council of Aboriginal Affairs was established in 1996, but it has no administrative authority. Nonetheless, the large funding and policy consultation role it has been given has contributed to an aboriginal renaissance as well as to the development of many local and national nongovernmental initiatives. In the 1990s aboriginal peoples became key symbols of the new multicultural Taiwan, symbolized by the major role they played in the inauguration of President Chen Shuibian (b. 1950) in May 2000. Chen appointed one of the leaders of the aboriginal rights movement, a Presbyterian minister, to head the Council of Aboriginal Affairs and made classes in native languages part of the regular school curriculum. If proposals to establish aboriginal autonomous areas are realized, Taiwan’s aboriginal peoples will not only be the most economically and socially advantaged in Asia (notwithstanding many continuing social problems), but will also be a political model for transition from the ethnic margins to the political center. Michael Stainton Further Reading Bellwood, Peter. (1991) “The Austronesian Dispersal and the Origin of Languages,” Scientific American 191 ( July): 88–93. Chen, Chi-lu. (1968) Material Culture of the Formosan Aborigines. Taipei, Taiwan: Taiwan Provincial Museum. Li Kuang-chou, Chang Kwang-chih, Arthur P. Wolf, and Alexander Chien-chun Yin, eds.(1989) Anthropological Studies of the Taiwan Area: Accomplishments and Prospects. Taipei, Taiwan: National Taiwan University. Republic of China Government Information Office. (2000) “Taiwan’s Indigenous Peoples,” Republic of China Yearbook 2000. Taipei, Taiwan: 29–36. Rubinstein, Murray, ed. (1999) Taiwan: A New History. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe. Shepherd, John Robert. (1993) Statecraft and Political Economy on the Taiwan Frontier 1600–1800. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP. Stainton, Michael. (1995) “Return Our Land: Counterhegemonic Presbyterian Aboriginality in Taiwan.” M.A. thesis. York University, Toronto, Canada. ———. (1995) “Taiwan Aborigines in the UN: International and Domestic Implications,” East Asia Forum 4 (Fall): 63–79.

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ABU BAKAR (1843?–1895), sultan of Johor. Regarded as the father of modern Johor, Abu Bakar (reigned 1862–1895) presided over the emergence of a fairly prosperous bureaucratic state in Malay with a vibrant commercial agricultural sector. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Johor was the only independent peninsular Malay state; all the others were dominated by foreign powers, including the British. Abu Bakar cultivated close ties with the British. Through his influence, the British were able to impose indirect rule on the Sri Menanti Confederacy (present-day Negeri Semblian, a state in the Federation of Malaysia) and Pahang (also a state in the Federation of Malaysia) in the late 1880s. The British sanctioned his annexation of Muar, a Malay principality nominally under the kingdom of Johor, following the death of Sultan Ali Iskandar Shah of Muar (reigned 1855–1877). Abu Bakar outmaneuvered the governor of the Straits Settlements, Sir Frederick Weld (governed 1880–1887), by signing a treaty in 1885 with Britain, bypassing Weld and the British Colonial Office. Thereby Abu Bakar was recognized as sultan and an independent ruler. He established the Johor Advisory Board, a quasi-diplomatic representation, in London. Abu Baker promulgated a written constitution in 1894, a code of laws, and a bureaucratic form of administration. Roads, schools, and hospitals were built. Europeans were engaged as legal and technical advisers to the government. The economy was developed in partnership with Chinese and European entrepreneurs and financiers. Having led an extravagant lifestyle with expensive Anglophile tastes and habits, he died in 1895, bequeathing to his son and successor Ibrahim his kingdom, an empty royal purse, and a hefty debt. Ooi Keat Gin Further Reading Gullick, J. M. (1992) Rulers and Residents: Influence and Power in the Malay States, 1870–1920. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. Thio, Eunice. (1969) British Policy in the Malay Peninsula, 1880–1910, Vol. I: The Southern and Central States. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: University of Malaya Press. Trocki, C. (1978) Prince of Pirates: The Temenggongs and the Development of Johor and Singapore, 1784–1885. Singapore: Singapore University Press.

ABU, MOUNT Mount Abu (1,722 meters) forms an isolated spur of the Aravalli Range, in southern

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Rajasthan State of northwest India. It rises like a precipitous granite island from the surrounding plains. The mountain is sacred to the Jains who call the place Dilwara; several of its peaks are covered with a multitude of architecturally superb Jain temples dating from the eleventh through thirteenth centuries as well as other shrines and tombs. The structures are the best examples of Jain religious architecture and stand out because they are built of white marble. To the Jains, Dilwara is an important pilgrimage destination. A fort five kilometers from Dilwara served as headquarters of the local Paramara chiefs (ninth to eleventh centuries), and contains two Jain temples of the same period. Among the most important temples on Mount Abu are one built during 1197–1247 and remarkable for the delicacy of its marble carvings; and another, built circa 1032 CE, is one of the oldest known Jain buildings and is devoted to the god Parsvanath. There is also a hill-station or sanitarium on the mountain, at about 1,200 meters elevation. Called Mount Abu (1991 population 15,547), it was originally constructed for the convenience of Europeans seeking to escape the hot summer weather. The temperature ranges from 70 to 90° F, never hotter; annual rainfall is about 68 inches. The town has a church, club, hospital, a small artificial lake, and a school originally built for the children of British soldiers, as well as scenic roadways and bridle paths. Paul Hockings Further Reading Davies, Philip, and George Michell. (1989). “Mount Abu.” In The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India: Buddhist, Jain, Hindu. 2 vols. New York: Viking Penguin, 273–276.

ACADEMIA SINICA Academia Sinica, founded in Nanjing in 1928, is the most prominent academic institution in the Republic of China (ROC). Although it is affiliated directly to the ROC Presidential Office, Academia Sinica, which is located in Taipei, enjoys independence and autonomy in formulating its own research agenda. Its major tasks are to conduct academic research in sciences, humanities, and social sciences, as well as to provide guidance, coordination, and incentives to raising academic standards in Taiwan. An international graduate school to train future scholars is currently under preparation; it will recruit five to ten graduate students every year from 2002 for each of its eleven Ph.D. programs.

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Academia Sinica has made tremendous progress in recent years. An increasing number of research papers written by its faculty, which numbered 1,150 in 2001, are appearing in well-known international journals. Some journals, published by Academia Sinica itself, such as Zoological Studies and Statistical Sinica, have received international recognition. Academia Sinica plays a major role in the field of Chinese studies. For example, the archaeological findings by researchers at the Institute of History and Philology have, in combination with written documents, led to a virtual rewriting of ancient Chinese history, pushing back the span of Chinese history by many centuries. The current president of Academia Sinica is Dr. Yuan-tseh Lee, a 1986 Nobel laureate in chemistry. The convocation currently consists of 199 members (academicians), which includes five ethnic Chinese Nobel laureates. Chang Jui-te

ACEH REBELLION (1873–1903). Despite the Dutch arrival in Indonesia in the seventeenth century, expansion into Aceh did not occur until the end of the nineteenth century. The people of Aceh fiercely resisted Dutch encroachment on their territory in northern Sumatra. While Aceh’s independence was guaranteed by the 1824 Anglo-Dutch Treaty of London, in 1858 the Dutch gained access to east coast ports in an agreement with the sultan of Siak. The sultan of Aceh saw this as a threat and sought to forge alliances with external powers, particularly Turkey. In turn the Dutch and the British forged an alliance under a treaty in 1871, which allowed the Netherlands to launch their 1873 invasion. After a disastrous initial foray in 1873, the Dutch eventually captured the sultan’s palace in Banda Aceh in 1874, but this failed to end resistance. Traditional village rulers organized a sustained rebellion in which a purist strain of Islam, notable among Acehnese, was used as a rallying point to oppose the Dutch kafir (“nonbelievers”). The destruction of the Aceh sultanate saw Islamic leaders assume control of the resistance, the most prominent of whom was Teungku Cik di Tiro (1836–1891). The Dutch were able to break the resistance through the use of local sympathizers, and troops from cooperative Indonesian ethnic groups. The fighting, which lasted until around 1903, proved costly to the Netherlands. But resistance continued throughout Dutch rule in what was the most troublesome part of Indonesia, even after the official end of the conflict. This resistance continued into the establishment of the

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already converted to Islam. The 1824 Anglo-Dutch agreement placed them under the Dutch sphere of influence, but they resisted and were never completely subjugated. Consequently, many Acehnese reject Indonesia’s claim to sovereignty over the territory. Given the status of an autonomous Indonesian province in 1949, Aceh’s amalgamation with North Sumatra province in 1950 provoked a brief rebellion in 1953. In 1956, Aceh was made a special province, administratively equal with other provinces, to quiet discontent, though this action implied reneging on the promise of autonomy. Aceh’s natural gas, petroleum, and other natural resources exploited by foreign and Indonesian companies appear not to benefit the Acehnese, who are poorer than residents of resource-poor Java, where the Indonesian government is centered. Awareness of economic exploitation feeds support for independence among the Acehnese, who are such devout Muslims that they want the Islamic legal code applied in the province.

An Indonesian woman protests the government repression of the Aceh rebellion outside the United Nations office in Jakarata on 7 August 2001. (REUTERS NEWMEDIA INC./CORBIS)

Republic of Indonesia, when guerrilla elements continued to push their demands for independence. Anthony L. Smith Further Reading Ricklefs, M. C. (1993) A History of Modern Indonesia Since c.1300. London: The MacMillan Press Ltd. Tarling, Nicholas. (1966) A Concise History of Southeast Asia. Singapore: Donald Moore Press Ltd. Tate, D. J. M. (1971) The Making of Modern South-East Asia: The European Conquest. London: Oxford University Press.

ACEHNESE

Four million people live in Aceh (pronounced ah-chay) in northwestern Sumatra, Indonesia, and consider themselves distinct from other peoples of Indonesia. Ninety percent of them are ethnically Acehnese and live in the lowlands, while the minority Gajo live in the highlands..

In 500 CE, the Acehnese were Buddhist, but when Marco Polo visited in the thirteenth century they had

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In the late 1970s, when support for the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) was centered in only one district, Indonesia tried to suppress dissent, and some Acehnese were deported. Resistance subsided until 1989, when some Libyan-trained guerrillas returned to Aceh and began attacking Indonesian soldiers and non-Acehnese migrants, provoking military overreaction. From 1990 to 1998, Indonesian counterinsurgency operations virtually placed the province under martial law. After Suharto (b. 1921) resigned as Indonesian president in 1998, many Acehnese returned from Malaysia and some from Libya. Partial withdrawal of the military was ordered, but troops were stoned as they paraded during a 31 August ceremony marking the withdrawal, provoking brutal military retaliation. In January 1999, an Aceh student congress proposed a referendum on independence. Abdurrahman Wahid (b. 1940), elected Indonesian president in October 1999, at first indicated approval. When the Indonesian government later declared opposition to a referendum, GAM organized support and attacked symbols of Indonesian authority. Security forces, ordered to arrest ringleaders, instead perpetrated widespread atrocities, prompting moderate Acehnese to support independence. The outcome of the struggle remains uncertain. Michael Haas Further Reading Human Rights Watch. (1999) Indonesia: Why Aceh Is Exploding. New York: Human Rights Watch Press.

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Smith, Holly S. (1998) Aceh: Art and Culture. New York: Oxford University Press.

ACUPUNCTURE Acupuncture is an ancient treatment technique still routinely used in traditional Chinese medicine and also in Western medicine. The Huangdi Nei Jing (Canon of Medicine), compiled between 475 BCE and 23 CE, is the earliest extant medical book in which acupuncture is described. One of its components, Ling Shu (Canon of Acupuncture), describes nine instruments, some of which are still in use. Techniques for making bamboo needles and for casting bronze needles developed during the Shang dynasty (1766–1045 BCE). During the Song dynasty (960–1267 CE), the Jurchen Jin dynasty (1126–1234 CE), and the Yuan dynasty (1267–1368 CE), acupuncture developed widely in China. However, during the Qing dynasty (1644–1912) the practice was banned from general use by decree because it was perceived as suitable for application to the emperor. Although banned, acupuncture continued to flourish in local use. Although acupuncture had been popular among the Chinese-American community for over one hundred years, non-Chinese Americans became more aware of acupuncture after President Richard Nixon’s 1972 visit to China. An understanding of the healing art of acupuncture requires familiarity with the concepts of channels and collaterals. In Chinese medicine, channels are the main trunks running lengthwise through the body, and collaterals are their connecting branches. Together they connect the superficial, interior, upper, and lower portions of the human body. Qi (life energy) flows through the channels. The twelve regular channels include the three yin channels of each hand and foot and the three yang channels of each hand and foot. Yin and yang are the two basic, complementary principles of which all phenomena partake: wetness, introversion, and coldness are yin characteristics, for example, and dryness, extroversion, and heat are yang characteristics. The eight extra channels are the du channel, the ren channel, the chong channel, the dai channel, the yinqiao channel, the yangqiao channel, the yinwei channel, and the yangwei channel. The acupuncture points or acupoints are distributed along the channels and collaterals. The 361 channel points and 231 common points are named in Chinese and also are named using the Roman alphabetical and Western numerical system. For example, the often-used acupoint zusanli, which is along the channel connecting the stomach to the foot, is internationally named “S-36.” Acupuncture needles are in-

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A woman receives acupuncture treatment from a Chinese physician at a hospital in Beijing in 1989. (DAVID & PETER TURNLEY/CORBIS)

serted at the points, and their stimulation releases blocked qi, which in turn leads to healing. In China acupuncture is used to treat diseases in nearly every branch of medicine, whether it is cardiology or dentistry, infectious diseases, or obstetrics. Responding to research, acupuncture techniques have embraced such new technologies as laser and electrical stimulation. In Chinese hospitals that provide acupuncture services, the acupuncture section is always called the department of acupuncture and moxibustion (moxibustion is the burning of medicinal substances, usually herbs, on the acupoints for therapeutic effect). Although the predominant treatment in the department is acupuncture, moxibustion plays an important role. Even as Western medicine becomes more common in China in the twenty-first century, acupuncture continues to be used, especially in hospitals that rely on traditional medicine and also those that combine traditional and Western approaches. Bao-xing Chen and Garé Lecompte

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Further Reading Academy of Traditional Chinese Medicine. (1978) An Outline of Chinese Acupuncture. Monterey Park, CA: Chan’s Corporation. Cooperative Group of Shandong Medical College and Shandong College of Traditional Chinese Medicine. (1982) Anatomical Atlas of Chinese Acupuncture Points. Jinan, China: Shandong Science and Technology Press. Geng Junying and Su Zhihong. (1991) Practical Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacology: Acupuncture and Moxibustion. Beijing: New World Press. Zhang Enqin. (1990) Chinese Acupuncture and Moxibustion. Shanghai, China: Publishing House of the Shanghai College of Traditional Chinese Medicine.

ADALET PARTISI The Adalet Partisi, or Justice Party (JP; 1961–1980), was a political party founded in 1961 in Turkey by the lower echelons of the Democrat Parti (Democrat Party [DP]). The DP had been dissolved by the military junta that staged the 1960 coup. The JP’s first leader, Ragip Gumuspala (1897–1964), was chief of the General Staff and was among the 5,000 officers involuntarily retired by the junta to rejuvenate the armed forces in August 1960 (the “Eminsu” case). In 1964, following the death of Gumuspala, Suleyman Demirel (1924–) was elected the second leader of the party and occupied this position until the 1980 military junta banned the party. The JP’s ideology accorded the private sector an important role in economic development and emphasized social justice, rapid economic development, and religious tolerance. The party represented the newly emerging political elite made up of industrialists, small entrepreneurs, artisans, merchants, and professionals who had not been given enough representation by the central organization of the old DP. The JP was not a uniform body. The party’s caucus included, in addition to liberal elements, religious groups, extreme rightists, and devout supporters of the former DP. The mixed composition led to two major splits. The first ended with the dismissal of the nationalist-fundamentalist group from the party in 1967. The second came in December 1970, when seventytwo members of parliament and senators resigned from the party and founded the Democratik Party (Democratic Party). The party’s adoption of an import-substitution policy accelerated the expansion of a capitalist economy at the expense of small merchants and artisans, who withdrew support and moved toward small right-wing parties promising a more nationalist economy. Slowing economic growth, inflation, and labor-related conflicts cooled relations between the party and the

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private sector. The party’s relationship with the military and bureaucrats, on the other hand, was always troublesome. The JP was in government for half of its twenty years of existence, serving as a coalition partner (November 1961–June 1962, February–October 1965, March 1975–June 1977 [I. Nationalist Front], July 1977–January 1978 [II. Nationalist Front]), as the majority government (October 1965–October 1969, November 1969–February 1970, March 1970–March 1971), and as a minority government (October 1979–September 1980). After the 1980 military intervention, it was dissolved, and its leaders were banned from political activities. Ayla H. Kilic Further Reading Heper, Metin, and Jacob M. Landau, eds. (1991) Political Parties and Democracy in Turkey. London: Tauris.

ADANA (2000 est. pop. 1.1 million). The fifthlargest city of Turkey, Adana is located at the confluence of the Seyhan and Ceyhan Rivers in the rich agricultural plain of Cukurova in southeastern Anatolia. Adana has changed hands often. In 1516 the Ottoman sultan Selim I (1468–1520) took possession of the city during his campaign against the Mamluks. The Ottomans left the administration of this newly conquered territory to local vassals for some years, but in 1608 the territory became a province of the Ottoman empire. In 1833 Adana was ceded in the Treaty of Kutahya to Muhammad Ali Pasha (or Mehmet Ali Pasa, 1769–1849), a rebel Ottoman officer who had succeeded in creating a more or less independent dynasty in Egypt. The Ottoman empire recovered Adana with the London Convention of 1840, and the city again became a provincial capital in 1867. The city’s importance as an agricultural trading center dramatically increased during the American Civil War (1861–1865), when Adana benefited from the sudden shortage of cotton on the international market. As a measure of this increasing importance, a railroad connecting Adana to the Mediterranean port of Mersin was built in 1886, and this line was later included in the Baghdad Railway. In 1909, Adana was the site of a short-lived Armenian uprising that was brutally suppressed. The French occupied the city in 1919, following the 1918 defeat of the Ottoman empire in World War I. Unwilling to invest the men and moneys necessary to

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maintain this occupation, however, France ceded the territory to the Turkish Nationalist forces in 1922 at the Treaty of Ankara. Adana maintains its importance as an agricultural center, and cotton continues to be a significant local crop. Other important crops include oranges, lemons, rice, and sesame. During the Turkish Republic, agriculturally related industries such as textile and vegetable oil production also assumed increasing importance. Adana is home to Cukurova University, founded in 1973. Yasar Kemal (b. 1922), arguably the most famous author of Republican Turkey, was born here and based many of his works on the Turkish and Kurdish folktales of the surrounding countryside. Howard Eissenstat Further Reading Cross, Toni M., and Gary Leiser. (2000) A Brief History of Ankara. Vacaville, CA: Indian Ford Press.

ADAT Adat refers to the wide range of local customary regimes characterizing the diversity of ethnic groupings and local communities across the MalayIndonesian archipelago. Variously translated as “custom,” “tradition,” “practice,” and “rule,” the concept conveys a sense of the local order of things—bequeathed and validated by ancestors, maintained and adapted by their descendants. Adat typically orders property rights, marriage and inheritance practices, resource access, and local governance. Transgressions of adat prescriptions or prohibitions may result in social or supernatural retribution; hence the regulatory aspect of adat goes beyond tradition or convention and invokes a legal dimension. But adat has broader connotations than Western concepts of either custom or law convey: it also implicates propriety and commonality and appeals to particular moral styles and models of social consensus. Adat relationships typically encompass social behavior, ritual responsibilities, reciprocal relations, and collective obligations, as well as other duties and privileges of membership in a community or kinship group. Critically important are the ancestral and communal sanctions that make law and custom living religious and social practices. Of Arabic derivation, the term adat entered Malay, the trading language of the region, and came to encompass numerous analogous concepts in indigenous languages: dresta (ancient custom) in Balinese, ada ntotua (the customs of the elders) among Kaili speakers in Sulawesi, and adat perpatih (matrilineal customary law) for the Minangkabau peoples of Sumatra (In-

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donesia) and Negeri Sembilan (Malaysia), for example. The long history of contact with external religious and legal systems—Indic since the fourth century, Islamic since the fourteenth century, and European since the sixteenth century—through trade and colonization resulted in a fusion of adat with compatible aspects of these imported traditions. But as the Dutch adat scholar Cornelis Van Vollenhoven (1874–1933) argued, it is the indigenous system that prevails in the popular legal consciousness. While in no sense representing a homogeneous set of principles, the concept of adat nevertheless evokes the disparate meanings and significant identities associated with “the local” across Indonesia. Stretching from very specific ethnic, community, or kin group referents—for example, adat Minangkabau (an ethnic group), or adat Desa Tenganan (a particular village)— to a broad, generic notion of a pan–Malay-Indonesian cultural substratum that predated and fused with the religious traditions of Hinduism and Islam, the notion of adat is fundamentally concerned with the reciprocal rights of individuals and their responsibilities to their community and the ancestors that ensure the community’s collective well-being. The Leiden Adatrecht School Adat law became a major discipline of Dutch colonial legal studies. Building on the earlier writings of G. A. Wilken, William Marsden, and Stamford Raffles, the Adatrecht (literally “Adat Law”) School was pioneered by Cornelis Van Vollenhoven after his 1901 appointment to the professorship of Constitutional Law and Administration at the University of Leiden. Van Vollenhoven understood adat to be founded on more or less autonomous “jural communities” organized along kinship or territorial lines. But adat authority could also be vested in voluntary associations that might be subsets of communities at one end of the spectrum or, at the other end, claimed by hierarchically structured principalities that incorporated adat communities or kin groups, which retained various degrees of autonomy. Van Vollenhoven argued that it was inappropriate to divorce legal institutions from other elements of popular culture. The embeddedness of adat in local institutions and beliefs made it impossible to draw a clear distinction between adat as either custom or law. Rules or customs that might otherwise be regarded merely as etiquette represent a sensibility to community harmony and ancestral obligation that integrates social, religious, and legal dimensions of everyday life. One codification of customary law, the Ninety-Nine Laws

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of Perak (translated in Hooker 1978), for example, includes sections on abusive language, ceremonial bathing, payments to the caretaker of village spirits, and the keeping of elephants. Customary sanctions may be applied because of the failure to perform communal obligations or carry out village cleansing rituals, the omission of compulsory contributions to a feast, the felling of trees without permission, or the transgression of rules on prohibited marriages. Sanctions might require formal expulsion from the adat community, or they remain implicit in common understandings that the failure to observe proper social relationships, conduct rituals, or reciprocate appropriately would bring ancestral disfavor and misfortune. Van Vollenhoven and his students recognized these culturally defined norms and rules that regulate everyday life as legitimate forms of law, which exist alongside codified regulations imposed by formal institutions of authority. The Dutch authorities published volumes of adat law documents as part of their colonizing project. These Adatrechtbundels (Adat Law Collections), including inventories of local adat practices, codifications of rules and penalties, and records of disputes and court cases, were collected annually from different parts of the archipelago between 1911 and 1955. For the Leiden School, these voluminous materials demonstrated the importance of indigenous customary law and the potential for codifying it. The highly localized and heterogeneous sources for interpreting adat, however, make generalization difficult. Adat may apply primarily to groups organized by kinship or to a territorial community in which kinship is not important. It may privilege inheritance through male (as among the Balinese and Batak) or female lines (as among the Minangkabau), or it may stipulate equal inheritance from both parents, as in the most prevalent bilateral kinship arrangement in Southeast Asia. Insofar as the diversity of adat regimes can be said to share underlying patterns or principles, a pragmatic tolerance for—or at least a recognition of—local variation is perhaps foremost among them. Different beliefs, prohibitions, obligations, prerogatives, ritual practices, and clothing and housing styles may be prescribed or justified as local adat. Certain aspects of adat practice may be privileged as central to group identity—for instance, matrilineal descent among the Minangkabau, ritual service obligation (ayahan) among the Balinese, or the runggun decision-making forum among the Karo Batak—in a certain period, locale, or context and remain without emphasis in another. As the Balinese adage Desa kala patra (according to “place,

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time, and circumstance”) indicates, adat is open to situational interpretation and revision. Van Vollenhoven likened variation in local adat to dialects of a common language, in which an underlying grammar could be revealed by scholarly analysis. The studies carried out by the Leiden School assert that common underlying features could be identified beneath the surface diversity. Adat stresses local autonomy, recognizing and legitimizing variation from one social group to the other, and exhibits flexibility over time. Adat is geared toward maintaining harmonious relations; because local constructions of adat are acutely attuned to reciprocal relations in pursuit of social consonance, balance and equivalence have great resonance in its rhetorical and ritual expression. Nevertheless, in most of the cultures of the archipelago, adat also accommodates hierarchic social structures that grant degrees of precedence and prerogative to founding ancestors or aristocratic lineages. Communal interest theoretically takes priority over individual interest; consequently the adat ethos is geared toward consensual deliberation and mutual aid. Local adat is more often than not uncodified, taking its social force from the collective memory and ancestral bonds of community members, as interpreted through the wisdom and spiritual powers of adat specialists. Adat authority tends to be diffuse, vested variously in corporate membership, village elders, and rulers, but it is subject to the intervention of supernatural forces—auspicious or ominous events signifying the favor or dissatisfaction of ancestors and local guardian spirits. The power and knowledge of the spirit domain are often exercised by inspired or charismatic practitioners operating outside formal lines of authority. Controversies: Of Rights and Identities Most of the controversies surrounding adat in academic literature, political circles, and popular debates among the regional cultures of Indonesia center on its relevance to modernity, its relationship to orthodox religions, and its implications for property, status, and gender. Gender, Religion, and Modernity Conflicts and accommodations among adat, capitalist modernity, and Islamic revival movements have been of special interest to scholars of gender and religion. Adat typically recognizes women’s right to initiate divorce and, in the predominantly bilateral kinship systems of the archipelago, to equal inheritance rights and an equal share in property acquired during marriage. Matrilineal customary law (adat perpatih) among the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra in Indonesia

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and Negeri Sembilan in West Malaysia has received considerable attention because of the long-standing accommodation of Islam to women’s customary inheritance rights. Under matrilineal adat, ancestral property passes through the female line, whereas Islamic law formally gives women the right to a one-third share of family property, compared to two-thirds for male descendants. The difference between Minangkabau adat and Islamic law was traditionally resolved through a distinction between ancestral property (harta pusako), transmitted from mothers to daughters, and individually acquired property (harta pencarian), which may be disposed of according to the wishes of the owner. Although the Minangkabau generally regard Islam and adat as mutually reinforcing aspects of their identity, modernist political movements in West Sumatra challenged adat-based relations, particularly women’s property rights under adat, without substantively altering adat inheritance practice. In Malaya, during what became known as the Adat crisis of 1951, when a branch of the United Malay National Organization mooted a proposal to abolish matrilineal inheritance in Negeri Sembilan, women mounted a successful campaign threatening proponents with divorce. Individually acquired property still tends to be converted over generations to ancestral property. The continuity of this practice, despite the individualization and commercialization of property and other aspects of social life, attests to the resilience of Minangkabau adat and the continued significance of the cultural identities and social ties it underpins. Nevertheless, wider social change through urbanization, industrialization, and the commercialization of agriculture (which accompanied the green-revolution intensification of rice production) has altered the complex constellation of social relations and cultural beliefs that connected land, ancestors, and female mediation in ritual and family affairs. These forces have tended to marginalize the cultural values and social relations of these once predominantly agrarian societies, with consequences for the position of women. While the adat arrangements of the predominantly bilateral or matrilineal cultures of the archipelago support relatively egalitarian gender relations, for women in patrilineal systems, such as the Balinese and Batak, the opposite is true. For example, Bali Hindu authorities obtained exemption from divorce and inheritance provisions of the 1974 Marriage Law that stipulate equal division of property on the grounds of patrilineal adat. Nevertheless, anthropologists find underlying bilateral principles across the cultures of Southeast Asia that moderate formally lineal practices.

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Property Rights and Modernity Since the colonial period, the question of official recognition of adat property rights has been among the most vexing of political and economic issues. With respect to land and resources, adat is tied to concepts of territoriality and community rights of allocation, generally referred to as hak ulayat (“territorial right”). These include communal access or customarily allocated rights to residential lands, cultivated fields, uncultivated forests, and grazing and fallow areas. The religious, social, and economic dimensions of adat make property rights and resource access more complex than individual private-property rights under Western law. Since the individual’s rights to land and resources are in varying degrees defined and validated by community or group membership, it is impossible to draw clear distinctions between private and common property. Migration or expulsion from the community could mean the loss of rights to corporately held land. In Bali, for example, some of the oldest communities retain strict regulations on land alienation. Tenganan village does not permit the purchase or sale of village land, most of which is communally owned, and serious transgressions of adat rules, or marriage to someone from outside the village, result in loss of rights to communal property. Under adat regulations, outside groups require permission and usually pay “recognition fees” for resource access rights to adat community territory. Smallerscale payments may also be required of members themselves in acknowledgment of overarching group rights. Adat typically limits individual property rights to land that can be effectively worked by member households. Communities, custodians, or individual holders of adat land traditionally have ritual obligations to ancestors and guardian spirits that validate their property rights. With cultural, social, and economic links so intimately connected, adat land has been widely regarded as inalienable from the community or descent group. This aspect of adat has not sat comfortably with national land laws, which in both Malaysia and Indonesia give great weight to forms of private-property rights inherited from the Western legal tradition. Land not officially registered under formal law was subject to appropriation by the state. The Dutch colonial Domain Declaration arrogated to the state all land for which legally recognized property rights could not be proved. This principle became the subject of scholarly controversy between the Leiden School, which sought to defend adat rights as legal rights to land, and the competing School of Law and

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Administration at Utrecht. The latter refused adat the status of law, arguing that adat-based rights were an impediment to modernization and development. The premise of the Domain Declaration was later incorporated into the Indonesian constitution and subsequent national land and resource laws, marginalizing the token acknowledgments of adat in the same legislation. In practice, local claims to uncultivated areas under hak ulayat were disregarded or granted only residual recognition under colonial and postcolonial regimes. Land and resource rights asserted under adat were overridden by the state whenever they competed with alternative land uses. Widespread expropriation of adat domains for industry, resettlement, and other development projects set the stage for later, sometimes violent struggles over land, resources, and cultural rights. Myths and Reformations For its critics, the adat law project of the Leiden School was an idealist construction, which exaggerated the internal coherence and underlying commonality of adat regimes. Joel Kahn (1993) and Peter Burns (1989) critiqued the neotraditional romanticism of Dutch scholars and administrators who sought a pristine indigenous legal archetype. Clifford Geertz argued that the Dutch adat law framework reified a living, culturally defined legal sensibility, misrepresenting “an indigenous sense of what justice is, social consonance, in terms of an imported one of what order is, a Rechtsstaat [state law]” (Geertz 1983: 209). Debate among contemporary scholars continues to reflect the earlier conflict between the Leiden and Utrecht schools, the former supporting the practical and ethical grounds for the recognition of adat as law and the case for legal pluralism, the latter regarding it as an artificial and inappropriate application of the concept of law, which hindered the development of a modern codified legal system. Parallel positions idealizing and contesting the character and role of adat regimes continue among indigenous writers confronting questions of equality, sustainability, nationalism, and modernity. As environmental concerns became linked to indigenousrights issues, adat regulation of natural resources has become the focus of similar debate. Controversies about the place of adat in the lives of the peoples of the archipelago and its legal viability in Malaysia and Indonesia have not abated. Indeed, the localization processes accompanying globalization place adat at the center of much of the discourse associated with issues of indigenous rights, local management of resources, and decentralized governance. In Indonesia,

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the reform movement that ended the Suharto regime in 1998 spawned an alliance of adat communities supported by nongovernmental organizations and aimed at reasserting the rights of local indigenous minorities. The Alliance of Adat Communities of the Archipelago was formed in 1999 to press for revision of land, resource, and governance legislation and to gain full recognition of adat institutions, property, and cultural rights. Regional-autonomy policies have been developed in response to self-determination demands and to the interethnic conflicts partly generated by decades of marginalization of adat regimes under the auspices of government development policies. While debate over the contemporary relevance of adat continues in scholarly and policy-making circles, evidence of the continuity of adat practices reveals an inner dynamic of meanings and values that demand recognition. These meanings and values take new forms as local regimes become linked to global movements focused on the rights of indigenous minorities. The politicization of adat has led to more crystallized and sometimes more rigidly defined conceptions of adat, reformed and reconstituted as a focus of political demands. As Maila Stivens (1996) says of matriliny in Negeri Sembilan, adat, for significant numbers among the populations of Malaysia and Indonesia, is no “traditional relic.” Across the Malay-Indonesian archipelago, adat remains a vital force, a sometimes diffuse, sometimes explicit sociolegal sensibility, and a ground for contestation and for defining common identity and interest. Carol Warren Further Reading Acciaioli, Greg. (2002) “Re-empowering the ‘Art of the Elders’: The Revitalization of Adat among the To Lindu of Central Sulawesi and throughout Contemporary Indonesia.” In Beyond Jakarta: Regional Autonomy and Local Societies in Indonesia, edited by Minako Sakai. Adelaide, Australia: Crawford House. Adatrechtbundels. (1910–1955) Vols. 1–45. The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff. Benda-Beckman, Franz von. (1979) Property in Social Continuity. The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff. ———, Keebet von Benda-Beckman, and J. Hoekma, eds. (1997) Natural Resources, Environment, and Legal Pluralism. The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff. Benda-Beckman, Keebet von. (1984) The Broken Stairways to Consensus: Village Justice and State Courts in Minangkabau. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Foris. Burns, Peter. (1989) “The Myth of Adat.” Journal of Legal Pluralism 28: 1–127. Geertz, Clifford. (1983) “Local Knowledge: Fact and Law in Comparative Perspective.” In Local Knowledge, by Clifford Geertz. New York: Basic Books, 167–234.

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Holleman, Johan Frederick, ed. (1981) Van Vollenhoven on Indonesian Adat Law. The Hague, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff. Hooker, Michael. (1978) Adat Laws in Modern Indonesia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. ———. (1970) Readings in Malay Adat Laws. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Josselin de Jong, Jan Petrus Benjamin. (1948) Customary Law, A Confusing Fiction. Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, 80; Mededeling Afdeling Volkenkunde, 29. Amsterdam: Indisch Instituut. Kahn, Joel. (1993) Constituting the Minangkabau: Peasants, Culture, and Modernity in Colonial Indonesia. Oxford: Berg. Koesnoe, Mohammed. (1971) Introduction into Indonesian Adat Law. Nijmegen, Netherlands: Katholieke Universiteit. Li, Tania Murray. (2000) “Articulating Indigenous Identity in Indonesia: Resource Politics and the Tribal Slot.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 42, 1: 149–179. Pannell, Sandra. (1997) “Managing the Discourse of Resource Management: the Case of Sasi from ‘Southeast’ Maluku, Indonesia.” Oceania 67: 289–307. Slaats, Herman, and Karen Portier. (1992) Traditional Decision-Making and Law. Yogyakarta, Indonesia: Gadjah Mada University Press. Stivens, Maila. (1996) Sexual Politics and Social Change in Rural Malaysia. Saint Leonards, Australia: Allen and Unwin. Ter Haar, Bernard. (1948) Adat Law in Indonesia. New York: Institute of Pacific Relations. Warren, Carol. (1993) Adat and Dinas: Balinese Communities in the Indonesian State. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. ———, and John McCarthy. (2002) “Customary Regimes and Collective Goods in the Changing Political Constellation of Indonesia.” In Shaping Common Futures, edited by Sally Sargeson. London: Routledge, 75–101. Zerner, Charles. (1994) “Through a Green Lens: The Construction of Customary Environmental Law and Community in Indonesia’s Maluku Islands.” Law & Society Review 28, 5: 1079–1122.

AEGEAN SEA The Aegean Sea is located between the coasts of Greece and Turkey and the islands of Crete and Rhodes. Its covers an area of 210 square kilometers; its maximum depth is 3,543 meters, found to the east of Crete. More than two thousand islands of varying sizes, most of which belong to Greece, are scattered throughout the Aegean. Some, such as Lesbos, Chios, Rhodes, and Crete, are of substantial size and sustain significant populations. Many islands and islets, however, are too small and barren to sustain human habitation. The prevailing winds in the Aegean Sea are northerly, dry, and relatively cold. During the mild winter season, these alternate with milder northwesterly winds. As with much of the Mediterranean, the Aegean is considered to be poor in resources. The flow of colder and less saline water from the Black Sea

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Sailboats in the harbor of Bodrum, Turkey, on the Aegean Sea. (NIK WHEELER/CORBIS)

through the Turkish straits (the Bosporus and the Dardanelles) and the Sea of Marmara tends to cool the water temperatures and reduce the high salinity of the Aegean Sea. This flow of water and the fish that migrate from the Black Sea through the Turkish straits have had a positive effect on the fish resources of the Aegean. On the other hand, the Aegean has been adversely affected by the increasing levels of pollution in the Black Sea as well as in other adjoining seas. In the Aegean, illegal dumping of waste materials by both Greek and Turkish industries has contributed to the pollution, with harmful effects on marine resources. Increased shipping from ports in the Black Sea and the prospect of considerably higher tanker traffic carrying Caspian and Central Asian oil through the Aegean have generated fears in Greece and Turkey, as well as among environmentalists, of still more acute threats to the ecosystem and cleanliness of the Aegean. Modest deposits of petroleum have been discovered and exploited off the coast of the island of Thassos,

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and some experts have predicted more extensive discoveries elsewhere in the Aegean. However, disputes between Greece and Turkey over the limits of territorial seas and sovereign rights over the continental shelf have prevented explorations for oil and gas in much of the sea that remains outside the six-mile territorial seas that both countries maintain in the Aegean. The settlement of disputed maritime issues related to the continental shelf and territorial sea entitlement of the two neighbors will open the door to greater exploration activity for oil and gas in the Aegean. No less important, improved relations between Greece and Turkey will yield greater cooperation to help resolve the increasingly serious threats to the environment of the Aegean. Tozun Bahcheli Further Reading Kariotis, Theodore C., ed. (1997) Greece and the Law of the Sea. The Hague, Netherlands: Kluwer Law International. Ozturk, Bayram, ed. (2000) The Aegean Sea: Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Aegean Sea. Istanbul, Turkey: Turkish Marine Research Foundation.

AFGHAN HOUND The Afghan hound is a tall, slender hunting dog (Canis familiaris) with long, strong legs, a heavy, silky coat (although there are short-haired varieties of Afghans), and typically long ears. An adult stands about 70 centimeters at shoulders and weighs about 27 kilograms. Belonging to the hound group, Afghan hounds are supposedly related to greyhounds. Afghan hounds originated in the Middle East and were used for hunting in mountainous regions of northern Afghanistan. Some have suggested that the breed was known in ancient Egypt as early as the third millennium BCE; the Egyptians certainly had some sort of hound at an early date. Afghans came to England with British soldiers who brought them back from the Indo-Afghanistan area in the late nineteenth century; the breed reached the United States in the early 1930s. The Afghan dog’s agility in covering difficult terrain made it a suitable companion for mountaindwelling hunters mounted on horseback. An Afghan’s long legs allow it to move with great speed in a characteristic, racehorse-like gallop. Like all sight hounds, such as the Borzoi or Russian wolfhound, the whippet, and the greyhound, the Afghan courses by sight rather than by smell; thus its swiftness lets it keep pace with and run down fast-moving game, and its agility enables it to follow its prey’s evasive actions. Today Afghans are primarily companion dogs and show dogs

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rather than hunters, esteemed for their stylish lines and beautiful, tireless movement in all Western countries, where Afghan puppies command a high price. Paul Hockings Further Reading Fogle, Bruce (1995) Encyclopedia of the Dog. New York: DK Publishing.

AFGHANI, JAMAL AD-DIN (1838/39–1896/ 97), Islamic theorist and activist. Jamal ad-din alAfghani (the “al” is often dropped) was a controversial and significant influence in the Islamic world during the last half of the nineteenth century. His influence continues through his writings, which stress anti-imperialism, nationalism, and Pan-Islamism. Although he claimed that he was born in Afghanistan, several documents indicate that he was actually born in Iran and raised as a Shiite Muslim. His assertion of Afghan and Sunni Islam birth was probably made to avoid discrimination by, and lower status among, Sunni Muslims, who constitute about 90 percent of the world’s Muslims. Evidence suggests that he received early education in Iran and higher education at Shiite shrine cities in Iraq. His papers indicate that he studied with great interest the innovative school of Shia Islam called Shaikhi, which was founded on the writings of Shaikh Ahmad al-Asai (1752–1826). He then settled in India where he apparently developed his lifelong hatred of the British and their colonial system. From India he traveled to Mecca and eventually arrived in Afghanistan via Iran. In Afghanistan, he served as a counsel to the emir until his anti-British opinions cost him his position and led to his expulsion when a pro-British emir came to power in 1868. He eventually settled in Istanbul and became active in educational circles. In a series of controversial university lectures, he argued that philosophy and prophecies were crafts, skills that could be developed and learned. This view was seen as heretical by the religious authorities and led to his expulsion from Istanbul. He lived and taught in Cairo until 1879, where he encouraged his followers to replace the Egyptian leader Ismail with his candidate, Tawfiq. Tawfiq did come to power, but only with British and French support, and Jamal ad-din Afghani’s antiBritish rhetoric again led to his expulsion. He moved back to India and settled in the Muslim state of Hyderabad, where he wrote his most influential work on nationalism, The Refutation of the Materialists. In 1883 he moved to Paris, where he was joined by a disciple

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from Cairo, Muhammad Abduh. Together they put out a free Muslim newspaper, Al-Urwa Al-Wuthqa (The Firmest Bond), which took strong Pan-Islamist and anti-British positions. It was short-lived but very influential. After the closing of the newspaper, Jamal ad-din Afghani was on the move again. In Britain he was involved in a plot to end British influence in Egypt; in Iran and Russia he tried to no avail to start a war between Russia and Britain. In Iran he spoke out against the shah’s economic concessions to Europe, which caused him to be exiled to Iraq. On an invitation from the Ottoman sultan, he moved to Istanbul, where he was eventually banned from lecturing and publishing. It is believed that he encouraged one of his disciples to assassinate the shah of Iran, Naser al-Din Shah. He died of cancer in 1897, although a rumor persists that the sultan had him poisoned.

AFGHANISTAN—PROFILE (2001 est. pop. 26.8 million). Afghanistan (Land of the Afghans), formerly the Republic of Afghanistan (called Jomhuriye Afghanistan in Dari Persian, Da Afghanistan Jamhawriyat in Pashto), has undergone dramatic sociopolitical changes during the past 150 years and particularly since 1989. As a crossroads of Eurasian commerce for nearly four millennia, it has been a conduit for invaders from east and west and a recipient of major religious ideologies, including Buddhism and Islam. Hence, Afghanistan is ethnically and linguistically diverse, a mosaic of cultures and languages, especially in the north. In 2001, the self-proclaimed Taliban government, which at one time controlled 90 percent of the nation, referred to the country as the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, whereas the Northern Alliance, the umbrella grouping of anti-Taliban forces, fought for the Islamic State of Afghanistan (Dowlat-e Eslami-ye Afghanestan in Dari Persian).

Houman A. Sadri Further Reading Adamec, Ludwig W. (1997) Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan. 2d ed. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Edwards, David B. (1996) Heroes of the Age: Moral Fault Lines on the Afghan Frontier. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Haynes, Jeff, ed. (1999) Religion, Globalization, and Political Culture in the Third World. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Mawsilili, Ahmad. (1999) Historical Dictionary of Islamic Fundamentalist Movements in the Arab World, Iran, and Turkey. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press.

Location, Geography, and Ecology Afghanistan is a landlocked Central Asian nation bounded on the north by three former Soviet republics—now members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan)—on the northeast by the People’s Republic of China, on the east and south by Pakistan, and on the west by Iran. Afghanistan’s current boundaries were established during the late nineteenth century in the context of the “Great Game,” a rivalry between the British then occupying India on the Asian subcontinent

After more than twenty years of war and civil disorder, much of Afghanistan in 2002 is in ruins. These damaged buildings line a main street in the capital city of Kabul. (BACI/CORBIS)

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9 AFGHANISTAN Country name: Islamic State of Afghanistan, Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan Area: 647,500 sq km Population: 26,813,057 (July 2001 est.) Population growth rate: 3.48% (2001 est.) Birth rate: 41.42 births/1,000 population (2001 est.) Death rate: 17.72 deaths/1,000 population (2001 est.) Net migration rate: 11.11 migrant(s)/1,000 population (2001 est.) Sex ratio—total population: 1.06 male(s)/female (2001 est.) Infant mortality rate: 147.02 deaths/1,000 live births (2001 est.) Life expectancy at birth—total population: 46.24 years, male: 46.97 years, female: 45.47 years (2001 est.) Major religions: Sunni Islam, Shia Islam Major languages: Pashtu, Dari, Turkic languages Literacy—total population: 31.5%, male: 47.2%, female: 15% (1999 est.) Government type: no functioning central government, administered by factions Capital: Kabul Administrative divisions: 32 provinces Independence: 19 August 1919 (from U.K. control over Afghan foreign affairs) National holiday: Independence Day, 19 August (1919) Suffrage: no information GDP—real growth rate: no information GDP—per capita (purchasing power parity): $800 (2000 est.) Population below poverty line: no information Exports: $80 million (1996 est.) Imports: $150 million (1996 est.) Currency: afghani (AFA)

Source: Central Intelligence Agency. (2001) The World Factbook 2001. Retrieved 18 October 2001 from: http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook. “Administrative Divisions of Countries.” (2001) In Administrative Subdivisions of Countries, edited by Gwillim Law. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Company. Retrieved 17 February 2002, from: http://www.mindspring.com/~gwil/ statoids.html.

and the Russians in Central Asia; Afghanistan was called the “Northwest Frontier” by the British. The borders of Afghanistan with its six neighbors cover 6,529 kilometers. The nation covers 647,500 square kilometers—approximately the size of Texas or the United Kingdom—and has a shape similar to a clenched right fist with the thumb extended to the northeast, the narrow Wakhan Corridor leading to China. Major physical features include the Amu Darya (the ancient Oxus) River, forming much of the northern international border; the steppes, the Turkistan Plains in the north;

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a mountainous center and northeast dominated by the Hindu Kush mountain range (the western extension of the Himalayas) and the Pamirs; the Sistan Basin with plains in the southwest, through which flows the Helmand River; and deserts (Dasht-i Margo) to the far west and south (Rigestan). Except for the Amu Darya, which flows westward into the Caspian Sea, and the Kabul River, which flows eastward and joins the Indus, the other rivers end in inland seas, swamps, or salt flats. The northern plains are a major agricultural region, accounting for 80 percent of the grain crops;

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China U z b e k i s ta n N

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the southwestern plateau is a desert and semidesert except for the irrigation agriculture associated with the Helmand River; the central highlands are dominated by the Hindu Kush, which is traversed by only a few high mountain passes. Nearly half of the total land area lies above 2,000 meters; thus, much of Afghanistan has a subarctic mountain climate with dry, cold winters and short, cool summers, whereas the semiarid steppe lowlands have cold winters and hot summers, and the southwest has a hot, arid, desert climate. Annual precipitation varies from 75 millimeters in the desert to 1,280 millimeters in the Hindu Kush. The elevation extremes are on the Amu Darya (258 meters) and at Noeshak (7,485 meters). Climate, flora, and fauna vary with elevation, and temperatures range greatly. Agricultural products include wheat, rice, fruits, nuts, and vegetables, although only 12 percent of the land is arable, whereas 46 percent consists of permanent pastures, 37 percent deserts, and only 3 percent forests. A four-year drought (1998–2001) has decimated the agricultural lands and pastures.

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Many species of the indigenous animal population are endangered due to heavy exploitation and the ravages of twenty-three years of international (Soviet-Afghan) and civil wars.

Sociopolitical Characteristics Administratively, the nation has thirty-two velayat (provinces): Badakhshan, Badghis, Baghlan, Balkh, Bamian, Farah, Faryab, Ghazni, Ghowr, Helmand, Herat, Jowzjan, Kabul, Kandahar, Kapisa, Khowst, Konar, Kunduz, Laghman, Lowhar, Nangarhar, Nimruz, Nuristan, Oruzgan, Paktia, Paktika, Parvan, Samangan, Sar-e Pol, Takhar, Vardak, and Zabul (Zabol). The two newest are Khowst and Nuristan. There has never been an official, comprehensive census, but the population in 1998 was estimated by the United Nations at 21.5 million, including 2.5 million nomads, whereas the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2001 projected 26.8 million, including 3.2 million refugees in Pakistan, 1.9 million in Iran, 300,000 in Turkmenistan,

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9 AFGHAN NATIONAL CHARACTER While extreme and stereotypical, this 1908 profile of the Afghan, nonetheless, does provide some insight into the nature of relations in Afghanistan, and the difficulties faced by any government in creating national unity—a key task in 2002. As a race the Afghans are handsome and athletic, often with a fair complexion, the features highly aquiline. Their step is full of resolution, their bearing proud and apt to be rough. Inured to bloodshed from childhood, they are familiar with death, audacious in attack, but easily discouraged by failure. They are treacherous and passionate in revenge, which they will satisfy in the most cruel manner, even at a cost of their own lives. Nowhere is crime committed on such trifling grounds, in spite of the severe manner in which crimes are punished when brought home to offenders. The women have handsome features of a Jewish cast, fair complexions, sometimes rosy, especially in early life, though usually sallow. They are rigidly secluded; but in spite of this, and of the fact that adultery is almost invariably punished by death, intrigue is frequent. “The pride of Afghans,” says Bellew, “is a marked feature of their natural character. They eternally boast of their descent and prowess in arms and their independence. They despise all other races; and even among themselves, each man considers himself equal to, if not better than his neighbour.” They enjoy a character for liberal hospitality; guest and strangers are fed free of charge in the village guest houses; and by the law of honor known as nanawatai, the Afghan is expected, at the sacrifice of his own life and property if necessary, to shelter and protect anyone, even an enemy, who in extremity may seek an asylum under his roof. This protection, however, only extends to the limits of the premises; and once beyond this, the host may be the first to injure his late protégé. Badal, or retaliation, must be exacted for the slightest personal injury or insult, or for damage to property. Where the avenger takes the life of his victim in retaliation for the murder of one of his relatives, the act is termed kisas. Source: Imperial Gazetteer of India: Afghanistan and Nepal. (1908) Calcutta, India: Superintendent of Government Printing, 26–27.

Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan, and 150,000 residing elsewhere. The largest city is the capital, Kabul (Kabul velayat), with 1.4 million inhabitants, located in the eastcentral region; next are Kandahar (Kandahar velayat), with 225,500, located in the southwest; Mazar-i Sharif (Balkh velayat), with 185,000, located in the northcentral region; Herat (Herat velayat), with 175,000, located in the upper northwest; and Jalalabad (Nangarhar velayat), with 120,000, located east of Kabul.

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U.N. data list the major ethnic groups as Pashtuns (54 percent of the population), Tajiks (concentrated in the north, 27 percent), Uzbeks (8 percent), and Hazara (7 percent). Others include Kyrgyz, Arabs, Baluchis, Turkmen, Nuristani, Chahar Aimak, Brahui, Sikhs, and Jews. CIA data list Pashtuns (38 percent), Tajiks (25 percent), Hazara (19 percent), and Uzbeks (6 percent). The Pashtun tribes, both sedentary farmers and nomadic pastoralists, inhabit principally the

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southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan. Tajik farmers and village craftspeople live in Kabul and Badakhshan velayat to the northeast and in Herat to the far west. Languages The official languages of Afghanistan include Pashto (more precisely, Southern Pashto) and the Dari dialect of Persian (Eastern Farsi or Dari). The 2001 CIA data list Pashto (35 percent); Afghan Persian or Dari (50 percent); Turkic languages, primarily Turkmen and Uzbek (11 percent); and thirty minor languages. Summer Institute of Linguistics data in 1996 listed the number of languages at forty-seven, then all “living” (spoken) languages. Many individuals, especially men, are bilingual and trilingual, although the effects of warfare have undoubtedly altered the numbers of multilingual males. Thirty of the forty-seven languages are indigenous to Afghanistan; five derive from Pakistan and four from Tajikistan. Approximately 85 percent of the population are Sunni Muslim (Hanafi school), and 14 percent are Shiite (primarily in the north), with the remainder Ismaili Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs, and others. By 2001, the Sikh population of Afghanistan was estimated at about five thousand, and the number of Jews had shrunk from forty thousand in 1989 to fewer than seven hundred. Charles C. Kolb Further Reading Allchin, F. Raymond, and Norman Hammond, eds. (1978) The Archaeology of Afghanistan: From Earliest Times to the Timurid Period. London: Academic Press. Asimov, Mukhammed S., and Clifford E. Bosworth, eds. (1998) The Age of Achievement, A.D. 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Pt. 1: The Historical, Social, and Economic Setting. Vol. 4 of History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Paris: UNESCO Publications. Bradsher, Henry S. (1999) Afghan Communism and Soviet Intervention. New York: Oxford University Press. Central Intelligence Agency. (2001) “Afghanistan.” In The CIA World Factbook 2001. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 18 January 2002, from: http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook.af.html CountryWatch.com. (2001) Country Review: Afghanistan, 2001–2002. Retrieved 18 January 2002, from: http://www .countrywatch.com Dani, Ahmad Hasan, and Vadim Mikhailovich Masson, eds. (1992) History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. 1: The Dawn of Civilization: Earliest Times to 700 B.C. Paris: UNESCO Publications. Dupree, Louis. (1980) Afghanistan. Rev. ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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Gregorian, Vartan. (1969) The Emergence of Modern Afghanistan: Politics of Reform and Modernization, 1880–1946. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Harmatta, Janos, Basant J. Puri, and Ghulam F. Etemandi, eds. (1994) History of Civilizations of Central Asia, Vol. 2: The Development of Sedentary and Nomadic Civilizations, 700 B.C. to A.D. 250. Paris: UNESCO Publications. Meyer, Karl E., and Shareen Blair Brysac. (1999) Tournament of Shadows: The Great Game and the Race for Empire in Central Asia. Washington, DC: Counterpoint. Nytrop, Richard F., and Donald M. Seekins, eds. (1986) Afghanistan: A Country Study. 5th ed. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Summer Institute of Linguistics. (2001) Ethnologue Report for Afghanistan, 2001. Dallas, TX: SIL International. Retrieved 18 January 2002, from: http://www.ethnologue .com/show_country.asp?name=Afghanistan

AFGHANISTAN—ECONOMIC SYSTEM As of 2002, Afghanistan does not have a viable economic system. The traditional economy, which was based mainly on subsistence agriculture and animal husbandry and which usually provided enough food for the Afghan population plus a surplus for trade, was essentially destroyed beginning in 1979 with the Soviet invasion and war, which lasted until 1989. The economy suffered further during the civil unrest of the first half of the 1990s and then recovered in some regions during Taliban rule from 1995 to 2001. The U.S.-led invasion of 2001–2002 damaged much of what was left of the economy and infrastructure, and the World Bank concluded that Afghanistan had become the poorest nation in the world. The situation was made worse by a drought that began in 1999 and limited crop production and livestock herding. It is also important to note that statistics regarding the Afghanistan economy for the last twenty or so years are untrustworthy. The year 2002 marked the beginning of a largescale international effort to rebuild the Afghanistan economy and infrastructure through billions of dollars of financial, material, and managerial support. The first major event was the Tokyo Conference on 21–22 January, convened to address the problems of Afghanistan’s devastated economy. Afghanistan has a relatively small (estimated at 18–20 million) rural population, most of whom live in small villages. The traditional economy is in accord with this population pattern and is based on a mix of farming (wheat, barley, corn, and fruits are the main crops) and herding (mainly sheep and goats and also cattle, camels, donkeys, and horses). Farming and herding are limited by the rough terrain and dry climate, and agriculture typically requires irrigation.

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The Afghanistan economy is based primarily on subsistence agriculture. Here, a farmer plows a field with a team of oxen. (CAROLINE PENN/CORBIS)

Farming and herding are done mainly to support the family, but in good years prior to 1979 a surplus was sometimes produced and exported. These major subsistence activities are supported by village-level weaving, blacksmithing, and goldsmithing and cottage industries such as carpet weaving. Prior to 1979, other economic activities included a small manufacturing sector (cement, carpets, textiles) and foreign aid, which supported government programs and the development of a technology and communication infrastructure that mainly served the cities. From 1979 on, millions of Afghans fled to Pakistan and other nations, and remittances they sent to relatives back home provided another source of revenue. The ten-year war with the Soviets destroyed many roads and irrigation systems and government programs and services, rendered land useless because of land mines, and caused several million to flee. The civil war following the Soviet withdrawal caused additional damage, and it was not until the Taliban took control and eventually ruled 90 percent of the nation that the economy begin to recover. Especially in the south and east, farming and herding improved to a limited extent, trade with Pakistan increased, and natural resources such as timber, precious stones, and marble and granite were harvested and traded. Opium farming also expanded rapidly, and Afghanistan became the largest supplier of illicit opium until the Taliban banned opium production in July 2000. Opium production continued, however, in the north, where it

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was an important source of income for the Northern Alliance, the major rival of the Taliban. The drought that began in 1999 and continued into 2002 undid the agricultural and herding gains and made a significant portion of the population dependent on international aid for food, shelter, and health care. In 2002, as the international community plans for the development of the Afghan economy, it faces a challenging task. Among the major obstacles are the absence of political stability; weak or nonfunctioning economic institutions such as banks, a state treasury, and civil-service system; corruption in the distribution of international aid; an environment unsuited to farming in many regions; few passable roads; no railroad; and no access to the sea. On the positive side are a long tradition of self-sufficiency, natural gas and oil resources, and the sizable international effort. David Levinson Further Reading Ahmed, Akbar S. (1980) Pukhtun Economy and Society: Traditional Structure and Economic Development in a Tribal Society. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Dupree, Louis. (1980) Afghanistan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

AFGHANISTAN—HISTORY Archaeologically, Afghanistan’s prehistory dates to fifty thousand

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years ago and includes Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites (particularly in the northern foothills of the Hindu Kush) and abundant Bronze and Iron Age sites in the north, south, and east. Modern Afghanistan, located at the crossroads of Central, West, and South Asia, incorporates partially or wholly the ancient regions of Aria, Bactria, Sogdiana, Arachosia, and Drangiana—part of the Achaemenid empire (559–330 BCE) and more recently the empire of Alexander of Macedon and his Hellenic successors (c. 330 BCE–150 CE). The territory was also a part of the Parthian, Yueh-chih/Tokharian, Saka, and Kushana polities and the Sasanid empire (c. 224/228– 651 CE) and was incorporated into the lands conquered by the Arab Muslims about 700 CE. Portions of Afghanistan remained under the Abbasid caliphate into the ninth century and then under the temporary control of a series of polities: the Samanids, Kerts, Ghaznavids, Ghurids, Mongols, and the Timurids and successor states. In the sixteenth century, the Mughal empire of India and the Safavids (Persians) were political rivals with Afghanistan as a frontier until the emergence of the native Afghan Durrani dynasty. This dynasty began rule in 1747 and continued nominally under Pashtun Abdali ethnic-group rulers until the Communist coup in 1978. Afshar Persian sociopolitical influence began in the 1720s and remained into the nineteenth century, when Afghanistan was thrust into the geopolitical arena of Britain versus Russia (initially through the British East India Company) in the Great Game. Three Anglo-Afghan wars (1838–1842, 1878–1879, and 1919) served to help establish Afghan independence in the twentieth century under a succession of rulers: Abdur Rahman Khan (1880–1901), Habibullah (1901–1919), King Amanullah (1919–1929), Muhammad Nadir Shah (1929–1933), and Muhammad Zahir Shah (1933–1973), with a republic being established by Muhammad Daoud (1973–1978). The 1978 leftist coup led to a Soviet military presence until 1989, when the Afghan Islamic resistance movement (with U.S. and Pakistani aid) caused the Soviets to abandon the conflict and withdraw 100,000 troops. The mujahideen (Afghan guerrillas who fought against the Soviets) were composed of many ethnic Afghans and foreign warriors from throughout the Islamic world (particularly Saudi Arabia, Yemen, and Pakistan), who began to fall out with one another, precipitating internecine rebellions and attacks on Kabul. Beginning in 1990, a violent civil conflict raged. On one side was the Pashtun fundamentalist Taliban militia, with seventy thousand soldiers, politically led by Mullah Muhammad Omar since 1993,

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who had supported the international terrorist Osama bin Laden since 1995. On the other side was the antiTaliban Northern Alliance. The fragile Northern Alliance, whose fifteen thousand soldiers had been led by the charismatic Ahmad Shah Masood (an ethnic Tajik who assembled Tajik, Uzbek, and Shiite Muslim Hazara support), survived Masood’s assassination in September 2001. The war precipitated a critical refugee problem—perhaps one-third of Afghan inhabitants had been displaced by the autumn of 2001— as the Taliban, who had once controlled 90 percent of the nation, faced a reinvigorated Northern Alliance aided by Western powers seeking to bring bin Laden to justice for the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. The drought, a decimated sociopolitical infrastructure, the destruction of cultural patrimony (library and museum collections and archaeological treasures, such as the Buddhas of Bamian), and health and human rights issues (particularly concerning women and minority groups) exacerbated the military and political scene. Charles C. Kolb Further Reading Asimov, Mukhammed S., and Clifford E. Bosworth, eds. (1998) The Age of Achievement, A.D. 750 to the End of the Fifteenth Century, Pt. 1: The Historical, Social, and Economic Setting. Vol. 4 of History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Paris: UNESCO Publications. Bradsher, Henry S. (1999) Afghan Communism and Soviet Intervention. New York: Oxford University Press. Dani, Ahmad Hasan, and Vadim Mikhailovich Masson, eds. (1992) The Dawn of Civilization: Earliest Times to 700 B.C. Vol. 1 of History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Paris: UNESCO Publications. Dupree, Louis. (1980) Afghanistan. Rev. ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Harmatta, Janos, Basant J. Puri, and Ghulam F. Etemandi, eds. (1994) The Development of Sedentary and Nomadic Civilizations, 700 B.C. to A.D. 250. Vol. 2 of History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Paris: UNESCO Publications.

AFGHANISTAN—HUMAN RIGHTS

The chaos of over two decades of warfare has left Afghanistan without an infrastructure of any kind and without human rights. Human rights suffered especially after 1996, when the Taliban, a group of Islamic fundamentalists, captured Kabul and resolved to make Afghanistan accord with their vision of a pure Islamic state. The most flagrant departures from international standards of human rights were in the Taliban’s treatment of women and the severity with which the Taliban punished crimes.

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9 WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN AFGHANISTAN Women’s rights were a major human rights issue in Afghanistan during the years of Taliban rule. The following text is from a flyer produced by the Afghanistan Is Everywhere movement for the 8 March 2002 International Women’s Day. In Afghanistan women risked their lives to attain basic human rights. Many women’s organizations worked publicly and privately, secretly educating thousands of girls and securing healthcare under the brutal Taliban regime. They developed educational opportunities, conducted courses and vocational training, and opened hospitals for refugee Afghan women and children. The female spirit was strong and fearless during these horrific times.

The Taliban’s Treatment of Women After consolidating power, one of the first things that the Taliban saw to was the removal of women from all social and public life. Thus, women and girls were not allowed to work outside the home or even to venture out unless in the company of a close male relative and they were prohibited from attending schools or universities. All women were forced to wear the burka, an all-enveloping garment that completely hides the body, with a mesh in front of the eyes to allow for seeing and breathing. Male doctors could not examine female patients and female doctors could not practice, which meant that women were essentially denied access to modern health care. Proscriptions for women reached absurd levels, with women and girls being forbidden to wear white socks or shoes that made any noise when they walked. In short, women had to become invisible, and were virtually under house arrest. The punishments meted out on women for transgressing these laws were severe and harsh. A large number of women were stoned to death for walking with a man who was not a husband. Thousands of women were beaten for not wearing proper clothing. Many women were publicly executed for alleged sexual improprieties. A large percentage of Afghanistan’s female population is war widows; these women were forced to beg in order to subsist, since all work was

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denied them. Women were shot at or beaten if they ventured out of the house alone. Before the Taliban took control, women in Afghanistan were a very progressive group. In Kabul, prior to 1996, 60 percent of the teachers and 50 percent of the students at Kabul University were women; 70 percent of the schoolteachers, 50 percent of the government workers, and 40 percent of the doctors were women. Thus, the Taliban suddenly disenfranchised a large segment of the workforce and the intelligentsia. The Taliban’s Treatment of Men Men were also subjected to brutal treatment. Every male was forced to grow a beard, wear a turban, and never show his arms or his legs. Flouting these laws meant public flogging or even summary execution. Most males of fifteen years and older were forced to join the Taliban army; those who refused were shot, along with their families; there were reports of entire villages being murdered in this fashion. Punishment of Crimes Severe punishment was meted out to those whom the Taliban saw as hindering their progress toward a perfect Islamic state. Thus, those convicted of stealing (most of these people stole food) had their right hands cut off; these events were held at the Kabul soccer stadium, and drew huge crowds. This stadium was also used for public executions. The relatives of victims publicly executed convicted killers; the method of dispatching the criminal was by cutting of the throat. Those convicted of homosexuality were placed against a brick wall, which was then knocked down by a tank; after thirty minutes, the rubble was cleared; those that could be pulled out alive were exonerated. For adultery, men were given a hundred lashes in a public place, while women were stoned to death. Human-Rights Problems in the Post-Taliban Era With the toppling of the Taliban in 2001, a new set of human-rights problems emerged. Women still do not have free access to health, education, and personal safety; lifting of the veil has not bettered their lot. Post-Taliban Kabul has seen an influx of orphans, who have flocked to the capital in search of food, clothing, and some form of security. In the Taliban era, street children in Kabul were estimated at 25,000; currently, there are over 70,000, and this figure is increasing daily, since people keep flocking to the capital, all of them driven from their villages by extreme poverty and drought. In fact, many parents

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abandon their children at the city’s two orphanages in the hope that these fledgling institutions will be better able to look after their children, which sadly is not the case. As well, female street children are routinely beaten and abused, because the larger society cannot accept a female wandering on her own. Adding to this catalog of human misery are two additional factors: ethnic turmoil and avaricious warlords. Afghanistan is a land of many people. The largest and most powerful group is the Pashtuns, who populate the southern portions of the country. The Taliban were ethnically Pashtun, and they systematically sought to destroy their traditional enemies, such as the Persian-speaking Tajiks. The Taliban undertook an ethnic cleansing of sorts, and there is much evidence of mass murder, especially in the Shomali Valley, in the north of the country, which is the traditional Tajik homeland. The transitional government of Hamid Karzai has said that it will establish a tribunal to try individuals for war crimes and create a system of compensation for the victims. However, such a procedure will take many long years, and the transitional government will be gone before the tribunal can be securely established. Warlords too have become a severe handicap for the country, in that they often hamper the movement of relief supplies from one area to the next. This is an acute problem when food and medical supplies need to be delivered to remote villages. It is often the case that entire truckloads of aid material simply disappear. The food and supplies given in aid by foreign countries is often stolen by these warlords and sold at a profit on the black market. Thus, the general population is still suffering because of widespread theft by those in power. Extreme poverty and hunger still rule Afghanistan. Life expectancy is forty-six; one out of four children dies before reaching the age of five; almost 80 percent of the population is illiterate; and all rural areas (a large portion of the country) have no access to health care, safe drinking water, or electricity. A large percentage of the farmland has been sowed with land mines, so farmers are afraid to venture out into their fields. As well, years of drought have turned farming villages into dried, deserted ruins; urban warfare has destroyed factories, dams, and roads; there are no banks, no commercial infrastructure, and therefore no foreign investment. The only viable cash crop available to many farmers is the poppy, which is cultivated for opium. The land is still unstable and there are continued fears that powerful warlords, military commanders, or Muslim extremists may topple the pre-

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sent government. In such an atmosphere, human rights are of little concern in Afghanistan. The situation will only change when a measure of stability is established in the land. Nirmal Dass Further Reading Ellis, Deborah. (2000) Women of the Afghan War. Westport, CT, and London: Praeger. Goodson, Larry P. (2001) Afghanistan’s Endless War: State Failure, Regional Politics and the Rise of the Taliban. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Griffin, Michael. (2001) Reaping the Whirlwind: The Taliban Movement in Afghanistan. London and Sterling, VA: Pluto Press. Maley, William, ed. (1998) Fundamentalism Reborn? Afghanistan and the Taliban. New York: New York University Press. Rashid, Ahmed. (2000) Taliban: Militant Islam, Oil, and Fundamentalism in Central Asia. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Skane, Rosemary. (2002) The Women of Afghanistan Under the Taliban. Jefferson, NC: McFarland.

AFGHANISTAN—POLITICAL SYSTEM The political history of Afghanistan has been a continuous competition for power and privilege between central and local leaders, with central leaders using a carrot, stick, or combination thereof in attempts to gain control of the rebellious provinces. Monarchic and Local Institutions Afghanistan has been a monarchy throughout most its history, from 1747 to the 1973 coup. The kings, who have almost exclusively been of Pashtun origin, traditionally based their rule on fragile tribal confederations and were heavily dependent on cultivating the goodwill of their supporters. Abdur Rahman Khan (reigned 1880–1901) was the first ruler to address this vulnerability actively, by building an independent military and establishing strong administrative and judicial control throughout the country. Centrally this system had no cabinet, only an auditing department with a mandate to control the bureaucracy and expand the tax base. Because the tax base was not expanded, Abdur Rahman Khan’s regime depended on subsidies from the British, who controlled neighboring India. With the Russians to its immediate north, Afghanistan’s current borders were established in the 1890s to make the country a buffer between the British and Russian empires. At the local level the regime used a system of middlemen appointed by their communities and recognized by the state; they

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9 THE PREAMBLE TO THE CONSTITUTION OF AFGHANISTAN, 1990 Adopted 28–29 May 1990 In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful The prideful history of our beloved homeland, Afghanistan, is enriched, with the heroic struggle of our brave people for independence, national unity, democracy and social progress. At the present stage the state of the republic of Afghanistan is actively carrying on the policy of national reconciliation relying on the support of national, political and patriotic forces. Therefore, keeping in mind the historic changes that have taken shape in our homeland and in our contemporary world, adhering to the principles of the sacred religion of Islam, abiding by the accepted afghan traditions and rituals, relying upon the realities of the country’s history and culture, respecting the valuable heritages of the constitutionalist movement and in conformity with the charter of the United Nations and the universal declaration of human rights, and for the purpose of: preserving the independence, defending the territorial integrity and strengthening the national sovereignty; achieving countrywide peace and deepening national unity; securing justice and democracy; socioeconomic reconstruction and balanced growth and enhancing the people’s living standards; promoting the role and prestige of the count[r]y in the international arena; creating favourable conditions for determining the legal status of permanent neutrality of Afghanistan and its demilitarization; we, the representatives of the people of Afghanistan to the loya jirga, of twenty eight and twenty ninth of May, one thousand nine hundred and ninety amended as follows the constitution ratified by the loya jirga of November thirty, one thousand nine hundred and eighty seven which comprised thirteen chapters and one hundred and forty nine articles. Source: Afghan-web.com. Retrieved 8 March 2002, from: http://www.afghan-web.com/history/const/const1990.html.

are called arbab and sometimes malik (both mean “village headman” in both Pashtu and Dari languages). The arbab represented the state vis-à-vis his community and vice versa, and had considerable freedom of maneuver in relation to both. Constitutions and Government Reforms The country got its first constitution in 1922, under King Amanullah (reigned 1919–1929). It provided for a council of state, including both elected and appointed officials, and a president who was also to be a member

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of the council. There was no parliament, but there was a formalized role for the traditional loya jirga, a council of local leaders, convened to approve major reforms. Habibullah (reigned 1901–1919) had previously established the first educational institutions, and Amanullah went on to institute an extensive network of primary schools in the 1920s. The basic philosophy of government, inspired by developments in the West, was that modernization had to be spearheaded by the elite and that education was the principal instrument. The results were an educated class, largely based in the

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capital Kabul, whose fortune was wholly tied to the state and a deepening split between state and society. Nader Shah (reigned 1929–1933) introduced a new political arrangement with a bicameral system: an elected council and a council of notables. Practically, parliaments remained the loyal backers of their government until 1964, when Zahir Shah (b. 1914, reigned 1933–1973) initiated his experiments in “new democracy” and promulgated a new constitution, which suggested new political freedoms including a free press and the right to form political parties. The king never signed the bill on political parties into law. Nonetheless, a range of political parties emerged, rooted in the city-based educated strata. Zahir Shah was overthrown in 1973 by Daud Khan, who established a republic and ruled by revolutionary council until 1977, when he created a constitution that legitimized his presidency. Daud was removed by the Communist coup in April 1978. The Era of Civil War The People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a relatively marginal group on the eve of the coup, set out to implement dramatic reforms. The arbabs were thought to constitute a feudal class that had to be removed. PDPA failed both to realize that it did not have the resources to establish an alternative system at the local level, and that the existing intermediaries often enjoyed strong support in their communities. Therefore spontaneous resistance emerged throughout Afghanistan as the PDPA moved to implement its reforms, often with violent means. During the rule of the Communists (1978– 1992), Afghanistan was plagued by civil war, internationalized by the direct involvement of the Soviet Union. In this period, there was no significant move toward a representative political system, although the “reconciliation policy” from 1986 onward implied certain moves to accommodate larger groups of the population. In the same period various political arrangements developed in regions of the country not controlled by the government. At the local level the arbabs either developed into military figures or were replaced by religious figures or by young Islamic radicals, who not only enjoyed religious legitimacy, but were also preferred by Pakistan, which effectively controlled the distribution of external support to the resistance. Like the traditional arbabs, the resistance leaders maintained a delicate balance between their local supporters and the political parties, the latter being their primary source of money and arms.

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Hamid Karzai, who was appointed interim leader of Afghanistan on 5 December 2001. (AFP/CORBIS)

Soon after the Soviet invasion (December 1979), Pakistan had selected seven parties that were to represent Afghan resistance, also known as the mujahedin (Islamic freedom fighters). All had a foundation in either radical or traditional Islam. Local resistance leaders depended on relations with the resistance parties for survival. Several mujahedin parties established close links to radical Islamic groups outside the country, and from the early 1980s, young men from other Muslim nations came to Afghanistan for military training and combat exercise. One of several key persons was Osama bin Laden, who apart from taking part in combat served as an intermediary for both money and new recruits. In many cases, councils (Arabic, shura, or Pashtu, jirga) were established both at the community level and at higher levels, largely to coordinate the military effort and at times also to deal with the welfare of the population. The shura institution took on new functions throughout the civil war. The shuras were increasingly seen by foreign aid agencies as representatives of the local communities; they also maintained an important coordinating role at various levels within the mujahedin during the war and after these parties took control in Kabul in 1992. The resistance parties established various governments, in exile as well as in post-1992 Kabul, none of which really functioned. To

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9 AFGHANISTAN’S INTERIM GOVERNMENT As of March 2002, the key figures in Afghanistan’s government are: Hamid Karzai, Chairman—A Pashtun and former deputy defense minister and leader of the resistance to the Taliban in the south. Yunas Qanooni, Interior Minister—A Tajik and close ally of assassinated Northern Alliance leader Ahmed Shah Massoud. Muhammad Fahim, Defense Minister—A Tajik and former aide to assassinated Northern Alliance leader Ahmed Shah Massoud. Abdullah Abdullah, Foreign Minister—A Tajik and Pashtun ophthalmologist and public spokesman for the Northern Alliance. Other leading figures without official positions in the new government are Abdul Rashid Dostrum, the Uzbek leader in the north; Ismail Khan, the Tajik leader in the west, Hajji Abdul Qadir, the Pashtun governor of the Jalalabad region; and Abdul Rasul Sayyaf, the Pashtun leader of a fundamentalist faction.

Source: The New York Times (24 December 2001), B4.

establish a representative government, some parties suggested mechanisms ranging from elections to loya jirga, while others argued against any such mechanism. The Taliban Era The mujahedin government, in power in Kabul from 1992 to 1996, was divided by war between its constituent parties. Key players in the government were of Tajik, Uzbek, and Hazara origin, whereas there was scant representation of the Pashtun, the largest ethnic group. From 1994, the Taliban (“religious students”) movement emerged as a new political actor, rooted in traditional religious networks that had been greatly expanded in both Afghanistan and Pakistan throughout the war of the 1980s, recruiting mainly among the Pashtuns. Many of the leaders had a mujahedin background; otherwise, the recruits were largely men who had grown up during the war. Public disappointment with the existing government and large-scale support from Pakistan were key factors in the Taliban’s success. After the capture of Kabul in 1996, the Taliban instituted its own inflexible interpretation of sharia (Islamic law), and ten-

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sions with the international community intensified. Gradually, the Taliban government built relations with Osama bin Laden and his al-Qaeda organization, as well as with armed opposition movements in places such as Chechnya, China, and Uzbekistan. The movement gradually reestablished an administrative system modeled on prewar arrangements. At the village level, the role of the arbab was revitalized at the cost of the shura. Also the village mullahs related to the Taliban regime, which was strongly integrated with the religious networks. Hence, the Taliban were often well informed about local events and became adept at tax collection. At the central level, the Taliban administration gradually evolved from being broadly consultative to being increasingly dominated by a small group of men, and ultimately by one individual, Mullah Mohammad Omar. By 1996, the Taliban made it clear that it considered itself representative of all groups in the country, that Mullah Omar constituted the ultimate authority, and that the concept of general elections was against Islam and thus to be rejected. The Collapse of the Taliban Upon linking Osama bin Laden to the attack on the U.S. Pentagon and the World Trade Center towers in New York City on 11 September 2001, the United States repeated its demand for the government to hand over bin Laden unconditionally, which the Taliban refused. The United States launched attacks on the Taliban in collaboration with groups from the mujahedin, still internationally acknowledged as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. The Taliban regime fell in December 2001, and representatives of different opposition groups met in Bonn to establish a transition plan. The Bonn agreement resulted in an Interim Authority with a six-month mandate, within which a loya jirga, for the first time in history, is to appoint a new government. Kristian Berg Harpviken Further Reading Dupree, Louis. (1980) Afghanistan. 2d ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Ghani, Ashraf. (1985) “Afghanistan: Administration.” In Encyclopedia Iranica 1, edited by Ehsan Yarshater. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 558–564. Olesen, Asta. (1995) Islam and Politics in Afghanistan. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press. Rashid, Ahmed. (2000) Taliban: Islam, Oil, and the New Great Game in Central Asia. London: I. B. Tauris. Roy, Olivier. (1986) Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

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AFRICA–ASIA RELATIONS

Africa is the world’s second largest continent (after Asia); it includes a continental mass of 29.94 million square kilometers and the great oceanic island of Madagascar, which covers a further 594,180 square kilometers in the western Indian Ocean. Africa is attached to Asia by a thin strip of land forming the western border of the Sinai Peninsula in Egypt. This corridor is only 130 kilometers in width, and is marked today by the Suez Canal. The Cape of Good Hope lies some eight thousand kilometers to the south of it.

Prehistory The importance of Africa for Asian prehistory cannot be exaggerated, for it was from this continent that early hominids spread northwards and eastwards to populate the Asian continent some 1 million years ago. By approximately 600,000 BCE hominids were living in the caves of Zhoukoudian, just outside the modern city of Beijing. These hominids were of the species Homo erectus (“Peking Man”). They used irregularly shaped stone tools, but also had control of fire. Until about ten thousand years ago, they and their descendants across Asia were without exception hunters and gatherers. By about 120,000 years BCE a transitional form of Homo sapiens was living at Ngandong, in Java, however, and by approximately 30,000 years BCE the inhabitants of the same Zhoukoudian cave were Homo sapiens. The earliest hominids, and the earliest toolmakers, all evolved in Africa. The continent is thus the cradle of humanity. It was only the extremely slow spread of culture-bearers across Asia that ensured that, being totally cut off from their most ancient roots, they would evolve distinctively Asian cultures over time. The earliest fully modern humans, Homo sapiens, evolved in Africa, most anthropologists believe, and may be represented by fossil material at Klasies River mouth, on the south coast of South Africa. Its caves and rock shelters were occupied intermittently from about 125,000 to 70,000 BCE. In due course the species spread throughout Asia and Europe too. Early Civilization One of the world’s earliest and greatest high civilizations, a political state, arose on the African continent: this was Egypt. Only Mesopotamia had an earlier claim to the title of a civilization. Although some recent African historians object to characterizing it as such, Egypt was essentially a Near Eastern civilization. Undoubtedly the main influence on the people of the Nile Valley, which led to the development of this civilization in the fourth millennium BCE, was not the for-

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aging cultures of East or Central Africa but urbanized Mesopotamia and the Levant. Nubia, lying just to the south of Egypt, was a source only of gold, wood, and slaves. Wheat and barley, introduced from the Near East, were being grown in the Faiyum (near Cairo) by 5000 BCE. Cattle, domesticated over two thousand years earlier in the Near East, also began to be herded around this time. In this early period, too, cotton spread from India to Egypt, while finger millet spread from the Ethiopian region to India. A state arose in Egypt by about 3100 BCE, but it had derived its basic ideas about divine kingship, bureaucracy, and urban organization from the city-states of Mesopotamia (from about 3500 BCE there). Nonetheless, one should not exaggerate the debt of the ancient Egyptians to their Near Eastern neighbors, for they did develop their own written script, one that was in no way borrowed from contemporary Mesopotamian scripts. In art and architecture, too, the Egyptians quickly developed a distinctive national style that had nothing to do with Near Eastern prototypes. Around 2650 BCE Egypt became the first country in the world to raise monumental pyramids to commemorate their dead rulers. Iron Age Egypt had begun a long, slow decline by the time Solomon was ruling in Jerusalem in the mid-tenth century BCE, and it never recovered its early grandeur. Although the ancient religion, language, and writing continued in use until the Roman period, the great civilizations of the world were now to be found in Greece and Asia: in Persia, Assyria, China, and Mauryan India. Meanwhile in the rest of Africa south of the Sahara things were much as they had been before, the desert conditions having isolated them from influences of other civilizations. Eventually an Iron Age succeeded the Late Stone Age, and with none of the intervening phases of Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Age that had preceded the Iron Age elsewhere in the Old World. Shortly after 2000 BCE the Hittites of Anatolia began the dangerous process of smelting iron, and long kept it a state secret. Eventually it reached Egypt, but the first evidence of iron smelting in sub-Saharan Africa dates to about 480 BCE (at Taruga, Nigeria). Religions The interaction between Asia and Africa has been a religious as well as a mercantile and military one. Neither Hinduism nor Buddhism, two of the great Asian religions, reached Southern Africa until very recent times, but other faiths had a much earlier impact. Judaism came to the cities of North Africa some two

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9 CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE FROM SOUTH AFRICA TO INDIA Mohandas Gandi’s campaign for Indian independence from Great Britain actually began in South Africa, where he organized civil disobedience protests to end discrimination against Indians in South Africa. The following extract describes his first civil disobedience campaign in South Africa from 1906 to 1914, which helped reduce discrimination and served as a model for his subsequent campaigns in India. The first mass Satyagraha [civil disobedience movement] and the most important, in historical perspective was launched by Gandhiji [Mohandas Gandhi] in South Africa in 1906, to fight the organized discrimination of the South African Whites against Indians who had settled there. Refusal to register, to give finger-prints and to receive permits which Gandhiji claimed would stigmatize the Indian community in South Africa as criminal was followed by wholesale arrests. In January, 1908, General Smuts promised to repeal the Ordinance and validate registration if the Indians would register voluntarily. An agreement was reached, and Gandhiji and others were released from jail. But when General Smuts did not carry out his agreement, when the ordinance was not repealed, and when new legislation was introduced barring all further Indian immigration, the resumption of the struggle became inevitable. On September 16, 1908, two thousand registration certificates were burned in Johannesburg on a public bonfire. The fight was on. Fines, imprisonments, floggings and firing were followed in 1913 by a High Court Judgment invalidating all Indian marriages as not in accordance with the local law. The agitation finally culminated in the classic invasion of the Transvaal on the morning of November 6, 1913. The position of the Union Government became intolerable, and by the end of July, 1914, the Indian Relief Bill was passed, repealing the three pound poll tax, validating Hindu and Muslim [acceptance of] the domicile certificate as conclusive evidence of citizenship. An eight-year struggle, unique in the history of world, ended with justice. It provided the experience and techniques for Gandhiji’s subsequent campaigns in India. Source: R. R. Satyagraha Diwakar. (1948) The Power of Truth. Hinsdale, IL: Henry Regnery Co., 71–72.

thousand years ago, and Christianity reached Egypt during the first century CE, soon spreading to Ethiopia. Islam spread westward along the Mediterranean coast as far as Rabat, and then south to such sub-Saharan cities as Tombouctou (Timbuktu) and Gao in present-day Mali. A second route for the spreading new faith was down the East African coast

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as far as Kilwa (in present-day Tanzania). But there is at least a possibility that Africa also influenced Asian religions, and in very ancient times. The most influential monotheisms—Christianity, Judaism, Islam, Sikhism, Zoroastrianism, and Bahaism—all originated in Asia, yet the world’s oldest monotheism was African. This was the Atenism of the Pharoah Akhenaten

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(Amenhotep IV, reigned 1379–1362 BCE), which seemingly disappeared in Egypt after his death. This however was the period when the Hebrews were captive in Egypt, thus raising the distinct possibility that the severe monotheism of Moses (whose very name, Ahmose, is Egyptian) had grown out of the Atenism of the preceding century. Ancient Voyagers From the first millennium BCE the Arabian Sea became a Phoenician lake. King Solomon’s famed temple on the Mount in Jerusalem was built with a large number of imported materials, including some from South India and some from Nubia. The latter land was the source of wood and gold, but an even longer sea journey brought sandalwood for the temple columns, huge amounts of gold, ivory, peacocks, monkeys, silver, ebony, precious stones, and harps from South India. (In the Hebrew Bible we find that these items all have Dravidian, not Semitic, names: the harp, for example, is kinnor in Hebrew, from Tamil kinnari.) The source for these materials was Ernad Taluk in Malabar and its immediate hinterland, an area anciently known as Abita (“cowherd place”), which was rendered as Ophir in the Bible. In later centuries, seafarers on the Egyptian coast or based near Aden (Dedenites in the Old Testament) spread out across the western part of the Indian Ocean, probably discovering how to make use of the monsoon winds in different seasons, and traded regularly with western India; but they also pushed further and further down the east coast of Africa. Numerous Dravidian place-names in the interior of southern Africa suggest these ancient mariners penetrated far inland in search of slaves and raw materials—going, for example, to the copper mines of Zimbabwe. Eventually, some two thousand years ago, the island of Madagascar acquired a human population, not from the neighboring African coast nor yet from the wandering Phoenician traders, but from a far more distant and unlikely source: Sumatra. It is a well-documented fact that Malagasy is the only African language in the Austronesian language family. Language affiliation is a sure sign of cultural affiliation, and in this case helps to identify with some precision the original homeland of the Malagasy people. Theirs does not appear to have been an intentional voyage of exploration, like Vasco da Gama’s (c. 1460–1524), but rather an accident that had been waiting to happen. The prevailing winds and currents at a certain time of the year flow and blow westward right across the Indian Ocean toward the great island. Occasionally Indonesian fishermen lost their sails and, unable to return to port,

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were blown off course until, with good fortune, they made a landfall in Madagascar, bringing bananas, rice, taro, and poultry with them. Archaeological research shows that the first Indonesian occupants were there by about the first century CE. A return to Indonesia was out of the question, but the land of Madagascar was rich, and settled farming proved to be easy. Malagasy myth actually refers to the Indian city of Mangalore, no doubt a stopover port for some of the hapless migrants. A few Indian place-names are found in Madagascar, definitely predating colonial times (such as Mahajanga, from the Marathi maha + jangal, “great forest”); so we must presume that occasionally Indian fishermen suffered the same fate when the northeasterly monsoon was blowing. By the eighth century CE a new force was sweeping down the east coast of Africa and into Madagascar too: this was seaborne Islam. The successors of the ancient Phoenician merchant-sailors were now Arabs, usually Muslims. Their influence even reached as far as Mozambique, and inland to Zimbabwe. The great city of Kilwa was a Muslim city, with mosques and slave quarters, on the African coast opposite the northern tip of Madagascar. Persian, Indian, and even Chinese trade goods have been found yet further south, on the Limpopo River, which borders South Africa. Chinese and Islamic pottery were the luxury goods these traders brought; but their commonest “gift” in these nonmonetary economies was beads, which found their way deep into Africa. In return, gold, copper, ivory, and slaves were brought out. One even reads of a gift of African pygmies and a zebra to a Chinese emperor. Equally surprising, medieval India began to import ivory from Africa, because of the ritual requirement that every Hindu widow break her ivory bangles during her husband’s funeral. The Indian supply was consequently becoming too diminished. From the eleventh century Kilwa became the most important East African port, and its Shirazi dynasty (of Persian origin) began to mint the first coins in subSaharan Africa. The gold and copper mines of Zimbabwe were already well known to Indian mining entrepreneurs in this period, six centuries before the first European explorer set foot in the area. (It was the time of the Chola, Hoysala, and Vijayanagar empires in southern India.) Although there is no historical documentation of this phase of Indian overseas expansion, the archaeological evidence of ancient mines is there for anyone to see, and the place-name evidence is quite compelling. Well over a hundred Dravidian placenames can be identified in southern Africa.

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9 CREATING ASIA—AFRICA UNITY In April, 1955, delegates from 29 Asian and African nations meet at Bandung, Indonesia, to discuss common concerns and the role of developing nations in the post–World War II Cold War world. The following extract is their agreement on economic cooperation. 1. The Asian-African Conference recognized the urgency of promoting economic development in the Asian-African region. There was general desire for economic cooperation among the participating countries on the basis of mutual interest and respect for national sovereignty. The proposals with regard to the economic cooperation within the participating countries do not preclude either the desirability or the need for cooperation with countries outside the region, including the investment of foreign capital. It was further recognized that the assistance being received by certain participating countries from outside the region, through international or under bilateral agreements, had made a valuable contribution to the implementation of their development programmes. Source: George M. Kahin. (1955) The Asian-African Conference, Bandung, Indonesia, April, 1955. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 76.

The Colonial Phase After a thousand years of Islamic influence, Africa was colonized, mainly during the nineteenth century, by a variety of Western European powers: the Dutch in South Africa, the Portuguese and Belgians in Central Africa, the French in North and West Africa and Madagascar, the Germans in East Africa, the Spanish in the Western Sahara, the Italians in North and East Africa, and the British in West Africa and a broad swath of lands running from Egypt more or less continuously to South Africa. In a sense they were the successor occupiers to the Asian miners, traders, and slave dealers who had come there some six centuries before them, sometimes even reopening the same old mines. They established colonial states, usually with unrealistic straight-line boundaries, and governed through an elite European civil service. They established roads, railroads, cities, schools, and industries, often built with indentured Indian labor. But when most of them left the continent in the 1950s and 1960s, they also left behind a tradition of racism and attitudes of European cultural superiority that lived on in South Africa.

ulation, the British had an unexpected demographic impact on the continent by importing indentured labor from South Asia. During the latter part of the nineteenth century and the early twentieth, thousands of Indians were brought to South and East Africa to work on building railroads (especially the Uganda railway, which opened up the interior), on harbors and other modern installations, or to labor in the mines, factories, and plantations. In Uganda, Tanzania, and Kenya these were mainly Gujarati and Kachchi speakers, though some were Punjabi Sikhs. Parsis were sometimes brought in from Bombay as supervisors and clerks on these projects. Lawyers such as M. K. Gandhi (1869–1948) appeared to champion Indian interests, and many Gujarati traders also arrived from that same port to open small businesses in the African countries, often in competition with Lebanese. In South Africa too laborers were brought in from the ports of Bombay, Madras, and Calcutta, which caused them to be labeled respectively Bombayis, Madrasis, and Bengalis, regardless of their actual place of origin. The three categories tended to form endogamous, caste-like communities.

While the number of Europeans in any African country was always a tiny percentage of the total pop-

After independence came to some East African countries such as Somalia, Communist Chinese or Ko-

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rean labor gangs could be seen helping to develop the local infrastructure, notably by building new railroad tracks. Recently, however, an intractable economic decline in numerous regions of East Africa has induced the local Indian traders and professional families to leave for other continents. The English-speaking countries, mainly Canada, Australia, the United States, and Britain, with their stable economies and good schools, have been the prime targets for these economic refugees, although some have returned to India or Pakistan. In South Africa the many middle-class Indians have retained their position; whereas in East Africa most have not been so fortunate. In the Uganda census of 1969 “Asians” (primarily from South Asia) numbered about seventy thousand. Though many of them were born in Uganda, they were officially considered foreigners. In that same year the government of Milton Obote threatened to nationalize many industries, causing the wealthy Asians to export their assets and then move elsewhere. Then in 1972 President Idi Amin deported nearly seventy thousand Asians, leaving only a tiny minority behind. A decade later a few returned to claim their expropriated property, including factories and estates. By the end of the century only about ten thousand Asians were to be found in Uganda, and fewer still in other East African countries. Universally they have seen better opportunities for their families overseas.

AFRIDI Through the centuries the Afridis, a Pakistani ethnic group among the Pashtun people inhabiting parts of Afghanistan and Pakistan, battled various powers. Afridi territory extends from the eastern Safid range to northern Pakistan, including the Khyber Pass. In the eighteenth century the Afridis fought with the army of the Afghan ruler Ahmad Shah Durrani and later offered sanctuary to his grandson, Shah Shoja (reigned 1803–1809). From 1839 to 1842 the Afridis clashed with the British during the first Anglo-Afghan War, when they joined the resistance to General George Pollock’s march on Kabul. After the British had annexed the Punjab in 1849, further clashes occurred because of British efforts to keep the Khyber Pass open. The Afridis eventually joined the Red Shirt Movement, which sought independence from the British. When Pakistan achieved independence, the northwest province of Afridi territory was included in its borders. This led to a new movement for a Pashtun state uniting all Afridi lands, including those in Afghanistan. The ethnic communities in Pakistan and Afghanistan were underrepresented in their respective governments until 1997, when Pakistan’s president Farooq Leghari lifted voting restrictions to allow them all to vote. Previously, only eight ethnic people had represented more than four million in the National Assembly. Houman A. Sadri

Paul Hockings See also: Bandung Conference; Japan-Africa Relations

Further Reading Bharati, Agehananda. (1972) The Asians in East Africa: Jayhind and Uhuru. Chicago: Nelson-Hall Company. Devisse, J., and S. Labib. (1984) “Africa in Inter-Continental Relations.” In General History of Africa. Vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. London: Heinemann Educational Books, 635–672. Domenichini-Ramiaramanana, B. (1988) “Madagascar.” In General History of Africa. Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century. London: Heinemann Educational Books, 681–703. Kuper, Hilda. (1960) Indian People in Natal. Durban, South Africa: Natal University Press. Mangat, J. S. (1969). A History of the Asians in East Africa, c. 1896–1965. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Sheriff, A. M. H. (1981) “The East African Coast and Its Role in Maritime Trade.” In General History of Africa. Vol. 2: Ancient Civilizations of Africa. London: Heinemann Educational Books, 551–567. Talib, Y. (1988) “The African Diaspora in Asia.” In General History of Africa. Vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century. London: Heinemann Educational Books, 704–733.

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Further Reading Adamec, Ludwig W. (1997) Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan. 2d ed. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Cleveland, William L. (1994) A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Gilzad, Salmay. (1994) External Influences and the Development of the Afghan State in the Nineteenth Century. New York: P. Lang. Norton, Augustus Richard, ed. (1996) Civil Society in the Middle East. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill.

AFYON (2000 est. pop.124,000). Located in westerncentral Turkey, Afyon has depended on agriculture since the Hittite era (1900–1300 BCE). Like most of Anatolia, Afyon survived centuries of invading or occupying civilizations and rulers right up to the Ottoman demise in the mid-twentieth century. A large proportion of the economy depended on feeding armies. The city’s chief enterprises are still farm- or rural-based. Poppies are an important crop. A local, state-run alkaloid factory refines poppy straw into opiates, supplying close to one-third of pharmaceutical opium to

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world markets. The city is also famous for a rich, clotted cream produced as a regional specialty. Twenty-first-century Afyon is a conservative city with many devout Muslims. The towering black citadel that overlooks the town is believed to have been a refuge for Byzantines during the first few centuries CE. The Greek invading army occupied Afyon, but were driven out in 1921 by Mustafa Kermal (1881–1938; later known as Ataturk, “Father of Turkey”), the future founder of modern Turkey. The rout of the Greeks at Afyon made possible the goal of an independent Turkish state. Suzanne Swan

1655. Within two weeks, Afzal had reached Wai, driving all resistance aside; but meanwhile Shivaji was safely within the fort of Pratapgarh. As Afzal could not tempt him forth, he engaged in negotiations with Shivaji, calling for a conference between the two leaders. Shivaji went to this ostensibly unarmed but, fearing treachery from the Muslim general, he carried arms hidden on him. As the two men embraced, the stalwart general tried to throttle Shivaji; but Shivaji immediately killed Afzal by ripping his stomach open with the metal “tiger’s claws” (baghnakh) Shivaji was carrying. The Marathas went on to defeat the Bijapur forces in battle, and this ended Bijapur’s hostilities. Paul Hockings

Further Reading Lewis, Bernard. (1975) The Emergence of Modern Turkey. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Mitchell, Stephen. (1993) Anatolia, Land, Men and Gods in Asia Minor. Vol. 1. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

AFZAL KHAN (d. 1659), Bijapur general. Afzal Khan was a brilliant seventeenth-century general in Bijapur (in the Indian state of Maharashtra). Afzal was sent by the sultan of Bijapur with an army of ten thousand men in 1659 to suppress the rising Maratha warlord Shivaji, who had conquered Bijapur lands in the Konkan and neighboring areas between 1646 and

AGARTALA (2002 pop. 193,000). Since 1850 the capital of tiny Tripura state in northeastern India, picturesque Agartala lies near the Bangladesh border on the Haroa River in an intensively cultivated plain. It is dominated by the Ujjayanta Palace. Built by Maharaja Radha Krishna Kishore Manikya Bahadur in 1901 in a mixed European-Mughal style, the gleaming white palace now houses the state legislative assembly. Its grounds extend over seventy acres of parkland, including formal gardens, artificial lakes, and the Ummaneshwar and Jagannath Temples, both in a striking yellow-orange hue. Nearby are the Gedu Mian

A family wades through flood waters near Agartala in September 2001. (AFP/CORBIS)

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Mosque, encrusted with an unusual mosaic of broken crockery pieces, and the Buddhist Venuban Vihar. The city features the State Museum, a tribal museum, busy bazaars, and colleges affiliated with the University of Calcutta. The principal languages are Bengali, Kokbarak, and Manipuri; English is not widely spoken. The population is largely Bengali but includes members of the nineteen “scheduled” tribes. (Such scheduled tribes have special protections under the Indian Constitution.) These people, with a rich and varied culture, belong mainly to the Tripuris, Reang, Chakma, Halam, and Usai communities and live in elevated houses of bamboo called tong. Old Agartala, the former capital, is five kilometers to the east. The Temple of Fourteen Deities there draws thousands of Hindu devotees each July for Kharchi Puja, a festival celebrating worship of the earth. C. Roger Davis Further Reading Tripura University. (1992) Seminar on Autonomy Movements in Tripura since Independence. Agartala, India: Tripura University.

AGING POPULATION—JAPAN Perhaps the most significant challenge facing Japan over the coming decades is its aging population. By the middle of the twenty-first century, Japan will have the most aged society in the world, with approximately one in three Japanese being 65 years of age or more. The population by then will have shrunk to about 100 million. As early as 2010, more than 21 percent of the Japanese population will be aged 65 years or more (compared with, for example, 13 percent in the United States), an increase of 6 percent since 1998. By 2025, Japan is projected to have the highest average age in the world. This has been the result of several factors, the first being the rapid rise in birthrates following the end of World War II until 1947. The second factor is the falling birthrate, which dropped steeply through the 1950s, stabilizing around 1960 and declining slowly thereafter. At present, the birthrate is less than 1.4 children per Japanese woman (of childbearing age), while replacement is about 2.1. The birthrate is expected to fall to about 1.1 by 2020. The third factor is the longevity of the Japanese, who live longer than anyone else in the world—approximately 77 years for men and 84 for women. Japan has a massive change looming that will affect virtually every aspect of its social, political, and economic organization. Some have called the problem Japan’s “demographic time bomb.”

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The Cost of Caring for Elderly People In the coming decades, one of Japan’s major difficulties will be to deal with the costs of supporting an aging population. Funding of basic pensions is the most immediate problem, and pressure will increase steadily. By 2020, the Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development has estimated, the cost of providing pensions will amount to 14 percent of Japan’s gross domestic product (GDP), about three times that of the United States. At present, Japan spends only about 7 percent of GDP on pensions, and the Japanese government has recently introduced nursing-care insurance to commit the population to support of the aged. Fundamentally, such schemes are designed to make people responsible for their own financial security in old age rather than dependent on state support. At the same time, it is clear that the Japanese government will have to play a more significant role, and the so-called Golden Plan of 1989 and the 1994 New Golden Plan are examples of the state’s attempt to play a role in the provision of pensions for the elderly. The overriding concern of these new measures is to avoid a financial crisis in the coming decades. Other costs will also rise. Outlays for medical care will go up given that, with people living longer, elderly people will need more intensive medical care and over a longer time. In 1993, the number of Japanese over the age of 80 was only 3 million, but this is expected to jump to 9.5 million by 2025. A related problem is providing adequate housing for the elderly. Most Japanese are urbanites, and there is a concentration of population in the Tokyo-NagoyaOsaka belt. Indeed, today more than 20 percent of Japanese over the age of 60 are living alone in Tokyo, while approximately 78 percent of this age group is classified as urban. To a significant extent, this is a result of postwar industrialization and rural-urban migration, so that there is some conflict between earlier, rural-based values and the reality of contemporary high-density living. Housing pressures are a wellknown phenomenon, and one of the limitations for extended family support is simply the lack of space, specifically affordable space, in the urban areas (where most elderly Japanese live, in spite of a disproportionate number of elderly in rural areas). There is additional pressure on the state to provide specialized facilities for the care of the elderly, alternative homecare models, special nursing homes, facilities for physically disabled persons, and so on. Given the pressures of modern urban living, men are often too preoccupied with work commitments and the required commuting to have time to look after elderly parents; if care is undertaken at home, the burden falls on women.

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Labor Shortages A fundamental problem in Japan is that there are fewer and fewer younger people to support the elderly. At present there are about 5 people working per retiree, but this will be reduced to about 2.5 workers by 2010, according to Japanese government projections. According to a different temporal comparison, in 1980 there were 12 people contributing to employee pension funds for every one pensioner, while the ratio by 2025 will be 2:1. That is, the number of people aged 65 or over per 100 people aged 20 to 64 in 2010 will be 37 and in 2025, 49. In short, the working population in Japan will peak in 2005 and thereafter decline, producing a substantial labor shortage. This labor shortage means that labor costs will rise, and Japan will become less competitive as the cost of production increases; this process has already been underway for some time, and the situation is getting worse. Higher costs also mean that there is pressure to increases taxes, and the Ministry of Health and Welfare projects the social security tax to rise from 14.5 percent in 1994 to 34.8 percent in 2025. These factors, taken together, will drive more and more industry offshore, to lower-wage countries, especially those in Asia. Also, as more funding goes into this sector, there will be less available for investment in the economy; with fewer people working, there will be less savings available for investment. Ultimately this means a reduction in Japan’s external trade surplus, which will have a profound effect on the global economy. Alternative Sources of Labor One response of Japan’s policy makers has been to keep older Japanese working longer. It may be that the retirement age will simply be steadily increased, with older Japanese being asked to work to, say, the age of 70. Already the age of eligibility for the national pension is going up, from 60 years to 65 by 2013 (though the Employees Pension Insurance scheme still allows benefits from age 60). At the same time, there is a wellestablished (at least in the postwar period) tradition in Japan of having people continue to work after retirement in a company affiliated with their main place of employment. In 1993, for example, the proportion of Japanese who remained economically active after the age of 65 was 24.9 percent, as opposed to 6.6 percent in Sweden and 12.2 percent in Singapore. If one assumes, however, that the number of Japanese workers will decline (and this will happen eventually as a substantial portion of the workforce enters very old age), the question of labor shortages arises. A common policy option in the West is to encourage

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immigration. The problem in Japan’s case is that it is not an immigrant country but, on the contrary, has had a tendency to be exclusionist. Only about 2 percent of Japan’s population are migrants. So much of Japanese culture has revolved around being isolationist and resistant to having large numbers of foreigners in the land that people often find it difficult to interact with those from different cultural backgrounds. One compromise has been to facilitate the entry of Brazilians of Japanese descent, and there are now about 270,000 of them in Japan. However, many more migrants are required. The U.N. estimates a need for as many as 600,000 immigrants per year on a continuing basis to sustain the country’s economic growth. If such a recommendation is followed (and there is overwhelming resistance to it in Japan), it would put pressure on the Japanese government to treat immigrants more equitably. The Japanese government may compromise further on this issue and allow more foreigners into the country on temporary work permits. A third option in dealing with an aging population is to change the way in which Japanese women are treated in the workplace. To date, their labor is not utilized effectively. Many are well educated but not supported by society or the state to the point that they can rise to the level of their abilities. The aging population, however, will force changes in the area of women’s employment. The demand for labor will provide women with a greater range of employment opportunities. Also, the present trend toward career interruptions for the purpose of raising children will have to change as labor becomes scarce. One indication that the Japanese government is taking this issue seriously is the 1999 modification of the 1986 Equal Employment Opportunity Law, which removed many of the barriers to female employment in Japan. Impact on Global Trade and Investment With the growth in the global economy, particularly the high level of interconnectedness between the major economies, events in one country are quickly felt in others. This is particularly the case with Japan. Despite its continuing recession, Japan is the secondlargest economy in the world and enjoys one of the world’s largest per capita incomes. Its products are used in virtually every country in the world, and brands such as Sony, Panasonic, and Mitsubishi are household names. Japanese companies also are increasingly manufacturing their products in other countries, either to avoid protective tariffs, penetrate local markets, or enjoy the benefits of low-cost labor. Japanese investors are also heavily involved in other

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countries, especially the United States. In spite of Japan’s economic slowdown through the 1990s, it remains crucial to global trade, manufacturing, and investment. Therefore, substantial socioeconomic change in Japan will have profound effects, directly and indirectly, and both positively and negatively, on the rest of the world. Curtis Andressen Further Reading Ezrati, Milton. (1997) “Japan’s Aging Economics.” Foreign Affairs 76, 3 (May–June): 96–104. Kono, Makoto. (2000) “The Impact of Modernisation and Social Policy on Family Care for Older People in Japan.” Journal of Social Policy 29, 2 (April): 181–203. Kuroda, Toshio. (1994) “The Nature and Policies of Population Aging in Japan.” In The Ageing of Asian Populations: Proceedings of the United Nations Round Table on the Ageing of Asian Populations, Bangkok, 4–6 May, 1992. Bangkok, Thailand: United Nations, 92–95. McCune, Jenny. (1990) “Japan Says Sayonara to Womb-toTomb Management.” Management Review 79, 11 (November): 12–17. Miyakoshi, Tatsuyoshi. (1999) “Trade-off between Pensions and Jobs for the Elderly: Theoretical and Empirical Observations from Japan.” Asian Economic Journal 13, 11: 93–107. Peterson, Peter. (1999) “Gray Dawn: The Global Aging Crisis.” Foreign Affairs 78, 1 (January–February): 42–52. Schultz, James, Allan Borowski, and William Crown. (1991) Economics of Population Aging. New York: Auburn House. Skeldon, Ronald. (1999) Aging of Rural Populations in SouthEast and East Asia, Part 1. Bangkok, Thailand: SD Dimensions. Sokdovsky, Jay. (1990) The Cultural Context of Aging: Worldwide Perspectives. New York: Bergin and Garvey. Watanabe, Mieko. (1992) “Employment of Older Persons and Need for Support System.” Japan Labor Bulletin (Japan Institute of Labour, no. 31): 1–6.

AGNO RIVER The Agno River is one of the main rivers in Luzon Province, Philippines. It is almost 150 kilometers long, originating at Binga Lake in Benguet Province, running down its deep valleys, and turning westward in the lowlands of Pangasinan Province before draining into the Lingayen Gulf. The Ibaloi people of Benguet regard the river as sacred because it gives life. But its “life-giving” properties extend beyond Benguet because it also irrigates the lowlands of Pangasinan, which are part of the “rice bowl” of the Philippines. With its connection to Binga Lake, the Agno River is harnessed to power hydroelectric plants of the Binga and Ambuklao Dams, providing electricity to the Cagayan Valley region.

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Another dam, the San Roque, is under construction along the Agno River. This project has been met with stiff resistance by the people of Benguet because the dam will inundate towns and threaten the environment. Aaron Ronquillo Further Reading Department of Tourism. (1994) The Philippines: Spirit of Place. Manila, Philippines: Department of Tourism. Lancion, Conrado Jr. (1995) Fast Facts about Philippine Provinces. Manila, Philippines: Tahanan Books. Parkes, Carl. (1999) Philippines Handbook. Emeryville, CA: Moon Travel Handbooks. Salita, Domingo. (1974) Geographic and Natural Resources of the Philippines. Quezon City, Philippines: College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines.

AGRA (2001 est. pop. 1.3 million). Agra, located in the state of Uttar Pradesh in northwest India, is renowned for its ancient architecture. The city developed by virtue of its location on major trade routes and waterways. The first settlement is thought to have been established here in 2 BCE. The sultan of Delhi settled in Agra in 1492, making it his capital, renovating its ancient fort, and ruling the city until the Mughal dynasty came to power in 1526. The Mughals then made Agra the seat of their empire’s government for a time and constructed the great Friday mosques (built specially for Friday worship) during their reigns The city’s most famous landmark is the Taj Mahal (built c. 1632–1652), the white marble mausoleum

9 AGRA FORT—WORLD HERITAGE SITE Designated a World Heritage Site in 1983, Agra Fort is a huge brick red seventeenth-century Mughal fortress that protects the Mughal imperial city of Agra within its 2.5 kilometers of walls. A stone’s throw away from the Taj Mahal, Agra Fort contains many Mughal architectural masterpieces.

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own their own lands and thus to create their own family farms. However, CCP leaders, particularly Mao Zedong (1893–1976), shared Marxists’ goal of eventually eliminating private ownership of land and achieving socialist collectivization. As early as 1943, Mao had proclaimed that agricultural collectivization would be the only way for Chinese peasants to escape poverty and would be the CCP’s long-range goal. Before land reform was completely accomplished, the CCP was prepared to begin the gradual introduction of agricultural collectivization. Sikandra, the tomb of Emperor Akbar in Agra. (WILDCOUNTRY/CORBIS)

commissioned by Shah Jahan for his wife Mumtaz Mahal considered a masterpiece of that period’s architecture. Legend says that Shah Jahan maimed and blinded the architect to prevent him from ever constructing a building of similar beauty. Unfortunately the Taj Mahal and other monuments in Agra are threatened by the modern city’s pollution. The first European visitors compared Agra to London and Paris. After the British annexed Agra in 1803, the city became the headquarters for the presidency in the northwest provinces. Modern Agra is composed of the ancient city and the nineteenth-century British cantonment. Today Agra is a center for commerce, higher education, and tourism. Despite its modernity, traditional crafts such as marble carving, stone setting, and carpet manufacture are still practiced. Linda Dailey Paulson Further Reading Carroll, David. (1972) The Taj Mahal. New York: Newsweek. Davies, Philip, ed. (1989) “Agra.” In The Penguin Guide to Monuments of India. Vol. 2. London: Viking, 189–199.

AGRICULTURAL COLLECTIVIZATION —CHINA Private land ownership and the onefamily farm were the basis of Chinese agriculture for more than two thousand years before the establishment of the People’s Republic of China in 1949. Until the early 1950s, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) claimed that it would first improve, rather than eliminate, the system of private family farms. The land reform of the CCP during the 1940s and early 1950s won great support of the majority of Chinese peasants because it actually allowed more peasants to

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China’s agricultural collectivization was carried out in three stages. The first stage was to promote mutual aid teams (MATs). MATs were small scale, usually with five or six households joining to work cooperatively during busy times (such as sowing and harvesting). Each family retained ownership of its own land, and the crops grown on that land basically belonged to that family. The move toward MATs was relatively successful. By 1952, 40 percent of China’s rural households joined a mutual aid team. During the same period, a small number of peasants were starting to move to the next stage of collectivization: the “lower” or “semisocialist” agricultural producers’ cooperative (APC). An APC usually encompassed a small village or section of a village (twenty to forty households on average). Members of the APC pooled their lands and large agricultural tools and draft animals and worked the land together. A management committee kept records, usually measuring in daily “work points,” of the amount of labor done by each family. At the end of a year, the crop and other income (after taxes had been paid and reserve funds had been subtracted) would be divided among the members of the APC according to the accumulated work points of each family and the land and tools they had contributed. Fifteen thousand APCs were established when the CCP began to encourage peasants to replace MATs with APCs at the end of 1953. From APCs to Full Collectivization The third stage was the fully socialist collectives, or “higher” APCs. Most higher APCs contained 150 to 200 households. Unlike in the semisocialist APC, in which an individual family still retained nominal ownership of its lands and derived its income partially from these lands, the lands now were legally the property of the APC. The amounts of land and capital contributed by each family were no longer taken into account in determining how much each family would receive at the end of a year. The APC would distribute crops solely on the basis of each

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family’s labor contributions: to each according to his deeds. Originally, China’s agricultural collectivization was planned quite cautiously. The CCP leaders who were in charge of this work knew that this transformation would have to be managed carefully to avoid the bloodshed and catastrophic results that had accompanied the rapid collectivization initiated by Joseph Stalin (1879–1953) in the Soviet Union. The CCP Central Committee predicted that the transition to socialist collectivization would be accomplished in fifteen years from 1953. The committee disbanded tens of thousands of APCs in 1953 and 1955 on the grounds that these APCs were premature and were organized against peasants’ own will. However, Mao was unsatisfied with the cautious approach to collectivization. According to Mao, China would suffer both economic and social problems unless the transition to collectivization speeded up. Mao believed that a socialist system of agriculture would bolster agricultural productivity, stimulate rural markets for industrial products, and divert sufficient workers and funds to accelerate China’s industrialization. In the meantime, a fully socialist agriculture system would end the division between the haves and havenots in China’s countryside. Despite the opposition of many key figures within the CCP and many peasants, Mao’s view prevailed finally. The CCP launched a drive to organize more higher APCs in the autumn of 1955. After it started, the campaign moved much faster than even Mao had initially proposed. Provincial and lower-level cadres implemented the collectivization drive with such enthusiasm that China’s agricultural socialization was completed in less than a year. In 1954, there were 114,000 APCs nationwide, 200 of them higher APCs. By 1956, 120 million agricultural households, or 96.3 percent of China’s rural families, were organized in 750,000 collectives, of which 88 percent were the fully socialist higher APCs. Endorsed by Mao, “people’s communes” were organized in the countryside in 1958 on the basis of higher APCs. Each commune amalgamated dozens of higher APCs and had twenty-five thousand people on average. By the end of 1958, there were twenty-six thousand communes, in which 98 percent of China’s rural population lived. The commune became a new organizational form for the countryside, combining political, administrative, and military functions in one organization. Economically, however, the principal internal unit in each commune was the production brigade, which often corresponded to a higher APC.

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Results of Collectivization Agricultural collectivization had profound influence in China. It gave the CCP greater power to exert its authority over Chinese peasants and to more effectively extract a large portion of agricultural income from the countryside to fund China’s industrialization. In the meantime, collectivization was pushed too soon and too hard after 1955, resulting in inefficiencies in agricultural productivity, dissatisfaction among peasants, and mismanagement in China’s rural areas. Peasants were deprived of their land and other private property and lost the incentive to work harder. China’s agricultural productivity stagnated until 1979, when Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997) launched economic reform. With the dismemberment of the people’s communes in 1982, China’s agricultural collectivization collapsed. Family farms again became the basis of Chinese agriculture; more than 97 percent of peasants ran their own farms under the household responsibility system (which turned responsibility for production back over to individual households) by 1983. Ju Wang and Elizabeth D. Schafer See also: Household Responsibility System—China

Further Reading Francisco, Ronald A., Betty A. Laird, and Roy D. Laird, eds. (1979) The Political Economy of Collectivized Agriculture: A Comparative Study of Communist and Non-Communist Systems. New York: Pergamon Press. Hinton, William. (1997) Fanshen: A Documentary of Revolution in a Chinese Village. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Lin, Justin Yifu. (1990) “Collectivization and China’s Agricultural Crisis in 1959–1961.” Journal of Political Economy 6, 98 (December): 1228–1252. Meurs, Mieke. (1999) Many Shades of Red: State Policy and Collective Agriculture. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield. Nee, Victor, and Su Sijin. (1990) “Institutional Change and Economic Growth in China: The View from the Villages.” Journal of Asian Studies 1, 49 (February): 3–25. Nolan, Peter. (1988) The Political Economy of Collective Farms: An Analysis of China’s Post-Mao Rural Reforms. Oxford: Polity Press.

AGRICULTURE—CENTRAL ASIA The five Central Asian republics (CARs: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan) were prime suppliers of agricultural products, metals, and minerals to population centers in the Soviet Union. After independence in 1991, farm production fell during the efforts to restructure the inefficient and highly subsidized agricultural sector.

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Monoculture Farming Before independence the CARs provided the Soviet Union with 90 percent of its cotton needs, 15 percent of its vegetable oils, nearly 50 percent of its rice, and 35 percent of its fruits and vegetables. In turn the CARs imported grain, meat, dairy products, and sugar from the Soviet Union. Then and now the CARs depend on their agriculture sectors, which are prime employers and contributors to economic growth. (See Table 1.) Since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, farm production and overall economic growth in Central Asia have dropped precipitously. (See Table 2.) This terrible economic performance has increased the level of poverty in the CARs, and the productivity of labor in farming has declined. In the context of the Soviet Union, the CARs were never meant to be integrated, stand-alone economies. Rather, they were set up to be primary product producers for the more industrialized republics. Farm economies in Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan specialized in cotton; Kyrgyzstan specialized in wool and mutton; Kazakhstan in grain. Second-stage processing for these raw materials was discouraged in Central Asia, so that the CARs did not benefit from the jobs and economic activity that processing, milling, and manufacturing would have afforded. Links with non-USSR markets were discouraged or prohibited. The structural dependence that developed between the “center” and “periphery” of the Soviet Union was broken with its dissolution. When the USSR collapsed, the economy of the Russian Federation also plunged, greatly debilitating the markets it once offered to the CARs. Other Economic Problems in Agriculture Soviet planners, in an effort to expand production, brought land that was marginal for agriculture into TABLE 1

cultivation and employed excessive chemical inputs to maximize production. With the exception of Kyrgyzstan, which exports water, the CARs suffer from severe droughts and a shortage of irrigation. Existing irrigation systems have fallen into disrepair during the years of independence. The issue of water is also a problem for ecological reasons. Monocrop farming has ravaged natural resources, as evidenced by the despoliation of the Aral Sea. As rivers that drained into the Aral were diverted to provide irrigation water for cotton, new deserts were created, and much of the Aral Sea dried up. Now the wind blows salt and pesticide residue across an increasingly barren landscape. Another factor accounting for the decline in production in the CARs is the withdrawal of agricultural subsidies. During the time of the Soviet Union and especially in the Gorbachev era (1985–1991), the CARs benefited from the All-Union budget transfers that provided investment resources for agriculture and other sectors of the economy. Physical inputs were also subsidized. These transfers tended to hide inefficiencies in agriculture while increasing production. When exposed to the world markets, the agricultural products grown in the CARs suffered from substantial price fluctuations. Cotton prices were relatively high early in the 1990s but fell substantially later in the decade. At the same time imported inputs (like fertilizers and seeds) rose in price, imperiling the profitability of the agricultural sector and causing a cost-price squeeze. Although some of the CARs’ agricultural trade is still with other countries of the former Soviet Union for historical or physical reasons, that trade is declining. Other economically challenged former Soviet states may delay paying hard currency or may want to barter instead, while the CARs need hard currency to purchase inputs. By 1996 fifty percent of the total trade of the CARs was with countries that had not been part TABLE 2

Central Asia’s dependence on the agricultural sector for contributions to GDP and employment in 1999

Kazakhstan Uzbekistan Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan Turkmenistan

Percent of GDP in agricultural sector

Percent of total labor force in agricultural sector

10 31 44 25 25

23 44 42 52 44

Data for this table from World Bank (2000: Table 12) and Turner (1999, 2000, 2001).

Percentage of economic growth and growth of agriculture sector, annual data for 1990–1999

Kazakhstan Uzbekistan Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan Turkmenistan

GDP

Value added by agriculture

–5.9 –2.0 –7.4 –9.8 –3.5

–12.2 –1.0 –1.5 –12.2 No data

SOURCES:

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SOURCE:

World Bank (2000: Table 11).

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took place on state land or state farms (sovkhozy) and collective farms (kolkhozy). Theoretically state farms were “factories in the field,” paying a wage to workers, whereas capital and land belonged to the state. Any profit at the end of the year entered the government’s coffers.

During Russian and Soviet rule, cotton became the primary agricultural product in Central Asia. Here, a woman picks cotton in Muynak in 1989. (DAVID & PETER TURNLEY/CORBIS)

of the former Soviet Union. The CARs need new markets, and as physical links with southern and eastern neighbors are developed and access to the Mediterranean Sea and to Indian and Pacific Ocean ports increases, trade with other former Soviet states can be expected to decline further. In an effort to cultivate new markets, the CARs turned south to Turkey, Pakistan, and Iran, which had formed the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) in 1985. Central Asian countries were admitted to ECO in 1992, along with Afghanistan and Azerbaijan. These additions gave the ECO cultural cohesion as it included all of the non-Arab Islamic countries of West Asia and Central Asia. While the ECO has not significantly increased the CARs’ trade, it has provided a forum for discussion of regional trade disagreements and a forum for future peaceful settlement of conflicts. Similarity in resource endowments and overlapping commodity composition limit trade options between the three original ECO members and the CARs. For example, cotton, an important CARs export, is also important to both Turkey and Pakistan. The CARs are aiming to build more diversity into their economies. For example, to substitute for imported grain, Tajikistan reduced its cotton acreage by 25 percent between 1990 and 1996 and planted wheat. Tajikistan’s efforts to develop were impaired by civil war. While a peace agreement has been signed, there is still unrest in the country.

On the collective farms, also called cooperatives, buildings and machinery belonged to a group of worker members. Theoretically a profit at the end of the year was divided among the members according to some predefined plan. But since so many state and collective farms showed a loss as the Soviet Union came to an end, wages were often paid to collective farm members, but there were infrequent profits to divide. Although there are some country differences, the state and collective farms of the Soviet Union shared some common characteristics: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7. Restructuring Agriculture The CARs are struggling to reform the archaic system of farm possession and management through privatization or land reform. Farming in the Soviet Union

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The farms were large in average number of workers. A farm with 1,500 irrigated hectares and 1,500 workers was not unusual. Laborers on these farms accomplished work communally. A farm’s labor force was divided into brigades of, say, a dozen people, with the brigade leader responsible to the chairperson of the kolkhoz or the director of the sovkhoz. One brigade might be responsible for 200 hectares of cotton on the farm, tending it from planting to harvest. Each farm received state orders each year stipulating the production targets and the price to be paid for each commercial commodity. If the farm exceeded its targets, the extra amount could be sold through nongovernmental channels for, presumably, a higher price. The properties received from the state the inputs and credit deemed necessary to fulfill the production targets, automatically and often at a subsidized price. The personnel on the farms were chastised in various ways if targets were not met, but bankrupt farms continued to be given subsidies and did not go “out of business.” The state and collective farms provided medical and other social and educational services to their members and workers. The farming system, while dominated by large farms, provided workers’ and members’ families with small auxiliary parcels of about a quarter of a hectare each. On these small parcels farm families grew vegetables

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or fruits for their own consumption, occasionally selling some of this produce. Some of these plots were very productive, and if the worker-members remained on good terms with the large farm’s administrators, they were sometimes given inputs. Many of these large centrally directed farms became a serious financial burden for the state well before independence. Subsidies were generous, production targets were infrequently met, productivity was low, incentives to work to capacity did not exist, and expenses for social infrastructure were high.

worked in the former system considered themselves to be laborers and not farmers; they felt that they simply did not have the management and financial experience that farmers needed. Furthermore the machinery from the old state or collective farm could be used if it was in good repair (although much was not), and it was impractical to use this heavy equipment on small farms. The barns and other outbuildings were large and all but useless for family farms. Moreover to obtain inputs a special relationship with a neighboring large farm had to be established; there was no system enabling individual farmers to buy fertilizer, seeds, and farm chemicals or even to obtain credit.

After independence the CARs enacted land reforms in an effort to reinvigorate agriculture. But such profound changes require years to institute completely. Land reforms included reorganizing the farms to make them smaller, placing them in the hands of former members and workers, and semiprivatizing them. International authorities argued that family farms would be the best alternative to state and collective farms, whereas local specialists believed that there were economies of scale that would be destroyed in the conversion to family farms. Some felt that land should be turned over to the owners so they could buy, sell, and inherit land; eventually, it was thought, the market would dictate its efficient allocation. Others argued that complete privatization would result in a reconcentration of land, and they wanted the land to remain state property while giving long-term leases to former members and workers.

Those who criticize the associative structure of reorganization feel that the old authoritative structure is simply duplicated in the new system. Often the old presidents or directors of the collective or state farms became administrative heads of the new entities. Nor is the incentive issue solved. There is the continuing problem of so-called free riders. With group rather than individual effort, it is easier to slack off and let someone else do the hard work. Also it is difficult for members to change their minds about the structure they prefer. For instance in most of the associative forms it is difficult to break away and become a family farmer once one has opted for an associative choice. Few mechanisms exist for selling one’s shares unless one goes through an authority figure, who is usually anxious that members not leave the organization. The right to sell shares may exist, but it is usually difficult to exercise this right.

Group Farming Still Prevails Some members and workers opted for private individual farms, but most decided on some variant of cooperative farming with related families or with families who had worked together for a long time under the old system. Joint-stock companies gave negotiable paper shares to members or to production cooperatives or other associative organizational forms. With the exception of the private individual farm (sometimes called a dekhan farm) the other farm organizations were not a great deal different from the old sovkhoz or kolkhoz, though they were usually smaller in acreage and membership. The auxiliary parcels were often granted to those who held them before independence. There were sound reasons that associative organizations were preferred to family farms. Workers and members were used to this team effort. Group farming meant that farming risk was minimized, and an eighthour day could usually be observed. Most of those who

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Land reform is further along in Kazakstan and Kyrgyzstan than in the other CARs. In Kazakstan, however, only 4 to 5 percent of agricultural production comes from private individual farms; in Kyrgyzstan half of the farmland in the country was transferred to private individual farmers on the basis of 99-year leases, and these farms provide about half of the country’s agricultural produce. If the goal of the CARs is to reorganize into a system of private individual farms (and it is not completely clear that this is the case), it has a long distance to travel. Future Implications The CARs face a myriad of problems in reshaping their agriculture sectors. These countries have shown large drops in gross domestic product and agricultural-sector growth since independence. To get agriculture moving, the CARs must develop reliable sources of credit and inputs, find new markets, diversify their farm economies, fix their irrigation systems and create new ones, let market prices pre-

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vail, and develop institutional forms conducive to agricultural development. William C. Thiesenhusen See also: Aral Sea

Further Reading “The Aral Sea: Saving the Last Drop.” (1 July 2000) The Economist 356, 8177: 42. Auty, Richard M. (1998) “Sustainable Mineral-Driven Development in Turkmenistan.” In Sustainable Development in Central Asia, edited by Shirin Akiner, Sander Tideman, and John Hay. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press, 167–185. Beisenova, Aliia S. (1998) “Environmental Problems in Kazakhstan.” In Sustainable Development in Central Asia, edited by Shirin Akiner, Sander Tideman, and John Hay. Richmond, England: Curzon Press, 159–166. Bloch, Peter, James M. Delehanty, and Michael J. Roth. (1996) Land and Agrarian Reform in the Kyrgyz Republic. LTC Research Paper 128. Madison, WI, and Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan: Land Tenure Center. Economist Intelligence Unit. (1996) Country Report: Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan. London: EIU. Pomfret, Richard. (1999) Central Asia Turns South: Trade Relations in Transition. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs (Russia and Eurasia Programme). Rumer, Boris. (2000) “Economic Crisis and Growing Intraregional Tensions.” In Central Asia and the New Global Economy, edited by Boris Rumer. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 3–56. Spoor, Max. (1997) Agrarian Transition in the Former Soviet Union: Central Asia, Stagnation and Progress. Working Paper No. 243. The Hague, Netherlands: Institute of Social Studies. Thiesenhusen, William. (1998) Agriculture and Land Reform in Tajikistan. Dushanbe, Tajikistan, and Madison, WI: Land Tenure Center. Trushin, Eskender, and Eshref Trushin. (2000) “Problems of Market Transition.” In Central Asia and the New Global Economy, edited by Boris Rumer. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 86–148. Turner, Barry. (1999 and 2000) The Statesman’s Yearbook: The Politics, Cultures, and Economies of the World. New York: Macmillan. ———. (2000) World Development Report 2000/2001. New York: Oxford University Press. ———, ed. (2000, 2001, 2002) The Statesman’s Yearbook: The Politics, Cultures, and Economics of the World, 2000, 2001, 2002. New York: St. Martin’s Press. World Bank. (1993) Kazakhstan: The Transition to a Market Economy. Washington, DC: International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 130–143. ———. (2000) World Development Report 2000/2001. New York: Oxford University Press.

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Today Chinese agriculture sustains 22 percent of the world’s popula-

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tion, with less than 8 percent of the world’s arable land. The pattern of intensive agriculture varies in accordance with regional differences in environmental conditions: double or even triple cropping in the southern coastal regions; double cropping with a summer rice crop in the Chang (Yangtze) River basin of central and eastern China; winter wheat–summer crop cycles on the North China plains; single-crop, spring-grown cereals in the Northeast. Chinese Agriculture in the Early Twentieth Century Historically China has long been plagued by an unfavorable human-to-land ratio. As economic conditions worsened in the countryside by the early twentieth century, some observers argued that poor peasants were exploited by parasitic landowners through exorbitant rents, and their plight was exacerbated by usurious interest rates, high taxes, and recurrent warfare and natural disasters. Therefore, only a radical restructuring of rural society and redistribution of wealth could alleviate endemic poverty. Others contended that technological backwardness was the root of impoverishment. In this case, the introduction of modern farming techniques and inputs and the availability of low-cost credit were the proper prescriptions. The Communist Policy of Land Reform Whatever the correct diagnosis of China’s agricultural ills, the Communist victory in the Chinese civil war of 1946–1949 succeeded in large part because the Communists used a land-reform campaign to mobilize the impoverished and discontented peasants by appealing to their hunger for land. The land reform started in Communist-occupied areas of China in the late 1920s. It was temporarily suspended after the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) formed an alliance with the Nationalist government to oppose the Japanese invasion of China in 1936. After Japan surrendered in 1945, the CCP resumed the land-reform campaign to win the support of peasants during the period of civil war. When the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was established in 1949, land reform spread throughout the country. Agricultural Policies between 1950 and 1958 In this bloody land-reform campaign (1950–1953), the CCP destroyed the wealth and power base of the rural elite, redistributed land among the peasant class on an egalitarian basis, and elevated local leaders from the poor peasant stratum. Between the land-reform

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9 MOUNT QINCHENG—WORLD HERITAGE SITE The birthplace of Taoism and home to dozens of ancient temples, Mount Qincheng was designated a World Heritage site in 2000. Mount Qincheng is also home to the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, an engineering project that continues to irrigate the Chengdu plains after more than two thousand years of operation.

campaign and the beginning of economic reform in 1978, agricultural policies were based primarily on centralized planning and collectivization of agriculture, despite various changes in direction. In fall 1953, the government introduced compulsory procurement of farm products, whereby peasants were obligated to sell fixed quotas of their produce (including grain, cotton, and edible oils) to the state at government-set prices. Private markets were increasingly restricted. Agriculture supported the state’s focus on heavy industrial development by providing cheap food and by earning foreign exchange to import capital goods. To raise agricultural production without diverting resources from industry, the government adopted a strategy that involved the mass mobilization of rural labor to work on labor-intensive infrastructure projects (including irrigation, flood control, and land reclamation) and by raising agricultural productivity through more intensive application of traditional methods and inputs (for example, closer planting, more careful weeding, and more use of organic fertilizers). Collectivization was seen as the institutional means to implement that strategy. To make the transition from a small-holder rural economy at the completion of land reform to a collectivized system, the Communists first promoted the creation of mutual-aid teams composed of five to fifteen households that exchanged labor and shared the use of tools and draft animals rented from ownerparticipants. Next the mutual-aid teams were consolidated into primary agricultural-producer cooperatives of approximately twenty to twenty-five households, which pooled land resources and paid participants according to the amount of labor, land, and tools contributed. The third stage in socialist development was the creation of advanced agricultural-producer cooperatives made up of 150 to 200 households and combining the principles of collective farming and

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payment according to labor only. Most peasants had joined advanced cooperatives by the end of 1956. The Great Leap Forward and Its Aftermath Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward (1958–1960) was intended to catapult China into the front ranks of industrial nations, making China a Communist paradise in a short time. Some 740,000 advanced cooperatives were consolidated into 26,500 communes, self-sufficient communities averaging five thousand households each, which merged the functions of agriculture, industry, and trade and assumed responsibilities for administration, education, and defense. The production brigade, equivalent to one or more natural villages, constituted a middle tier in the commune structure. In turn, a brigade was composed of a number of production teams, each composed of tens of families drawn from one neighborhood. Communal kitchens, mess halls, and nurseries both promoted collective living and released labor that was mobilized in large teams in massive water-conservancy and irrigation projects intended to raise agricultural productivity dramatically. In place of economic incentives, ideological exhortations inspired the people to work hard for the common good. Reports of bountiful harvests prompted the partial implementation of the Communist principle, to each according to his needs. Net income was distributed primarily on a per capita basis and only partially on the basis of individual labor contributions. This utopian movement ended in disaster. Local cadres claimed fantastic productivity gains, leading higher authorities to harbor unrealistic expectations and to make escalating grain-procurement demands on peasants. Peasants, in turn, were left with little or nothing to eat and were physically exhausted by the relentless labor demand. Construction and industrial projects diverted rural labor needed for grain harvesting. Programs to promote rural industrialization, based on the transformation of local materials, most notably backyard furnaces to make steel out of iron reclaimed from utensils and tools, wasted resources but manufactured few usable products. Difficulties were further compounded by bad weather and the withdrawal of Soviet aid. Some 30 million people perished in the resultant famine from 1959 to 1961. The original communes were reorganized into smaller and more manageable units with the tripling of their numbers to 74,000 in 1961 and 1962, and the small production team was reestablished as the basic unit of planning and accounting. Rural markets and

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the right to cultivate small private plots were restored. Improved economic incentives paved the way for recovery of grain production by 1963. Mao’s Cultural Revolution of 1966–1976 Mao, disturbed by the reforms of the early 1960s, which he considered steps toward the restoration of capitalism, launched the Cultural Revolution in 1966. In the ten years of turmoil that ensued, not only was Chinese society violently traumatized by political persecutions and internal disorder, but agriculture suffered from the discontinuation of technical development; discouragement or even elimination of private plots, sideline activities, and rural markets; and primacy of political criteria over technical or economic considerations in economic policy making and in determination of individual earnings. Despite the disruptions of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, China’s total grain output increased at an average annual growth of 3.5 percent, or from 113.2 million metric tons to 304.8 million metric tons between 1949 and 1978. Agriculture was the primary foreign-exchange earner, accounting for more than 60 percent. Much new land was opened in the Northeast, extensive flood control and irrigation systems were constructed, and a number of improved crop varieties (including dwarf and semidwarf fertilizer-responsive varieties of rice and cold-tolerant, quick-maturing wheats) were developed and propagated. However, reflecting state policies that squeezed agriculture to promote industrial development, even as real per capita income increased almost threefold from 1952 to 1978, per capita peasant income stagnated. Agriculture grew at an average annual rate of 1.9 percent, compared with 10.8 percent for industry and 6.0 percent for total national income. Agricultural Policies of Deng Xiaoping from 1978 to the Mid-1980s After Deng Xiaoping became the leader of China in 1978, the government focused on the Four Modernizations: industry, agriculture, national defense, and science and technology. The state sought to stimulate agricultural production by reintroducing private economic incentives into peasant production decisions in the early 1980s: Crop- and animal-purchase prices were raised, and, most important, collective farming was replaced by household-based farming. The latter was achieved largely through the household-responsibility system, which was originally an unauthorized local initiative by some poor rural communities in the late 1970s and sanctioned by the state

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only in 1981 as it proved successful in raising peasant incomes. Each household contracted with the state for the management of a fixed amount of land for from one to three years, thereby assuming responsibility to pay certain specified quotas and taxes to the state or collective, but also gaining the right to make its own economic decisions on such matters as the allocation of production inputs or the disposal of any surplus output. By the end of 1983, more than fifty thousand communes were dismantled as 200 million farm families joined the household-responsibility system. In 1984, the duration of contracts was extended to fifteen or more years, and in 1993, it was extended an additional thirty years. The government also gave permission to farm households to exchange and employ labor in 1983 and to sublease land to other households in 1984. Agriculture from the Mid-1980s to the Present From the mid-1980s, rural reform was gradually extended from production to liberalization of marketing, distribution, and trade of farm products, first for fruits and vegetables, then fishery products, livestock products, and oilseeds. Wholesale markets were legalized, free-market trade permitted, and the number of items covered by procurement quotas reduced by the government. Private marketing enterprises, which bought from traders in local markets or directly from farmers, multiplied. Even the marketing of the most heavily regulated products has been partially liberalized since the mid-1980s: The government reduced quotas for grain purchased at state-set prices, while purchasing additional quantities above the quota at negotiated prices and allowing peasants to sell the remainder in the open market at higher prices. With the dissolution of the communes, the government permitted townships to take over their administrative functions and property, while villages appropriated the functions and property of the production brigades. Many townships and villages formed collective industrial and commercial enterprises (TVEs) providing a variety of goods and services. Private enterprises also grew rapidly. Rural industries helped to absorb surplus labor and boost household income. By 1987, the gross product of rural industry had surpassed that of all agricultural production. Between 1978 and 1993, the number of TVEs expanded from 1.5 million to 20.8 million, with their output at the annual rate of 21 percent and employment at 12 percent, thereby creating nearly 80 million jobs. The expansion of food supplies has exceeded the growth of domestic demand. Between 1991 and 1999, yield for wheat increased from 3.2 to 3.9 metric tons

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9 COOPERATIVES IN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA The formation of agricultural cooperatives was major change effected by the new communist government in China in the 1950s. The following text setting forth government policy states the general principles for collectives and also membership criteria. Model Regulations for Advanced Agricultural Producers’ Cooperatives (Adopted on June 30th, 1956 by the First National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China at its third session) General Principles Article 1. An agricultural producers’ cooperative (the term as used in this document means the agricultural producers’ cooperative of advanced type) is a socialist, collective economic organization formed on a voluntary and mutually beneficial basis, with the guidance and help of the Communist Party and the People’s Government. Article 2. The agricultural producers’ cooperative, in accordance with socialist principles, converts the chief means of production owned privately by its members into the collective property of the cooperative. The members are organized for collective work, and the cooperative applies the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his work,” giving equal pay for equal work, irrespective of sex or age.” Membership Article 7. All working peasants who have reached the age of 16 and other working people able to take part in the work of the cooperative may be admitted as members. Applications for membership must be voluntary and approved by a general meeting of members’ delegates. The cooperative shall make every effort to take in as members the dependents of revolutionary martyrs, of soldiers and government workers, and disabled as well as demobilized servicemen (including the military personnel who came over from the Kuomintang armed forces and those who accepted the peaceful liberation of the regions under their control but who have since been demobilized and returned to the countryside). The aged, the weak, the orphaned, the widowed and the disabled should also be admitted as members. New settlers should also be drawn into the cooperative. Source: W. R. Geddes. (1963). Peasant Life in Communist China: Monograph #6. Ithaca, New York: Society for Applied Anthropology, 56.

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per hectare, yield for rice from 5.6 to 6.3, yield for corn from 4.6 to 4.9, while yields for sorghum and millet remained steady at 3.5 and 1.6, respectively. Between 1979 and 1984, total grain output expanded by 4.9 percent per annum to reach the level of 407.3 million metric tons. Growth was much more modest from 1985 to 2000 at 1.3 percent per annum. Between 1978 and 2000, rice production rose from 136.9 to 187.9 million metric tons (with a high of 200.7 in 1997), wheat production from 53.8 to 99.6 (with a high of 113.9 in 1999), and corn production from 56.0 to 106.0 (with a high of 133.0 in 1998). The quality and varieties of food have significantly improved as consumer demand for better quality food increased with rising incomes. Between 1983 and 1999, urban per capita consumption of poultry meat rose from 2.6 to 4.9 kilograms, while consumption of seafood grew from 8.1 to 10.3 kilograms; corresponding figures for rural residents were 0.8 to 2.5 kilograms and 1.6 to 3.8 kilograms, respectively. To meet expanding domestic and foreign demand, China’s animal output increased even more rapidly than grain production in the 1990s: from 25.1 to 47.6 million metric tons for red meat and 4.0 to 11.2 million metric tons for poultry. Aquatic production more than tripled in that decade, reaching 39.0 million metric tons in 1998. Between 1978 and 1991, cotton production grew about two and one-half times, from 2.2 to 5.7 million metric tons, but hovered around 4.5 million metric tons thereafter. Production of oilseeds, on the other hand, continually expanded throughout the reform period, from 5.2 in 1978 to 16.4 in 1991 to 26.0 million metric tons in 1999. China has become a significant participant in the global market for agricultural commodities. It exported as much as 10 percent of the world’s traded corn while importing as much as 17 percent of the world’s traded wheat, 25 percent of fertilizer, and 28 percent of soybean oil. Leading agricultural exports in 2000 were cotton yarn and fabric ($3.73 billion), fish and seafood ($2.27 billion), prepared meat and fish ($1.88 billion), and cereals ($1.64 billion). Oilseeds and miscellaneous grains ($3.07 billion), hides and skins ($2.95 billion), and cotton yarn and fabric ($2.79 billion) headed the list of major agricultural imports. The expansion of economic opportunities from improved incentives and particularly from rural industries has contributed significantly to the rise in rural income. Per capita annual net income of rural households in yuan rose from 133.6 in 1978 to 397.6 in 1985 to 686.3

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in 1990 to 2162 in 1998. More than 210 million peasants were raised from extreme poverty, though 50 million still remained in that state as of 1997. Despite the fundamental shift from collective socialism to an increasingly market-oriented and privatized economy since 1978, self-sufficiency in food as a matter of national security and the provision of stable and cheap grain supplies for urban residents remained constant concerns in Communist economic policy. Alarmists in 1994 even voiced the fear that China might be unable in the future to produce enough food grain for an increasing population and enough feed grain for a rapidly growing livestock industry, thereby driving up international grain prices and leading to starvation in poor countries that will be unable to compete with China to import grain. Such scenarios have been taken by the Chinese government as an attack on its ability to provide for the needs of the people. Moreover, questions were raised by Chinese officials concerning the reliability of foreign food-grain suppliers. Such considerations reinforced the longstanding policy of food sufficiency. The marketing of most agricultural commodities has become commercialized and marketized. Since 1999, even cotton procurement and prices are no longer mandated by the state; a cotton exchange was established, and the state’s purchase monopoly over cotton was ended. Grain remains the sole agricultural product whose marketing is still largely controlled by the state. Under the governor’s responsibility system, or grain-bag policy, introduced in 1995, responsibility for stabilizing grain supplies and prices was shifted to provincial leaders. In a major reform initiative in 1998, quota procurement grain prices were to be determined by the prevailing market price. But mounting deficits prompted the state to reclaim monopoly control over grain distribution and to permit private grain dealers to sell only grain purchased from government grain-marketing enterprises. Limited private grain marketing was allowed again only in 2000. This emphasis on food security has resulted in devoting unnecessarily large efforts to the cultivation of relatively low-value basic crops, including grain and cotton, and has prevented peasants from increasing their production of high value-added agricultural commodities. The land market itself has been incompletely reformed. Ownership of land has remained with the collective, and peasants have remained concerned about the long-term stability of land tenure. Consequently they have been reluctant to invest for the long term.

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Agriculture’s share of gross domestic product and trade has fallen from about 30 percent in 1980 to about 20 percent and 10 percent, respectively, by 1997. By the 1990s, rural industry suffered from a declining capacity to create additional employment. Income gaps between cities and rural areas had been closing between 1978 and 1985, after which they grew again until the mid-1990s, when per capita income for urban residents remained at around two and one-half times that for rural residents, about the same as in 1978. Future Prospects for Chinese Agriculture Further expansion of agricultural production faces a number of constraints. Official data indicate a loss of arable land since 1978: from 99 to 95 million hectares. While other independent estimates based on Landsat (satellite photography) data have yielded much higher figures for China’s land under cultivation, ranging from 125 to 140 million hectares, there is little doubt that much arable land has been damaged by soil erosion, desertification, salinization, and alkalization. The 80,000 dams built since the 1950s have, ironically, contributed to the problem. Intended to control flooding, improve irrigation, raise farm yields, and free peasants to engage in industrial labor, many dams caused the waterlogging of upstream farmland; others became clogged with silt and caused severe flooding; and thousands of dams collapsed. Aside from environmental problems, an unknown quantity of land has been left uncultivated or undercultivated by farmers who grew one crop for subsistence needs while household members worked in local industrial enterprises. In other cases, farmers wanting to keep their claims to the land as security leased their land-use rights to households not engaged in rural enterprises; the latter were typically too poor in resources to make good use of the land. In many households, married women, in addition to housekeeping and child rearing, were forced to assume responsibility for tilling the fields while their men worked outside agriculture or even remained idle and spent their time gambling. By 1997 administrative responsibilities for rural areas were shared by 2,100 counties and county-level cities, 44,700 townships and towns, and 740,000 village residents’ committees. Increasingly, local governments have devoted more of their budgets to the salaries of the rapidly growing numbers of officials, to the detriment of social services (including health and education) and agricultural investment. In recent years many local governments have levied a plethora of special taxes on farmers; these eat up 20 percent or more of rural household income. They have often issued

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IOUs in lieu of payments for grain procurements. Ensuing peasant anger has erupted in a number of protests and demonstrations. Government policy makers have become increasingly concerned about raising farm incomes since the early 1990s, and they have introduced a number of policy innovations to address these problems. One innovation attempted to introduce economies of scale by concentrating farm management on a large scale in certain regions. In another innovation, user rights for the development of certain types of wastelands were extended for longer periods, along with inheritance, transfer, leasing, and mortgage rights. Premier Zhu Rongji (b. 1928) proposed for the ninth Five-Year Plan (2001–2005) the promotion of downstream efficiency of agriculture, or the processing of produce after it leaves the farm, with the idea that added value would boost the incomes of farmers. Further challenges to Chinese agriculture come with China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001. China is obligated to lower tariffs on agricultural imports from an average of 22 to 15 percent and to end government grain quotas and food-distribution monopolies. The resultant flood of food imports may throw out of work 13 million farmers, mainly producers of wheat, corn, rice, and cotton. On the other hand, fruit, vegetable, and meat producers will gain more open access to overseas markets and add 2 million jobs. As of 2001 some 330 million people or 70 percent of the rural labor force still worked in agriculture. Chinese agriculture in the twenty-first century faces the prospect of considerable restructuring to deal with environmental degradation, peasant discontent, and problems and opportunities stemming from greater economic globalization. Robert Y. Eng Further Reading Hsu, Hsin-hui, and Fred Gale, eds. (2001) China: Agriculture in Transition. Agriculture and Trade Reports, no. WRS01-2. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Agriculture. Kang Chao. (1970) Agricultural Production in Communist China, 1949–1965. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. Nyberg, Albert, and Scott Rozelle. (1999) Accelerating China’s Rural Transformation. Washington, DC: World Bank. Oi, Jean C. (1999) “Two Decades of Rural Reform in China: An Overview and Assessment.” China Quarterly 159: 616–628. Perkins, Dwight, ed. (1977) Rural Small-Scale Industry in the People’s Republic of China. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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Yang, Yongzheng, and Weiming Tian, eds. (2000) China’s Agriculture at the Crossroads. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

AGRICULTURE—SOUTH ASIA The patterns of South Asian agriculture are discernible as far back as the Indus Valley civilization (c. 2300–1750 BCE). Traditional agricultural systems include shifting cultivation and settled cultivation. Shifting agriculture is substantially the same worldwide. Settled agriculture, however, separates into New World and Old World patterns. Shifting agriculture is still practiced in certain mountainous areas in Assam, India, which receive large amounts of rain; in the adjacent hilly areas of eastern Bangladesh bordering Burma; in the Western Ghats in Karnataka, India; and in some remote parts of Madhya Pradesh and Orissa, India. In this system farmers clear a patch of bamboo jungle using slash and burn techniques, then sow a mixture of crops in the ashes. The crops include indigenous upland rice, maize, millet, cotton, vegetables, and bananas. Whereas shifting cultivation brings the crops to the accumulated biochemical energy, settled cultivation requires that energy be brought to the crops. In South Asia, as was the case in the Old World in general, farm animals play an essential part in this process. In addition to supplying draft power and useful products in their own right, farm animals serve as energy gatherers when they browse beyond the cultivated fields and bring back the material they collect in the form of manure. In addition they act as energy recyclers when they consume what would otherwise be agricultural waste. South Asian farmers apply this general strategy with a mixture of crops, animals, and institutional traditions closely adapted to the area’s physiography and climate. Physiography South Asia is divided into three major zones. Proceeding from north to south, they are a great arch of mountains on the edge of the Asian continental plate; the subduction zone between the Asian and South Asian plates, which is filled by the alluvium of the IndoGangetic Plain; and the old continental mass of peninsular India with its highest elevations on its western side running down to its southern tip, the Western Ghats. Climate The South Asian landforms interact with the prevailing winds to produce the distinctive pattern of a monsoon climate. The climate dictates cropping seasons and often sharp cropping gradients over small ge-

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Farmers in the Tamil Nadu region of South India work in a rice field. (ARVIND GARG/CORBIS)

ographical distances, which in turn shape intervillage and interregional trade. The climate involves a regular succession of wet and dry periods. The South Asian new year, beginning in mid-April, marks the onset of a hot, dry season during which the preceding winter’s crops are harvested. From June through July, the summer monsoon season begins, as moisture-bearing winds proceed across the region from the southwest. Another hot, dry season begins in late September, when the summer’s crops are harvested, followed by the development and retreat of winter and the northeast monsoon. In April the cycle starts again. Local patterns of rainfall depend on an area’s exposure to the prevailing winds and its proximity to the sea. In areas with a dominant southwest exposure, the summer rainy season is the heaviest. Where the exposure is north and east, as on the east side of the Western Ghats in southern India, the summer is the dry season, and the main rainy season is October through January. Where exposure is more balanced, both seasons provide useful rain, and in areas with no strong exposure at all, as in the Indus Valley from Lahore eastward, one finds a desert climate. Cropping After climate and soil, the most immediate constraint on cropping is the need to produce fodder. Since fodder has a low cash value, farmers rarely grow more than they need and therefore have little to sell to those who might not grow enough. The human diet imposes less of a constraint because farmers produce more food than fodder for sale. The South Asian diet usually involves two main meals a day, each consisting of one grain accompanied by one or at most two vegetables or pulses prepared as a soup or stew with

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9 AGRICULTURE—SOUTH ASIA This extract of a government report in India shows how village farmers combine traditional and modern farming methods. Villagers keep seeds for the next harvest. Poor families borrow seeds from the better off farmers and return these to them after the harvest. It is very rare that a farmer goes to a bania for borrowing seeds because bania charges high rate of interest. Villagers cared little about improved seeds in the past. Now they are gradually developing interest for such seeds. Improved seeds of wheat and better sugarcane are becoming popular among farmers. Wheat seeds are given to villagers on return basis. The Gram Sewak gives villagers certain quantity of wheat seed for sowing and takes back the same quantity out of the produce of improved seed. This is given to another villager on the same terms and conditions. The sugarcane seed has been distributed against cash payment. Most people prefer their own seeds. If improved types of seeds are provided at cheaper rates, these could be more popular. Cowdung is the common manure that the farmers use. This is used after mixing with dry and rotten leaves. In the earlier days, compost pits for depositing cow-dung were not common and the manure was directly transferred to the fields or dumped in front of the houses. But now things are changing a little. Pits are dug for storing cowdung in the fields. In these, compost is prepared. Manure is carried to the fields in baskets or kiltas. Chemical fertilizers are also being used. A depot has been opened in the village and Nirmal Das, a local shopkeeper, sells these. There are a few farmers who use these manures. One theory put forward by them is that chemical fertilizers harden the soil which means more labour while ploughing the fields for the next sowing. Rates for the fertilizer are nominal. Source: R. C. Pal Singh. (1961) Himachal Pradesh: A Village Survey of Moginand (Nahan Tehsil, Sirmur District). Census of India 1961, vol. 20, part 4, no. 8, 33–34.

onions, chilies, and local spices. Tea, introduced into India in 1839, is the most common beverage after water and is usually served with substantial amounts of milk and brown sugar. Sugarcane is both an important cash crop and an important food. Since it mainly is consumed in unrefined forms, it is higher than any other foods in available energy and iron. Pickles made of unripe fruits and chilies preserved in oil are common accompaniments to a meal. In each season, farmers plant approximately three to six crops along with a small kitchen garden. Each

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array must provide vegetables for consumption in the current season, at least one grain or pulse to store for the next season, fresh fodder for consumption in the current season, and fodder for storage for future use. If possible, farmers plant more than one crop for each purpose (1) to reduce the risk of a total failure in any one category, (2) to level out labor requirements and thereby maximize the utilization of family labor, (3) to provide a better mixture of desirable qualities, (4) to balance more desirable crops with those that are more reliable or cheaper to produce, and (5) to provide better crop rotations.

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The most abundantly produced grains are rice, several kinds of millet, wheat, and barley. Millet is the most widely planted grain. Rice is the preferred grain in the south and the east, and wheat is preferred in the north. The most popular pulses are chickpeas, lentils, pigeon peas, beans, and mash. Common vegetables are squashes, greens, onions, garlic, and chilies. Oilseeds and milk provide dietary fats except along the coasts and in Bangladesh, where fish largely replace pulses. South Asians eat meat, primarily goat and sometimes chicken, only occasionally. Multicropping commonly involves both irrigated and rain-fed land. Most villages own both types of land, and farmers try to have plots in each area. Wheat and rice are usually irrigated, millets and barley are rain-fed. Likewise the other major crop categories include varieties that produce better on irrigation as well as some that can survive drought. Animals The animal complex includes eleven principal species. These stand in the same functional relation to each other across the region despite local preferences regarding varieties. The eleven species are singlehumped Indian camel or dromedary, humped oxen or zebu (Bos indicus), buffalo, goat, sheep, horse, ass, mule, pig, dog, and cat. Some families also keep chickens and ducks. Camels, oxen, and buffalo are the most important animals to farmers. Horses, asses, and mules generally are owned by artisans, who use them to carry heavy goods in packs. Dogs, which live in village packs rather than in individual households, hunt rats and similar pests in the fields. Cats are rare but are treated similarly to dogs. Camels are prominent on the northwestern IndoGangetic Plain. In desert areas along the border of India and Pakistan, nomadic pastoralists still raise camels to sell in the surrounding farming communities. Important for their hair, hides, milk, and for use as beasts of burden in the desert climate, camels are particularly favored for operating Persian wheels (a Persian wheel is a mechanism for lifting water from a well by means of a chain of pots or buckets, operated by animal power). The main draft animal is the bullock, a castrated male Bos indicus. Bullocks vary greatly in size according to the terrain and the food supply. The largest bullocks, raised in the semidesert plains of Haryana, India, between the Ganges and Indus drainages, reach nearly two meters at the shoulders. In the mountains, where fields are small and slopes are steep, bullocks are less

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than waist high. In other areas, like Bangladesh and Tamil Nadu, India, where holdings are small and fodder is scarce and poor, bullocks reach a size between those extremes. The females of Bos indicus, the stereotypical Indian sacred cows, are usually kept only in sufficient numbers to provide the needed bullocks. The buffalo, originally domesticated in Sind, Pakistan, from the wild river buffalo, is the primary milkgiving animal. Buffalo milk has about twice the butterfat content of cows’ milk, and the lactation period is about nine months in contrast with six months in cows. However, in hot weather buffalo need access to water to bathe once or twice a day. Male buffalo are rare in hot, dry areas, but in wetter areas they are sometimes kept for plowing or water lifting. Like Bos indicus they vary in size. The largest varieties live on the plains, where moisture and fodder are abundant; the smallest varieties live in the mountains; and the mid-sized varieties live where fodder is scarce. Several Indian states have developed artificial insemination programs to improve the quality of the buffalo herd. Both farmers and the landless keep goats, which provide milk and the most widely accepted meat. Goats of the region also give cashmere wool. Most sheep are kept for wool by specialized herders. Because fodder shortages are endemic, animals are usually fed individually and according to need. Working animals, those plowing or lactating, are fed more than animals that are not working. The common Western pig (Sus scrofa) was originally domesticated in India and eastern Turkistan. In villages, pigs normally are kept by those people who sweep out the barns and streets, and the pigs eat what they find. Pigs produce bristles, meat, and leather. Although the meat frequently is infected with parasites, it is sold at a low price in markets and is consumed by the poor. The British established sanitary piggeries, which have persisted long after British rule, to raise local varieties for urban markets. Organization of South Asian Agriculture South Asian agriculture is peasant agriculture organized and carried out by independent households with smallholdings, generally between 0.2 and 4.0 hectares. Although kings and great landlords have been prominent in South Asian history and large landlords persist in Pakistan and a few Indian states, they exercise little or no managerial control, simply drawing a share of the production. Within the Household The division of labor within the household is based on sex and generation. In

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9 AGRICULTURE AND AGRARIAN REFORM Since independence India has been a mainly rural and agricultural society and the government has been concerned with making farming more efficient and productive. The resolution below from the April 1950 Indian National Congress Economic Planning Conference sets forth five measures to improve agriculture. India’s economic and social progress will in large measure be conditioned by the extent to which her land and water resources are developed. On the efficiency of the country’s agricultural production will depend not only the satisfaction of the basic need of an adequate balanced diet for its growing population but also the supply of raw materials for some of her major industries. The immediate object in agriculture that the country has set before itself is self-sufficiency in food to be attained by the end of 1951 as well as in cotton and jute; and concerted measures to this end are already under way. These consist of reclamation of land, offerings of incentives and assistance for the diversion of land from other crops to the cultivation of cotton and jute and improving the yield and quality of agricultural products. What is needed for the purposes of the immediate programme is an intensification of some of these measures as well as the creation of conditions conducive to better farming. Increased efficiency of agriculture postulates more than improvement in facilities organisation and techniques; the maintenance and restoration of soil fertility; and the provision of irrigation. All this will fail to confer full or lasting benefit unless the tiller of the soil is given a sense of security and selfrespect and the economic and social condition of the agricultural labour. The specific measures which have to be planned for the improvement of agriculture as part of the immediate programme will comprise the following: (1) The provision of irrigation facilities by way of reconditioning old and constructing new tanks and wells including tube wells. Such minor works will appeal most readily to

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the rural population and secure their active co-operation. They will supplement the irrigation that will be provided by the river valley projects which should be completed as early as possible as part of the long-term plans of the Central and State Governments. (2) The rapid multiplication of better seed. A well regulated procedure is required in all the States for the production of nuclear seed, its multiplication under carefully controlled conditions and its testing before final distribution to the cultivator. (3) The stimulation of compost-making if necessary by legislation and the full utilisation of the various other forms of organic manures available in the country. Definite planning is required for the conservation and use of waste material, human and animal excreta and residual matter from the carcasses of animals and for maintaining soil fertility. (4) The reclamation and conservation of the soil. There are still large areas in most states which could be brought under cultivation with the help of tractors and other machines. New areas brought under cultivation could assist materially in the settlement of displaced population and works undertaken to prevent soil erosion will provide employment very appropriate to the agricultural worker. (5) The development of an effective and widespread agricultural extension service. Such a service will act as a two-way link between the cultivator and the scientific departments of the State, so that the cultivator’s practical difficulties are solved in the laboratories and the results are conveyed to him convincingly. It should be the special concern of the services to bring about an improvement in the arrangement for the designing, production and maintenance of better implements. (The quotas for the supply of iron and steel required for agricultural implements must be raised for a significant improvement in this direction to be possible.) CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE

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Agriculture will remain in a state of flux so long as the structure and pattern of rural economy does not become clear and definite. It is, therefore, necessary to shorten the period of transition by expediting the abolition of zamindari and malguzari by paying compensation if necessary in bonds. Provision should be made for fixity of tenure to the tiller, subletting even if allowed should be for a period of just less than five years and for regulated rates of rent. Co-operative Better Farming Societies should be organised in every region in a planner manner with fixed targets. Experiments in co-operative joint farming may also be made in selected areas. Both to multipurpose cooperatives and co-operative joint farms special facility should be granted by the State and they should receive priority in all matters of State assistance. In areas where fragmentation is intense, consolidation of holdings should be undertaken in a determined manner. Special efforts should be made to organise co-operatives for uneconomic holdings.

general, men are concerned with what goes on outside the house, and women are responsible for what occurs within it. Men deal with the production and disposal of crops and animals in the fields; women deal with food storage and preparation, with fodder and seed storage, with servants and those who provide services for the household, and with the household budget. The principal woman is usually the wife of the household head and the mother of the active sons. The head man is the senior male and the father of the working sons or someone of his level, depending on competence. Since property rights are generally acquired by birth rather than by succession, the household acts much more as a partnership than as an autocracy. Among Households The division of labor among households involves three main occupational groups that are substantially uniform across the region except in remote areas, where tribal customs prevail. The most populous group, about half the population, is the farmers, who usually share membership in one or a small number of local clans (got or gotra). About onethird of the families are agricultural laborers, and the remainder are specialized artisans, such as shopkeepers, potters, masons, carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors, cotton ginners, and weavers.

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Special attention should be given to the organisation of agricultural labour for the betterment of their condition. Agrestic serfdom should be made a cognizable offence and the President of the Union Board of the village panchayat might be empowered to enforce the law. Debts of agricultural labourers should be selected down and wherever found inequitable wiped out. High priority should be given to provision of house sites for agricultural labourers and to the removal of the disabilities attached to the present house-sites. The problem connected with the development of India’s agriculture offers a challenge to the planner and an immense scope for purposeful co-operation between the Government and the people; and success or failure in solution of these problems will make all the difference between growing prosperity and continuing poverty in the land. Source: Indian National Congress. (1954) Resolutions on Economic Policy and Programme. New Delhi: A.I.C.C., 52–53.

Village occupational specializations cannot be accurately characterized as based on caste. Although villagers recognize an idea of caste, in the sense of a stereotypical family occupation based on a distinctive inherited property, as a part of their ideas of kinship relations, they recognize the occupational division of labor as a separate matter that follows different rules. People are hired according to need, competence, and return. Wages are set by bargaining. Nevertheless, all arrangements must contain certain components, and a definite sense of a fair wage dominates as opposed to simply what the market will bear. While sweeper, blacksmith, mason, and carpenter are recognized castes, agricultural laborer and landowner are not. It is impossible to predict with confidence the caste of any household from its occupation. The work of masons, carpenters, and blacksmiths, for example, is commonly done by men who answer to any of the labels, and a village usually includes more families who do not perform their stereotypical caste occupations than those who do. Labor usually is hired under one of three arrangements: a partnership, an annual contract, or a daily wage. In a partnership, an employee works with a landowner for a year or a season and receives a share

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of the crop. Under an annual contract, an employee works for a farmer for a full year and receives a fixed annual fee, or an employee provides a specified service for the household for a year in return for a fixed payment in cash, in kind, or both. An example of the latter would be a potter supplying pots to a household in exchange for foodstuffs, cash, or both. Under the third arrangement, a daily wage, a farmer makes an agreement with a worker or a group of workers, who agree to perform a certain operation on a specific field in return for payment in cash or in kind calculated daily. Payments for labor normally involve money and maintenance. Under an annual contract the maintenance component might be food, clothing, and medical expenses for the year. For the worker receiving daily wages, maintenance would include a specific understanding about meals and teas that the farmer provides for the laborer to eat in the field. Village Organizations Villagers commonly make collective arrangements that affect agriculture by (1) differentiating between land that will be used for house sites and land that will be used as agricultural fields; (2) maintaining village roads, work areas, and public areas, such as cremation grounds or burial grounds; and (3) constructing village irrigation tanks and wells. Villages are usually strongly nucleated with agricultural fields laid out around the centers. In areas prone to flooding, the populated areas are on the high elevations, and the fields are on lower ground. Some roads radiate out from the populated center to the main fields, but they do not reach every field. Accordingly fields are unfenced except for those devoted to permanent orchards. Security most of the year is based on mutual assistance, and when crops are particularly vulnerable family members stand watch day and night. Village irrigation tanks, filled by rainfall, from a local stream, or from a canal, are particularly common in peninsular India and in Sri Lanka. Usually the village land watered by irrigation tanks is reserved for rice, and the rain-fed land is devoted to millets and other dryland crops. Historically irrigation tanks were managed by a hereditary village water tender, who was paid a set share of the crops he tended. Villages arranged to share the trapped fish at the end of the irrigation season and to share collective maintenance responsibilities. Management arrangements coped with low-water years by reducing the area irrigated. Each farmer was allowed a share of the reduced area proportional to his or her share in the entire area. After Indian independence, state or national governments took control of irrigation tanks. The traditional

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arrangements were disrupted, and irrigation performance has declined. Organizations beyond the Village Beyond the village, the principal organizations that influence agriculture are the government, cooperatives, and private firms. The government, over most of history, has provided economic markets, collected taxes, and introduced new crops and products for trade, and sometimes it has built canals and reservoirs. During the colonial period, tax collection was institutionalized in revenue departments, and irrigation departments had oversight of irrigation construction. Agriculture departments, marketing boards, and a few specialized research institutes were established to stimulate the adoption of productive technologies and crops deemed especially important either as strategic commodities or for international trade, including the rice, wheat, jute, cotton, indigo, tea, coffee, sugar, rubber, spices, and oilseeds not readily grown in Europe. The first agricultural colleges were founded in 1886, but these institutions only trained prospective government officers and did not conduct research. After independence, beginning in the mid-1960s, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and India developed agricultural universities patterned on the American land-grant system. The principle aims were to stimulate the spread of scientific farming technologies among the farm population and to undertake extensive basic agricultural research, including but not limited to research supporting the introduction of Green-Revolution crops and technologies. The effectiveness of the institutions varies greatly by country. The American program stands on the three equal and interdependent legs of research, teaching, and extension. In Pakistan, Bangladesh, and most Indian states, however, the extension programs are either limited or nonexistent; consequently research is driven by government priorities, as was typical in the colonial-era agriculture departments, rather than by farm problems. The lack of credit continues to constrain agricultural growth in the region. No significant commercial credit is available to small farmers. Only India has a nationally supported system of cooperative credit. Even there, government appointees dominate the management in most states, and a majority of the farmers are not members of cooperatives. Private firms have become increasingly important. Large industrial firms produce a full range of modern agricultural chemicals and farm equipment, such as well pumps and tractors. Smaller manufacturers produce simpler tools, like plows and fodder choppers, of-

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TABLE 1

Increases in paddy and wheat production from 1965 to 1995

The differences indicate the force of existing institutional and financial constraints and suggest a scope for improvement. Murray J. Leaf

All South Asia Bangladesh India Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka SOURCE:

Paddy

Wheat

193% 143% 209% 127% 222% 348%

258% not significant 260% 349% 237% not grown

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations

(2000).

ten of improved designs originating in the agricultural universities. Prospects In the 1950s it was widely believed that South Asia’s population growth would soon outpace its food production, and in the mid-1960s widespread famine was averted only by massive imports. Subsequently governments and international agencies have placed a higher priority on agricultural development, encouraging efforts such as the Green Revolution between about 1965 and 1978. Steady growth continues, and with the exception of Bangladesh, the region became self-sufficient in about 1980. Table 1 gives the increases in paddy (unmilled rice) and wheat production from 1965 to 1995 for the region as a whole and for each major producing country. All production figures are from the statistical service of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) of the United Nations. The FAO in turn receives data from the statistical services of the respective countries; therefore quality varies widely. Despite the gains, yields do not approach those attained in developed countries. Table 2 gives some comparisons for 1998.

See also: Green Revolution—South Asia; Rice and Rice Agriculture; Water Issues

Further Reading Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2000) FAOStat. Retrieved August 2000, from: http:// apps.fao.org/cgi-bin/nph-db.pl?subset=agriculture. Gill, Manohar Singh. (1983) Agriculture Cooperatives. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. Johnson, B. L. C. (1969) South Asia: Selective Studies of the Essential Geography of India, Pakistan, and Ceylon. London: Heinemann Educational Books. Leaf, Murray J. (1998) Pragmatism and Development: The Prospect for Pluralist Transformation in the Third World. Westport, CT, and London: Bergin and Garvey. ———. (1984) Song of Hope: The Green Revolution in a Punjab Village. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Randhawa, M. S. (1980–1986) A History of Agriculture in India. 4 vols. New Delhi: Indian Council of Agricultural Research. Singh, Baljit, and Shirdhar Misra. (1965) A Study of Land Reforms in Uttar Pradesh. Honolulu, HI: East-West Center Press.

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Southeast Asia, as a whole, is richly endowed with natural resources. Expansive river valleys and deltas, generally rich soils, and a humid tropical climate ensure that the constraints to agricultural development have historically been more economic and institutional than environmental. Agriculture was the primary source of income, employer of labor, and contributor to export revenues in the precolonial and colonial eras (until about 1950). Agricultural output, value, and trade volumes have continued to grow in the past half century.

TABLE 2

Yields in South Asia and in developed countries in 1998 (in kilograms per hectare)

South Asia France Italy United States SOURCE:

Cereals, total

Wheat

Paddy

Sorghum

Pulses, total

22,479 74,084 50,643 56,799

23,735 76,028 35,785 29,034

28,344 58,252 58,333 63,542

8,239 55,573 55,584 42,262

6,160 52,445 15,777 18,489

Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (2000).

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However, the character of Southeast Asian agriculture has changed dramatically, and its relative importance, as measured by its shares of national income, employment, and trade, has diminished tremendously as other sectors have expanded. Whereas in 1965, agriculture accounted for between one-fourth and one-half of GDP in the market economies of Southeast Asia, by the late 1990s its share had fallen to 20 percent in the Philippines, 16 percent in Indonesia, and even less in Malaysia and Thailand, according to the World Bank. In today’s Southeast Asia, the only countries in which agricultural activities still dominate national income are those, such as Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar (Burma), that have failed to grow in other ways. Within the market economies of the region, with the exception of plantation sectors producing specialized export crops and remote, poor areas with little or no complementary infrastructure, other forms of economic activity now dominate the lives of most households. Agriculture remains important in terms of land area, even though cropped area per person averages only 1/5 hectare, or about half an acre, and is growing at an average rate of less than 2 percent per year. Temporary crops, of which rice is the single largest by area, are the dominant agricultural land use in all countries except Malaysia. About a quarter of temporary crop area is irrigated. Overview and History Southeast Asian agriculture has always been centered on rice, the staple cereal and the major crop grown in the large, fertile, and densely populated river deltas. Two countries, Thailand and Vietnam, are among the world’s top three exporters of this crop (along with the United States), but most other countries are net importers. In the poorer countries of the region, rice provides more than two-thirds of daily calorie intake, a figure that falls to about one-third in the region’s wealthier countries. Because of its importance as a foodstuff and income source, rice has been, and remains, a crop with powerful cultural and political significance. Throughout the region, seasonal festivals are keyed to rice planting and harvesting dates. The success of the rice crop and the provision of adequate food for the population remain major responsibilities for Southeast Asian governments. Historically, this was reflected in religious rites requesting divine intercession to ensure a good crop; the turning of the first sod for rice planting is an annual ceremony still presided over by the monarchy in Thailand and Cambodia. In modern times, achieving and maintaining national self-sufficiency in rice has persisted as a

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policy goal, and even as a measure of the competence and credibility of political regimes. While rice is grown primarily for domestic consumption, a number of crops of global economic and/or culinary importance are native to Southeast Asia, and in modern times the region has become a leading world producer of several others. Early trade between West and Northeast Asia and the “Spice Islands” located in what is now eastern Indonesia consisted of the exchange of silver, ceramics and other manufactures, and silk for nutmeg, mace, cloves, and pepper. The earliest European contacts with the region (and, indeed, virtually all the great early European voyages of discovery, by Vasco da Gama, Magellan, and others) were motivated by the trade in these highly prized and very expensive foodstuffs. So lucrative was the global spice trade that in the early seventeenth century the Dutch, seeking to establish monopoly control, traded Manhattan to Britain in exchange for the tiny nutmeg-growing island of Run in the Banda archipelago, Indonesia. Trade with early Europeans also led to the introduction of some other plant species that have since become important in Southeast Asian diet and economy. These include maize, peanuts, and chilies (dubbed “red peppers” by Columbus), all of which are native to the Americas but are now grown widely in the region. During the colonial period entrepreneurs introduced commercial cultivation of several exportoriented plantation crops including sugarcane, coffee, oil palm, rubber, and coconut. For the latter three crops, Southeast Asian supply now dominates the world market. Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand account for 81 percent of world oil palm production, and the region as a whole produces 74 percent of the world’s natural rubber. More than one-half of world coconut production (54 percent) comes from Southeast Asia, one-third of it from Indonesia alone. In addition, regional coffee production has risen from 12 percent of the world total in 1990 to 20 percent in 2000, with Vietnam’s share rising from 1.5 percent to 11.5 percent in just a decade. The spread of these plantation crops has been an important factor driving land colonization since the late nineteenth century, especially in Malaysia, southern Thailand, and the islands of the Indonesian archipelago. The fortunes of other major Southeast Asian crops have fluctuated over time. Tropical fruits—bananas, mangoes, pineapples, and many others—and other horticultural crops have become significant export earners, especially for Thailand and the Philippines. Livestock raising, in the sense of large commercial herds, has

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never been a major feature of the Southeast Asian rural economy, although of course animals raised in smallscale and backyard operations provide a significant source of protein and rural income. Fiber crops such as abaca and kenaf have declined in importance, especially with the development of cheaper synthetic fibers. Population Growth, Land Scarcity, and Food Policy 1950–1965 Whereas Southeast Asia was historically a region of food surplus and labor scarcity, rapid population growth beginning in the late nineteenth century soon began to apply pressure to the agricultural land base. In the two decades after World War II, a period during which the region’s population grew very rapidly, the “land frontier” (the geographic limit of productive arable land) was reached or neared in several countries. With static technologies, domestic food production per capita began to decline, and the share of food in the value of imports to rise. Ultimately, pressure on land was alleviated by a combination of technical progress, investments in infrastructure, industrialization, and increasing openness to trade. However, the period from the 1950s to the 1970s was formative in Southeast Asian history, and agricultural development was at the center of the picture. First, food security—and more specifically, national self-sufficiency—became a highly sensitive political goal and inspired a great deal of policy. Initially, the governments of the region played a dominant role, controlling trade, distribution, prices, and even (in some countries) production, through state agencies. These entities, most notably Bulog in Indonesia, developed into large and highly diversified commercial enterprises and, with liberal budgetary support, featured prominently in efforts to promote rural development. High levels of state intervention in food markets were apparent even in Thailand, whose natural resources make it one of the developing world’s least import-dependent food producers. Second, in spite of these investments, increasingly intense competition for land spawned or encouraged rural-based antigovernment insurgencies, some Communist and others based on ethnic or cultural divisions. Some of these insurgencies degenerated into armed conflict and even civil war. Thus the increasing shortage of land spilled over into national politics with calls for land tenure reform as a measure to redress income inequity, poverty, and the spread of Communism. Many regional governments attempted to overcome domestic food shortages and to alleviate civil unrest in the 1950s and 1960s by investing in irrigation,

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land development, and productivity-improving infrastructure. They also supported internal migration. In Malaysia and Indonesia, federal agencies cleared forests, built roads, houses, and schools, and sponsored resettlement in frontier areas by rural households from more densely populated regions. In the Philippines, the National Irrigation Authority (NIA) was formed to undertake major investments in the construction and operation of dams, canal systems, and drainage in agricultural lowlands. As with state grain-trading corporations, these investments seldom recouped even a fraction of their costs—indeed it is unlikely that they were ever intended to do so. As such, they constituted a means of redistributing income to rural areas through government expenditures. Other economic policies were also deployed as tools of agricultural development. In the immediate postwar decades, all food-importing Southeast Asian countries made strenuous attempts to control prices received by farmers and paid by consumers. While the intent of such policies was to promote development, they often backfired. In exporting countries such as Burma and Thailand, export taxes and quotas diminished farmers’ incentives to produce and export rice, and promoted smuggling. In Indonesia and the Philippines, the loss-making state trading agencies displaced private grain trade and storage. By the mid-1970s, the NIA and the National Grains Authority, the state riceand-corn trading corporation, were the two most heavily indebted government corporations in the Philippines. In spite of this, frequent rice price “crises” (most notably in 1972, but as recently as August 1996 in the Philippines) testify to the incapacity of state agencies to maintain effective price controls and adequate domestic supplies during droughts and other periods of unexpectedly low domestic production. Agricultural Technology and Resource Use since 1966 Massive public investments in agricultural development helped somewhat to mitigate, but not forestall, a crisis of agricultural development in Southeast Asia. Indonesia in particular was widely identified as a country where population growth was expected to outstrip productive capacity; one writer observed that as the result of population growth Java, the main island, was “asphyxiating for want of land” (Keyfitz 1965:503). In the early 1970s, a series of crop failures caused by drought and disease left the region critically short of rice. Food availability in the largest importing countries (Indonesia and the Philippines) was maintained only by massive imports and infusions of foreign aid, and most food prices rose sharply.

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Workers harvest rice in a field near Mount Agung, the most sacred mountain in Bali, Indonesia. (LINDSAY HEBBERD/CORBIS)

In the long run, the solution to food security in the largest food importers came through technical progress. Research directed at producing highyielding rice varieties, especially that carried out at the International Rice Research Institute, an international agricultural research center based in the Philippines, led to the release of new plant types with properties that greatly enhanced the productive capacity of irrigated rice land. The “modern varieties,” first released in 1966, were stiff-strawed and of short stature, to increase light-use efficiency and reduce grain losses when plants bend (or “lodge”) under the weight of their grain during monsoonal rain and winds. They were also rapid-maturing and nonphotoperiod sensitive, meaning that plant growth and grain maturity occurred in a fixed number of days rather than in response to seasonal changes in day length and climate. These properties made it possible to grow rice at all times of year, and more than once per year on a single plot of land. Finally, the new rice varieties were highly responsive to nitrogen. The “Green Revolution” technological package of modern rice varieties, irrigation, and fertilizer proved capable of yielding double or even triple the quantity of grain produced per crop by traditional cultivars. The technology of the Green Revolution spread quickly through Southeast Asia. In countries and subnational regions with adequate irrigation, and where

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fertilizer and other complementary inputs were available to farmers, rice yields increased rapidly. Higher yields and correspondingly greater demand for labor both helped transform these regions’ agricultural economies. In the two decades following the release of the modern varieties, rice production in Southeast Asia’s rapidly developing economies grew rapidly, while the total harvested area grew by much less, or even declined. In Indonesia, per-capita rice availability rose from 83 kilograms of milled rice in 1962–1964 to 140 kilograms in 1986–1988. Once the world’s largest rice importer, Indonesia achieved the politically significant goal of self-sufficiency in 1985. In many areas, the adoption of modern rice varieties was accompanied or shortly followed by mechanization. In most countries the adoption of mechanical technologies was motivated by the desire to reduce costs in economies experiencing rapid growth of labor demand. In Thailand, for example, the adoption rate of farm tractors accelerated rapidly as wages began rising in the late 1980s, reflecting the increasingly rapid transfer of labor to nonagricultural sectors. Gains in rice production were generally achieved at some cost to other agricultural sectors. In most countries of the region nonfood crops, and even corn and other grains grown mainly for feed, received relatively low allocations of public spending and research effort. Until the 1980s, production and yields of these crops

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typically grew much less quickly than for rice. As agricultural diversification became the watchword toward the end of the decade, nonrice agricultural production and research began to receive a larger share of public resources and policy attention. Modern agricultural development in Southeast Asia has been associated with tremendous stress on natural resource stocks and environmental quality. The expansion of cultivated area has been achieved at the expense of forest resources, and intensification (the shortening of fallow periods, and land-use changes from perennial to annual crops) has resulted in increased land degradation and soil erosion in many areas. In the 1970s, large areas of northeastern Thailand were deforested during an export boom in cassava, a crop that was sold to the European Union as an ingredient in animal feed. In the late 1990s, fires used to clear forests for agriculture (especially oil palm plantations) contributed to an annual “haze” that blanketed the Indonesian islands, Singapore, and large parts of the Malay Peninsula. The spread of irrigation has raised demands for water at the same time that deforestation has reduced the natural capacity of watersheds to store this precious resource during monsoon rains and to release it gradually throughout the year. Chemical residues and suspended solids from soil erosion have contributed to the degradation of drinking-water supplies, silting of dams and irrigation canals, and damage to estuarine and coastal ecosystems. Although “environment friendly” pest-management techniques such as Integrated Pest Management (IPM) are increasingly popular, chemical control remains the norm. Uncontrolled pesticide use and inappropriate application methods account for many ailments and deaths among farmers and their families. There is growing concern over biodiversity losses in areas where monoculture and plantation crops such as oil palm have experienced rapid growth. All of these resource and environmental costs have become pressing policy concerns, and occasionally the subjects of heated public debate, in the region. The Green Revolution may have also brought some indirect environmental benefits, however. Productivity gains and increased rice supplies in irrigated lowlands, where they occurred, helped to alleviate pressures for forest conversion and agricultural intensification at the land frontier in uplands and watersheds. In this way, increases in lowland employment and incomes helped compensate upland farmers who, lacking irrigation and often facing difficulties obtaining credit and agricultural inputs, had generally derived little direct benefit from Green Revolution technologies.

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Globalization, Trade-Policy Reform, and Agricultural Trends In the final two decades of the twentieth century, trade and agricultural policy liberalization again helped transform the economic scene for Southeast Asian agriculture. Some policy reforms were undertaken as the result of regional trade agreements (such as AFTA, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement), in response to bilateral trade opportunities, or as conditions for accession to international trading institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO). Others were forced upon countries by economic and political crises. Whatever their motivation, the effects of trade and price policy liberalization have been profound. Liberalized rules governing domestic and international trade in cereals, and a lessening of the earlier emphasis on self-sufficiency in rice, have in general been associated with greater stability in food supply and food prices. At the household level, trade reforms have helped improve incomes, and not only through their direct effects on agriculture. Policy reforms that reduced discrimination against labor-intensive manufacturing sectors such as garments, consumer appliances, computer parts, and semiconductors have promoted employment growth and wages in nonagricultural sectors. Export crops such as pineapple, mango, and other fruits have benefited from easier access to foreign markets, and area planted has grown accordingly. These trends have reduced the reliance of Southeast Asian rural households on the vicissitudes of weather and agricultural prices. Ian Coxhead See also: Forest Industry—Southeast Asia; Green Revolution—Southeast Asia; Rice and Rice Agriculture; Terrace Irrigation

Further Reading Coxhead, Ian. (2000) “The Consequences of Philippine Food Self-Sufficiency Policies for Economic Welfare and Agricultural Land Degradation.” World Development 28, 1 (January): 111–128. Coxhead, Ian, and Jiraporn Plangpraphan. (1999) “Economic Boom, Financial Bust, and the Decline of Thai Agriculture: Was Growth in the 1990s Too Fast?” Chulalongkorn Journal of Economics 11, 1 (January): 76–96. David, Cristina C., and Keijiro Otsuka, eds. (1994) Modern Rice Technology and Income Distribution in Asia. Boulder, CO and London: Lynne Reinner Publishers; Los Baños, Philippines: International Rice Research Institute. Dawe, David. (2001) “How Far Down the Path to Free Trade? The Importance of Rice Price Stabilization in Developing Asia.” Food Policy 26: 163–175.

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Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). (2001)”FAO Statistical Databases.” Retrieved 2 May 2001, from : http://apps.fao.org/. International Rice Research Institute (IRRI). (1991) World Rice Statistics 1990. Los Baños, Philippines: IRRI. ———. (2001) “Rice Facts.” Retrieved 2 May 2001, from: http://www.cgiar.org/irri/Facts.htm. Keyfitz, Nathan. (1965) “Indonesian Population and the European Industrial Revolution.” Asian Survey 10: 503–514. Reid, Anthony. (1988–1993) Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–1680. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Rola, Agnes C., and Prabhu L. Pingali. (1993) Pesticides, Rice Productivity, and Farmers’ Health: An Economic Assessment. Los Baños, Philippines, and Washington, DC: International Rice Research Institute and World Resources Institute. “A Taste for Adventure.” (2000) Economist (19 December). World Bank. (various years) World Development Report. Washington, DC: Oxford University Press for the World Bank. World Resources Institute (WRI). (2000) World Resources 1998–99. Washington, DC: WRI.

AGRICULTURE—WEST ASIA Although industry is advancing more rapidly than agriculture, the latter is of considerable importance in the economies of West Asian nations. Local farming produces much of the food consumed in the region and employs a large part of the workforce. The value added by agriculture to the gross national product (GNP), as well as the number of people employed in agriculture, has shown great variability. This variability is due to the economic and political crises experienced in the region and to agriculture’s vulnerability to the vagaries of the weather. In Turkey, agriculture usually contributes about 16 percent of the GNP, in Iran about 20 percent, and in Iraq about 40 percent. In the 1990s, agriculture employed approximately 40 percent of the workforce in Turkey and about 30 percent in Iran and Iraq.

Wheat fields along the road between Shahrud and Shahpasand, Iran. (ROGER WOOD/CORBIS)

Natural Conditions Natural conditions play an important role in agriculture in West Asia. Climate, for example, is especially significant for agriculture and varies greatly from one subregion of West Asia to another. Both the growing season and the range of crops are limited by the amount of precipitation, which, in general, is insufficient in West Asia. Average annual precipitation ranges from 5 centimeters in the Iranian deserts to more than 254 centimeters near the Black Sea in Turkey. Only about one-fourth of the land in Iran can be farmed because of a severe water shortage. The most productive farmlands in Turkey are Thrace, the Mesopotamian lowlands, and the coastal

TABLE 1

Land use and irrigation in 1998 (in thousands of hectares)

Country Iran Iraq Turkey Total SOURCE:

Total area

Land area

Arable land

Permanent crops

163,319 43,832 77,482 284,633

162,200 43,737 76,963 282,900

16,837 5,200 24,438 46,475

1,966 340 2,530 4,836

Permanent pasture (1994 data)

Forest and woodland (1994 data)

Other land (1994 data)

Irrigated land

As % of land area

44,000 4,000 12,378 60,378

11,400 192 20,199 31,791

87,841 33,765 16,615 138,221

7,562 3,525 4,200 15,287

4.66 8.06 5.46 5.40

Data for this table from European Marketing Data and Statistics 2001 (2001) and International Marketing Data and Statistics 2001

(2001).

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9 THE ANNUAL CYCLE This extract of text from an ethnographic study of a farming village in central Turkey summarizes the annual farming cycle and also provides some insight into the Turk view of manual labor. As soon as the spring comes, the men get busy. The oxen weakened by the long winter must be got into training work, and spring ploughing and sowing must be done. The ox-herds and shepherds take charge of the animals. The sheep are lambing and in each household a woman must be ready at midday to milk the ewes. Ploughing and sowing of spring wheat and barley is immediately followed by the ploughing of the year’s fallow, which goes on perhaps into May, even until June, depending on individual circumstances. Meanwhile the vineyards must be dug over, and potatoes and other vegetables sown. Most of this later work is done by women. In June, all grasses and weeds growing in odd places among the crops are cut for hay, again mostly by women. During late May and June the men are comparatively idle. In July the harvest begins, first with vetch and lentils, then with the main crops of rye and wheat. Threshing follows the reaping; reaping, threshing, and storing together last about two months of ceaseless activity for everyone; a whole household frequently works right through a moonlit night. In September the pressure eases. As soon as rain falls on the hard baked ground—even before, if the rains are late—the men must plough again and sow their winter rye and wheat. By November there remains for the men only a visit to town to lay in supplies of coffee, paraffin, salt and so on, and perhaps cheap vegetables for the months of winter isolation, and then idleness again until the spring. He was overstating his case and, as someone commented, in two months harvesting they do four months’ work; but the idea of having, like an English agricultural labourer, to work for wages day in and day out all year round was greeted with horror. Source: Paul Sterling. (1965) The Village Economy; London: Charles Birchall & Sons, 47.

regions; in Iran, the most productive farmlands are the Caspian Sea coast and the fertile valleys in the northern and central parts of the Zagros Mountains; in Iraq, the southern plain, which begins near Samarra and extends southeast to the Arabian-Persian Gulf. More than half of West Asia’s arable land is in Turkey, and half of the irrigated land in the region is in Iran. (See Table 1.)

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Contemporary Status On the basis of the methods used, the agrarian sector of West Asia must be defined as highly dualistic. Generally, in the most productive subregions, agriculture has a high level of mechanization, uses modern irrigation schemes, and has considerable export potential. In contrast, in the remote mountain subregions, the wooden plow and hoe are still the most

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TABLE 2

Production of cereals in 1999 (in thousands of metric tons) Country Iran Iraq Turkey Total SOURCE:

Wheat

Barley

Maize

Rice

Total

8,687 800 18,000 27,487

1,919 500 9,000 11,419

941 100 2,400 3,441

2,300 240 317 2,857

13,847 1,640 29,717 45,204

Data for this table from European Marketing Data and Statistics 2001 (2001) and International Marketing Data and Statistics 2001

(2001).

commonly used agricultural implements. In the Anatolian plateau and eastern Turkey, as well as in the northern plain in Iraq and in the central plateau of Iran, modern agricultural machinery is used on only a limited scale. There are big differences among the nations in agricultural production. Turkey has a strong agricultural base. It is self-sufficient in cereals and exports much of its agrarian production. Turkish farms are predominantly family businesses with small landholdings. One of the main problems in Turkish agriculture is that the average size of farms is declining because of the inheritance custom of dividing land equally among sons. Large estates do still exist, mainly in the south, but about 70 percent of farmers cultivate holdings of just 1.5 hectares. Iran must import much of its food. Before 1970, Iran was self-sufficient in agricultural production and exported many crops. However, contemporary Iran faces many problems because successive governments have neglected agriculture, the population has increased rapidly, and the productivity of farms is low. In the 1990s, Iraq’s agriculture experienced serious problems. Some of these problems were due to

scarceness of agricultural inputs (that is, fertilizer and pesticides) caused by U.N. sanctions since 1990. Even with good rainfall, contemporary Iraq usually has low crop production, which is attributed to inadequate use of fertilizer and herbicides; poor land preparation due to lack of machinery; deteriorated farm and irrigation infrastructure; increased infestation by insects, pests, and weeds; and continuous use of land without crop rotation. Agricultural Structure In West Asia, farming and animal husbandry are equally developed. About 50 percent of the cropland is used to grow grains. Wheat is the chief grain, followed by barley and maize. Turkey is the main producer of cereals in the region. (See Table 2.) Central Anatolia accounts for nearly 40 percent of Turkish wheat production. However, this subregion often has long droughts that cause serious losses of crops. West Asia is a major producer of sugar beets, potatoes, fruits, and vegetables. (See Table 3.) Large quantities of cotton are grown for both fiber and cottonseed oil. Turkey produces and exports large quantities of tobacco, which is grown along the Black and Aegean Seas, as well as eggplants, grapes and raisins, hazel-

TABLE 3

Production of selected crops in 1999 (in thousands of metric tons) Country Iran Iraq Turkey Total SOURCE:

Sugar beet

Tomatoes

Potatoes

Grapes

Apples

4,987 8 20,000 24,995

3,204 800 6,600 10,604

3,430 380 5,315 9,125

2,315 290 3,650 6,255

1,944 80 2,500 4,524

Data for this table from European Marketing Data and Statistics 2001 (2001) and International Marketing Data and Statistics 2001

(2001).

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TABLE 4

Circulation of livestock in 1999 (in thousands) Country Iran Iraq Turkey Total

Horses

Cattle

Sheep

Goats

250 46 391 687

8,047 1,100 11,185 20,332

53,900 6,000 30,238 90,138

25,757 1,300 8,376 35,433

SOURCE: Data for this table from European Marketing Data and Statistics 2001 (2001) and International Marketing Data and Statistics 2001 (2001).

nuts, melons, and oranges. Iran exports dried fruits and nuts. The mainstays of West Asia’s stockbreeding are sheep and goats. (See Table 4.) Nomadic stockbreeding still exists in some areas, especially in western and southwestern Iran. Turkey raises half of the world’s Angora goats. Wool is Turkey’s most valuable livestock product. Iran is among the world’s largest exporters of karakul lamb. Turkey and Iran supply the world with large quantities of hides and skins. Turkey is the main producer and exporter of agricultural products in West Asia. About half of Turkish agricultural exports are shipped to the European Union. Other main markets include the Middle East and North Africa, which absorb about half the exports of fruits and vegetables and virtually all the exports of livestock and meat. Dimitar L. Dimitrov Further Reading Ayalon, Ami, ed. (1996) Middle East Contemporary Survey 17: 1993. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Bates, Daniel, and Amal Rassam. (1983) Peoples and Cultures of the Middle East. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. European Marketing Data and Statistics 2001. (2001) London: Euromonitor Plc. International Marketing Data and Statistics 2001. (2001) London: Euromonitor Plc. Issawi, Charles. (1995) Selected Essays. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener Publishing.

AHMADABAD (2001 est. pop. 3.5 million). Ahmadabad, the gateway to Gujarat state in western India and its principal city, sprawls on the Sabarmati River about 450 kilometers (280 miles) north of Bombay. It is one of the busiest industrial centers in India, with cotton milling predominant. Ahmadabad was

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A woman carrying a load on her head in the market in Ahmadabad in c. 1982. (ADAM WOOLFITT/CORBIS)

founded in 1411 by the Muslim ruler Sultan Ahmad Shah; it thrived in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries under the early Mughal kings and prospered again since the British annexation in 1818. Of particular interest are compact housing clusters of families linked by caste, profession, or religion, dating to 1714. Many monuments of Hindu, Muslim, and Jain architecture in the walled city testify to its past glory and present prosperity. Kankaria Lake, built in 1451, offers promenades, boating, an aquarium, and a museum designed by Charles-Édouard Jeanneret (called Le Corbusier; 1887–1965). The Sidi Bashir Mosque features the mysterious “shaking minarets.” From the Satyagraha Ashram, in 1930, Mohandas K. Gandhi (called Mahatma; 1869–1948) began his march to the sea to protest the British salt tax. A memorial center and sound-and-light show highlight his life and the Indian Freedom Movement. C. Roger Davis

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Further Reading Gillion, Kenneth L. (1968) Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Patel, B. B. (1989) Workers of Closed Textile Mills: Patterns and Problems of Their Absorption in a Metropolitan Labour Market. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books. Mehta, Meera, and Dinesh Mehta. (1990) Metropolitan Housing Market: A Study of Ahmedabad. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

AI QAP Ai Qap was a Kazakh journal published in Troitsk by Energiia Press from January 1911 until September 1915. Starting as a monthly, by the end of 1912 it appeared twice a month until it ceased publication. Edited by Mukhammedzhan Seralin, Ai Qap was the first successful independent Kazakh-language periodical published before World War I. It became a vital forum in which Kazakh intellectuals could collectively articulate their growing social concerns and discuss the various issues confronting the Kazakh economy, culture, language, and national future. In addition, the journal devoted attention to a myriad of other subjects. Education and land redistribution dominated, but other issues graced its pages, including Russia’s role in the war. Many notable Kazakhs published articles in Ai Qap, including Alikhan Bokeikhanov, Akhmet Baitursynov, Mirzhaqyp Dulatov, Sultanmakhmut Toraighyrov, and Saken (Sadvakos) Seifullin. The journal also published translated works by Lermontov, Krylov, Tolstoy, and Pushkin. In its four-and-a-half-year existence Ai Qap published a total of eighty-eight issues. Never sufficiently capitalized, the journal finally succumbed to the material and economic pressures brought on by World War I. Ai Qap’s success was clearly due to Seralin, who gathered reformists and nationalists together, as well as a host of diverse scholars, educators, politicians, and writers. Steven Sabol

island, Honshu. A leading industrial area, it occupies an area of 5,139 square kilometers. Its primary geographical features are the Mikawa Highland in the east and the Nobi Plain in the west, with the Kisogawa and the Yahagigawa as the main rivers. Aichi is bordered by the Pacific Ocean and by Mie, Gifu, Nagano, and Shizuoka Prefectures. The prefectural capital is Nagoya, which grew around the castle erected in 1614 by Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542–1616), the first of the Tokugawa shoguns; it was controlled by his descendants until the 1868 Meiji Restoration. Rebuilt following bombing damage sustained in World War II, Nagoya at the dawn of the twenty-first century is Japan’s third-largest city. It is a leading commercial and industrial center with a busy port. It is home to Nagoya University and to Atsuta, the imperial shrine second in importance only to Ise. The prefecture’s other important cities are Toyohashi, Toyota, Ichinomiya, and Okazaki. During Japan’s medieval period (1185–1573), the prefecture was divided into Mikawa and Owari Provinces. Beginning in 1573 three warlords from this region, Oda Nobunaga (1534–1582), Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536–1598), and Tokugawa Ieyasu, completed the unification of Japan. In 1872, following the Meiji Restoration, the prefecture assumed its present name and borders. During the twentieth century, the prefecture developed into an important industrial area, anchoring the Chukyo Industrial Zone (the region between Tokyo and Kyoto) and leading all other prefectures in industrial production. The main industries are steel, chemicals, automobiles, ceramics, and textiles. Agricultural products include rice, vegetables, and chickens. Lumber processing also is a major economic activity. E. L. S. Weber Further Reading “Aichi Prefecture.” (1993) Japan: An Illustrated Encyclopedia. Tokyo: Kodansha Ltd.

Further Reading Bennigsen, Alexandre, and Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay. (1964) Le Presse et le Mouvement National chez les Musulmans de Russie Avant 1920. Paris: Mouton & Co. Subkhanberdina, Ushkultai. (1961) Aiqap betindegi maqalalar men khat-khabarlar (An Index of Articles and News Stories). Almaty, Kazakhstan: Kazak Memleket Baspasy. Subkhanberdina, Ushkultai, and S. Dautova, eds. (1995) Aiqap. Almaty, Kazakhstan: Kazak Enstiklopediiasy.

AICHI (2002 est. pop. 7.1 million). Aichi Prefecture is situated in the central region of Japan’s largest

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AIDS Asia contains 60 percent of the world’s population and almost 20 percent of the adults with HIV infections—some 6 million of the estimated 34.4 million worldwide at the end of the twentieth century. But the epidemic is relatively new to the region. It was first detected in the early to mid-1980s, the earliest cases of infection reflecting sexual contacts with infected persons from outside the region. By 2000, there were an estimated 6 million infections; national experiences were diverse as to sources, levels, and prospects.

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Estimated HIV prevalences ranged from near zero in the Democratic People’s Republic of (North) Korea to one per several thousand in most countries and as high as 2–3 percent in Cambodia, Myanmar (Burma), Thailand, and some states of India. Today, all the governments of the region have HIV/AIDS task forces and action plans to deal with the threat, though these commitments are relatively recent and the translation into real programs remains variable. In Thailand, action by both the Thai government and the private sector has been aggressive and notably effective since 1987. Other governments generally have expended less in resources and have less to show for their efforts. Drivers of the Asian Epidemic Across much of the region, the spread of HIV is driven by sex work and associated sexual networking and by patterns of use of injected drugs. There are external, visitor-driven, and internal dimensions to each of these. The initial patterns were focal epidemics of some intensity involving men having sex with men (MSM) and intravenous drug users (IDU). Rates of infection due to MSM have since declined, while rates of infection due to IDU have not. Whether in each national population there is breakout to the general population is mainly a function of patterns of heterosexual sex in sexual networks. The pattern and magnitude of the heterosexual epidemic in each society reflect the social structures and behaviors characteristic of each, particularly the prevalence of men having multiple partners, including sex workers. Demographic and Social Impacts In Eastern and Southern Africa, AIDS is among the top ten causes of death, and AIDS deaths have substantially diminished the rate of population growth. The demographic impacts are much weaker thus far in Asia, though population growth rates have already been reduced slightly in Myanmar, Cambodia, and Thailand, and it is estimated that those three countries have each lost three years of life expectancy. One key to understanding the social impact is the fact that HIV infection disproportionately strikes the adult population rather than children or elderly people, resulting in the loss of economically productive members of households and of society as a whole. The repercussion is a dramatic loss of quality of life or even of life chances among infants and children, due to orphanhood and diminished household incomes. A full accounting of impacts must consider lost productivity and economic progress, the private (that is, family) and

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In Asia, many women and children are HIV-infected. Here, a one-year-old HIV-infected girl plays in her bed at Phaya Thai Baby’s Home, a facility for HIV-infected children in Bangkok, Thailand. (AFP/CORBIS)

public costs of medicines and care, and the social costs of weakened families and other institutions. Prospects for Behavior Change and Control Projections of the spread of HIV infections and cases of AIDS vary dramatically by country and with what is assumed about the national epidemic patterns. The future of HIV in Asia hinges on what occurs in certain critical countries, among them China, India, Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia. The Monitoring the AIDS Pandemic or MAP network lists five countries in which HIV prevalence is increasing and another ten in which it is slowly increasing. This leaves only two countries in decline (Australia and New Zealand), and one, Thailand, which is tending to stabilize. The case of Thailand is illuminating. In the mid1980s, there was worrying evidence from IDU data and data on sex work, and by 1993 the HIV rate among army recruits (virtually a representative sample of young adult males) was at 4 percent (much higher in the north, due both to the greater poverty there as well as the prevailing sexual behaviors, which encourage the spread of infection). Infection levels then peaked and have been declining as a direct consequence of imaginative programs. Some of these have brought messages about the dangers of infection and the protection afforded by condoms directly into the brothels. Levels of condom use in brothels have risen dramatically. Similarly, HIV prevalence among pregnant women

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peaked at about 2 percent in 1995. Whether the same positive experience can be shared by other Asian countries depends on their government and private-sector efforts and policies. Myanmar, Cambodia, and Vietnam are showing the patterns and levels once witnessed in Thailand. Their epidemics have thus far been driven by intravenous drug use and sex work, though Cambodia has high infection levels among pregnant women as well. These countries illustrate the potential for HIV to spread quickly. In China, Malaysia, and Nepal, HIV has spread among IDU populations but apparently not yet outside those groups. Cambodia has begun to show hopeful signs. Government and nongovernmental institutions are in place, and campaigns are underway. Condom use in brothels rose between 1997 and 1999, as did HIV prevalence among young sex workers. China is viewed as a potential focus of rapid epidemic spread. There is now in place an extensive sentinel or monitoring system, by 1999 covering nearly a hundred sites in thirty provinces and focused on female sex workers, intravenous drug users, long-distance truck drivers, blood donors, and antenatal women. Recent returns from this system indicate rising infection rates for IDU and female sex workers. Overall, reported sexually transmitted infections reached 836 thousand in 1999. The government estimates that there are 3 million drug users in China and that needle sharing is common. There are a similar number of sex workers, half of whom report never using condoms. The working estimates of HIV infections in China were 400,000 at the end of 1998, 600,000 in 2000, and probably over 1 million by late 2001. There is enormous potential for pandemic and massive numbers of infections. India displays a diverse set of experiences across its states and metropolitan areas, from very low HIV prevalences to as high as 2 percent of adults in the state of Tamil Nadu and the city of Mumbai (Bombay), from epidemics driven by heterosexual transmission (Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra) to epidemics driven by intravenous drug users (Maniput). A surveillance system was put in place only recently, and the 1999 estimate of 3.5 million HIV infections certainly will be revised as new data are examined. Considering the diversity of national patterns and mixture of experiences for subgroups within countries, overall projections are difficult. The United Nations’ AIDS coordinating agency or UNAIDS produces such projections, and these were incorporated into the United Nations’ 1998 round of population projections. Among the twenty-nine largest countries with

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HIV prevalences of 2 percent or greater, three are in Asia: India, Thailand, and Cambodia. Observations Unlike many other diseases, with HIV/AIDS, behavioral knowledge and behavioral change are intimately connected. The HIV/AIDS epidemic is behaviorally driven and linked to intimate areas of personal life. The knowledge-gathering needed to deal with HIV/AIDS is akin to an X ray of the social corpus, with the HIV virus taking the role of radioisotopes, revealing aspects not usually seen. There is revealing new knowledge of marriage, family, and sexual systems, and even national polities are being placed under a scrutiny that exposes political interests and underlying values. The attention now being given throughout Asia to heretofore off-limits behavior is generating pressure for change. Before the HIV/AIDS pandemic has become history, it is likely that important social changes will occur or will be accelerated because of it: in gender relations (such as wives’ changed expectations of their husbands, and more openness within unions about marital and sexual relationships), in family-based care and in the role of governments and private agencies in supplementing it, in the relationships between parents and their young adult children, in the role of public or private reproductive health services to young unmarried people, and in the status of marginalized population groups such as sex workers and drug users. Peter Xenos Further Reading Brown, Tim, Roy Chan, Doris Mugrditchian, Brian Mulhall, Rabin Sarda, and Werasit Sittitrai. (1998) Sexually Transmitted Diseases in Asia and the Pacific. Armidale, Australia: Venereology Publishing. MAP. (2000) “Monitoring the AIDS Pandemic: The Status and Trends of the HIV/AIDS Epidemics in the World: Provisional Report, July 5–7, 2000.” Durban, South Africa: MAP. Retrieved 31 January 2002, from: http:// www.unaids.org/hivaidsinfo/statistics/MAP. ———. (2001) “Monitoring the AIDS Pandemic: The Status and Trends of the HIV/AIDS/STI Epidemics in Asia and the Pacific, 2001.” Melbourne, Australia: MAP. Retrieved 31 January 2002, from: http://www.unaids.org/ hivaidsinfo/statistics/MAP. UNAIDS. (2001) “AIDS Epidemic Update.” Retrieved 30 January 2002, from: http://www.unaids.org/epidemic_ update/report_dec01/index.html. World Heath Organization. (2001) “HIV/AIDS in Asia and the Pacific Region.” New Delhi: Regional Office for South-East Asia; Manila: Regional Office for the West-

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ern Pacific. Retrieved 31 January 2002, from: http://www .wpro.who.int/pdf/sti/aids2001/complete.pdf.

AIKIDO Aikido is a Japanese martial art that takes several different modern forms. The sport was founded by Ueshiba Morihei (1883–1969) who in the 1920s and 1930s combined techniques from Daito-ryu jujutsu with ancient Japanese philosophical beliefs to create a new martial art form that stressed defense and the use of one’s opponent’s strength and aggression. In general, aikido is less aggressive than other martial arts and is characterized by grabbing, jointtwisting, balance-breaking, and pinning. The popularity of aikido outside Japan is due largely to the work of Ueshiba’s students and the Aiki-kai association he founded. Modern forms of aikido are associated with particular schools and associations, including the Japan Aikido Association (Tomiki Aikido), Yoshin-kan, Ki no Kenkyu-kai (Ki Society), and Yosei-kan. Each school promotes somewhat different techniques and philosophy and they also differ in their support of competitions as opposed to training sessions for personal growth. Because of the emphases on training and the performance of choreographed routines called kata, aikido is popular as a form of exercise with women and the elderly.

geography that suits the region’s major economy— sheep, cattle, and horse breeding. Although several minority peoples make these provinces their home, the population consists primarily of the Khalkha majority. Dornod is the farthest east of Mongolia’s provinces (2000 population 75,000, area 123,000 square kilometers), famous for free-ranging herds of antelope that often number in the thousands. The province’s Halhyn Gol region became noteworthy in 1939 when Mongolian troops and the assisting Soviet Red Army routed a large force of invading Japanese soldiers. Suhbaatar Aimag (2000 population 65,000, area 82,000 square kilometers) in the southeast was named after Damdiny Suhbaatar, the founder of the Mongolian People’s Republic and one of the region’s native sons. The Dariganga volcanic plateau, a region with dozens of extinct volcanoes, interrupts the province’s undulating plains. Hentii Aimag (2000 population 71,000, area 82,000 square kilometers) in northeast Mongolia is considered by many to be the native home of Genghis Khan. Mountains of the Hentii range cover the province’s northern region and gradually slope into a hilly steppe in the south. Mineral springs are found throughout the province.

The Mongolian People’s Republic is divided into eighteen aimags, or provinces—Bayan Olgii, Hovd, Uvs, Zavhan, Gov’altay, Bayanhongor, Arhangai, Bulgan, Hovsgol, Selenge, Tov, Ovorhangai, Dundgov’, Omnogov’, Dornogov’, Hentii, Suhbaatar, and Dornod. In 1994, the regions around three prominent cities (Erdenet, Darhan, and Choir) were also declared aimags with largely urban populations (respectively, Orhon Aimag, 2000 population 72,000; Darhan-Uul, 2000 population 83,000; Gobi-sumber, 2000 population 12,000). Mongolia’s national capital, Ulaanbaatar, is its own administrative unit with a population of 760,000.

The Gobi Provinces The three Gobi provinces of Dornogov’, Omnogov’, and Dundgov’ have some of the smallest population densities in Mongolia and are almost exclusively populated by the Khalkha ethnic majority. Mining and camel or sheep breeding contribute most to these regions’ economies. Dornogov’ (2000 population 51,000, area 110,000 square kilometers) is in the southeastern part of the country, dominated by rolling plains and semidesert. An ancient caravan route from Russia to China, which has now been subsumed by the Trans-Mongolian Railroad, once passed through this area. Fluorite mining has made important contributions to the region’s economy. Omnogov’ (2000 population 47,000, area 165,000 square kilometers) occupies the extreme south of the country and is the aimag with both the largest area and the smallest population. The great massifs of the eastern Gov’altay range and the Gobi Tian Shan dominate the province. The wealth of prehistoric fossils in this region makes it a popular spot for paleontological research. Directly north of the other two Gobi provinces, Dundgov’ (2000 population 52,000, 78,000 square kilometers) consists more of rich grassy steppes than of desert.

The Eastern Provinces Mongolia’s eastern provinces of Dornod, Suhbaatar, and Hentii are dominated by grassy steppe, a

The Central Provinces The five central provinces of Tov, Selenge, Bulgan, Ovorhangai, and Arhangai occupy a region of

Fumiaki Shishida Further Reading Pranin, Stanley. (1991) The Aiki News Encyclopedia of Aikido. Tokyo: Aiki News. Shishida, Fumiaki, and Tetsuro Nariyama. (1985) Aikido Kyoshitsu (Aikido Course). Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten.

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well-watered mountains and rich, fertile valleys. Drawing water from two mountain ranges, this lush, arable region supports a large population, the majority being Khalkha speakers. Tov Aimag (2000 population 99,000, area 81,000 square kilometers) is the site of Mongolia’s capital, Ulaanbaatar. The province’s economy reflects its unique location, with most activity geared towards supplying the capital city and servicing the Trans-Mongolian railway. Directly north of Tov Aimag, Selenge Aimag (2000 population 100,000, area 65,000 square kilometers) occupies the fertile basin of the Selenge River and serves as Mongolia’s breadbasket. In 1990, 40 percent of the country’s cereal crop production came from this region alone. The region also served as the cradle of the Mongolian People’s Revolution when Damdiny Suhbaatar recruited the first units of volunteer militias here in the early twentieth century. The province’s Amarbaysgalant monastery stands as one of the few prominent monasteries that the revolution left untouched. To the west of Selenge, Bulgan Aimag (2000 population 62,000, area 49,000 square kilometers) occupies a portion of the Selenge River basin and the northern Hentii Mountains. The 70 percent of land that is not covered by forest is used for farming and livestock breeding. West of Bulgan, Arhangai (2000 population 97,000, area 55,000 square kilometers) lies in the basins of the Selenge River’s tributaries and rises to the high parts of the Hangay highlands. The province is famous for the state-protected Terhiin Tsagaan Lake, formed when volcanic lava dammed up the Sumangiin Gol River. Livestock breeding is the primary economic activity, with yak and yak hybrid comprising 40 percent of the province’s herds. To the south of Arhangai, Ovorhangai (2000 population 91,000, area 64,000 square kilometers) lies between the fertile regions of the north and the semideserts of the Gobi. The province attracts many with its natural wonders, most notably its 24-meter-high waterfall, Ulaan Tsutgalan. It is also the site of Karakorum, the ancient Mongolian capital, and one of Mongolia’s largest Buddhist monasteries, Erdene Zuu. Livestock breeding concentrates on sheep and horses.

has become famous for its reindeer herding. West of Hovsgol, Zavhan (2000 population 90,000, area 82,000 square kilometers) is the home of Otgon Tenger, the highest peak of the Hangay Mountains and a sacred spot for many Mongolians. From the high peaks of the Hangay range the province descends westward into semidesert and desert expanses. The intermediate region is suited to sheep breeding, and the province boasts the largest sheep population in the country. Farther west, Uvs (2000 population 90,000, area 84,000 square kilometers) has a majority of Dorvod speakers. The province’s many rivers and lakes are frequented by several species of waterfowl, including the rare pink pelican. Besides being a major supplier of coal fuel to the country, the province specializes in sheep, cattle, and horse breeding. The Southwestern Provinces The four southwestern provinces of Bayanhongor, Gov’altay, Hovd, and Bayan-Olgii cover arid regions of high mountains and wide deserts. Despite their barren appearance, they are home to rare Mongolian wildlife—the wild camel, Gobi bear, and steppe antelope. Bayanhongor (2000 population 85,000, area 116,000 square kilometers) descends from the South Hangay plateau to the Gobi Desert. The province is famous for its mineral springs, and specializes in goat breeding. Gov’altay (2000 population 87,000, 142,000 square kilometers) is at the easternmost tail of the Altay mountain range. The province’s great Gobi Reserve is Mongolia’s largest protected area and a habitat for rare Mongolian wildlife—the mountain sheep, wild goat, snow leopard, steppe antelope, and reed boar. West of Gov’altay, the Altay Mountains of Hovd (2000 population 64,000, area 76,000 square kilometers) are home to a wide variety of ethnic groups. The farthest west of Mongolia’s provinces, Bayan Olgii (2000 population 91,000, area 46,000 square kilometers) is unique among the Mongolian aimags in that the majority of its inhabitants are a non-Mongolian speaking ethnic group—the Kazakhs. Much of the province’s official and cultural business takes place in Kazakh. Daniel Hruschka

The Northwestern Provinces The three northwestern provinces of Hovsgol, Uvs, and Zavkhan cover a rugged mountainous region. Hovsgol Aimag (2000 population 119,000, area 102,000 square kilometers) is named after the enormous freshwater lake for which the province is famous. The forested mountains that surround the lake have led some to call Hovsgol Aimag “Mongolia’s Switzerland.” Most livestock breeding focuses on cattle, yaks, and yak hybrids. Near Lake Hovsgol, the Tsataan ethnic group

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Further Reading Bawden, Charles R. (1968) The Modern History of Mongolia. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Mongolian People’s Republic Academy of Sciences. (1990) Information Mongolia. Oxford: Pergamon Press.

AINU

In the Ainu language the word ainu means “human being.” For the rest of the world, the word

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9 A SHIP’S CAPTAIN REFLECTS ON THE AINU In A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean, William R. Broughton, captain of the HMS Providence, presented his analysis of the Ainu in the late eighteenth century: This people appear to have intelligence. Their beards are long, black, and strong. They have brown skin and their heads are shaved with the exception of a tusk of hair the size of two fingers, which rests at the front of the head. They put their hands together below their heads as a greeting. They are dressed in bear skins and armed with bow and arrow. . . . The people seem to have no religion. They eat like barbarians, without any sort of ceremony. . . . They seem to have no government, no writing or books, and no one seems able to read or write. Source: W. R. Broughton. (1804) A Voyage of Discovery to the North Pacific Ocean 1804, 89ff.

designates the small indigenous population that lives in the northern part of Japan. Although Japan has several minority groups (Burakumin, Koreans, Chinese), only the Ainu are both ethnically distinct from the Japanese and have lived in the Japanese islands from long before written history. In prehistoric times, the Ainu could be found on the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Sakhalin, and the Kurile Archipelago; in modern times, they mainly inhabit Hokkaido. Their number at present is estimated to be around twenty-five thousand, but after decades of intermarriage with the Japanese it is now rare to encounter a person purely of Ainu blood. The population estimate thus represents those people who think of themselves as being both Ainu and Japanese. Origins The origins of the Ainu people and their language are unknown. Many different theories have been proposed, but none has managed to gain general acceptance among scholars. For a long time, Western scholars believed that the Ainu were of Caucasian descent, which greatly stimulated research and resulted in a large body of literature on all aspects of Ainu culture. The theory was never widely accepted by Japanese scholars and has been thoroughly discredited by newer research. A consensus gradually emerged that the ethnic origins of the Ainu must be sought in Japan’s prehistoric Jomon culture (10,000–300 BCE).

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The Ainu language has no writing system. Traditions, beliefs, and tales about the past were orally transmitted through epics, songs, and stories memorized and told by the old to the young. There were originally three distinct dialects of Ainu—Sakhalin, Kurile, and Hokkaido. However, there is no longer anyone who speaks the Ainu language as a mother tongue. The traditional lifestyle of the Ainu was based on hunting, fishing, and gathering edible plants. Society centered on villages (kotan) of five to twenty families under the leadership of a male chief (otona). Villages were usually placed near a river to ensure access to water and fish. Deer and fox were hunted near the villages, and brown bear were hunted in the mountains—all with bow and arrow. Customs The Ainu are famous for their skilled woodwork. Formerly, the products were bowls and utensils, decorated wooden prayer sticks, and whittled sticks offered to the gods. In modern times, most woodcraft is aimed at the tourist trade. Clothes were woven from the shredded bark of the elm tree and decorated with dyed patterns or cotton appliqué. Men and women wore coat-like dresses fastened with a belt. Accessories such as headgear, earrings, and necklaces were used for festive occasions. Shoes were made from fish skin.

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9 A NINETEENTH-CENTURY VIEW OF THE AINU PEOPLE Isabella Bird, an adventurous traveler to Japan in the late 1800s, recorded her impressions of the Ainu in Unbeaten Tracks in Japan: They have no history, their traditions are scarcely worth the name, they claim descent from a dog, their houses and persons swarm with vermin, they are sunk in the grossest ignorance, they have no letters, or any numbers above a thousand, they are clothed in the bark of trees and the untanned skins of beasts, they worship the bear, the sun, moon, fire, water, and I know not what, they are uncivilisable and altogether irreclaimable savages, yet they are attractive, and in some ways fascinating, and I hope I shall never forget the music of their low sweet voices, the soft light of their mild brown eyes and the wonderful sweetness of their smile (Bird 1881: 75). Source: Isabella Bird. (1881) Unbeaten Tracks in Japan: An Account of Travels in the Interior Including Visits to the Aborigines of the Yezo and the Shrines of Nikko and Ise. London: Murray.

Male and female lineages were kept separate. The men’s lineage was shown by their totem animal (itokpa) on various utensils, whereas the women’s lineage in the form of patterns on a belt (upsor) was worn under the clothes. Women also wore tattoos around the mouth and on their forearms and hands. These were produced by making small incisions with sharp stones and rubbing soot into the open wounds. The Ainu gods are called kamuy and are believed to be present as spirits everywhere in nature, as well as in a spirit world of their own. Everything in the human world is seen as a visitor from the spirit world. The most important kamuy was the brown bear. Every year, all over Hokkaido, bear cubs were caught and kept in cages in villages. When a cub reached young adulthood, a ceremony was held to send its spirit back to its ancestors in the spirit world. By providing an elaborate ceremony and honoring the bear, it was hoped that it would speak well of human beings to the other bear spirits. If this happened, many bear spirits would venture into the land of the humans, ensuring a steady supply of bears for hunting. After the bear was ceremoniously killed, its meat was eaten by the villagers and its head was placed on an altar outside the chief’s house. The Ainu and the Japanese The Japanese knew of the Ainu as far back as the tenth century, when Ainu were still present on the

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main island of Honshu. By the fifteenth century the Japanese had managed to establish several strongholds in southern Hokkaido from which they traded metal and rice to the Ainu for fur, fish, and other natural products. By the beginning of the Edo period (1600/1603–1868), Matsumae, a Japanese warrior clan, gained authority over the Japanese-dominated parts of the island and established a trade monopoly. Trade came to be conducted through Japanese merchants who traveled to specified trading posts on the island under the control of the Matsumae clan. Deceiving the Ainu in trade transactions was common, and a number of Ainu were forced into slave-like labor for the Japanese. This situation gave rise to several Ainu rebellions, but eventually the Ainu succumbed to the Japanese. After the Meiji Restoration in 1868, the Ainu came to be considered as Japanese citizens and were forced to adopt Japanese names. They were, however, still considered second-class citizens and were greatly disadvantaged in terms of education, health, and employment. The Meiji government started a large-scale colonization of Hokkaido that led to mass immigration from other parts of Japan, and eventually the Ainu were reduced to only a small percentage of the total population on Hokkaido. Deprived of their lifestyle as hunters and fishermen, they quickly sank into poverty and apathy. To ameliorate this situation, the Hokkaido

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Former Aborigines Protection Act was enacted in 1899, granting education and small plots of land to the Ainu. In the late twentieth century, a new pride in being Ainu emerged. Cultural events, language classes, and study groups attempted to revive the Ainu culture. Bowing to pressure from Ainu organizations that saw the protection law as discriminatory, in 1997 the government repealed the Protection Act and replaced it with a new law to promote Ainu culture and facilitate public understanding of Ainu tradition. Kirsten Refsing Further Reading Fitzhugh, William, and Chisato Dubreil, eds. (1999) Ainu, Spirit of a Northern People. Washington, DC: Arctic Studies Center, National Museum of Natural History in association with University of Washington Press. Kayano Shigeru. (1994) Our Land Was a Forest. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Kreiner, Josef, ed. (1993) European Images of Ainu and Ainu Studies in Europe. Munich, Germany: Iudicium Verlag. Refsing, Kirsten. (1986) The Ainu Language. Aarhus, Denmark: Aarhus University Press. Refsing, Kirsten. (1996–2000) The Ainu Library. 20 vols. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press. Siddle, Richard. (1996) Race, Resistance and the Ainu of Japan. New York: Routledge.

AIR POLLUTION Throughout Asia air pollution is a significant threat to human health and the environment. Industrial emissions from fossil fuel use constitute the bulk of the pollutants released into the atmosphere, but forest fires and the combustion of biomass fuels also add pollutants. Combating air pollution is difficult because it requires action on many different levels, from upgrading household stoves to reducing regional emissions to battling global climate change internationally. Scientists warn that, if current trends continue, by 2025 three times as many people in Asia will suffer poor health due to air pollution as did in 1990. Industrial Pollution Industrial development in the past century was powered largely by fossil fuels like coal, oil, and natural gas. Used to generate electricity, drive industrial processes, and send automobiles down the road, fossil fuels release sulfur dioxides, nitrogen oxides, and tiny particulates of partially combusted fuel into the atmosphere. Even the cleanest fossil fuels produce carbon dioxide emissions, formed when carbon in the fuel combines with atmospheric oxygen. Industrial air pol-

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lution is a global problem but is nowhere more serious than in Asia, where fossil fuel consumption has risen by a factor of 20 in the past half-century. The local effects of air pollution have been most severe in cities undergoing rapid industrialization and population growth. Of the fifteen cities worldwide suffering from the worst concentrations of air pollutants, twelve are in the Asia-Pacific region. Beijing, Chongqing, and other Chinese cities have the highest concentrations of sulfur dioxide, joined by Jakarta, Manila, and Seoul on the list of those with high levels of particulate matter. High levels of air pollution have meant increased rates of bronchitis, asthma, lung cancer, and infant mortality. A World Bank study attributes some 67,200 premature deaths and over a half-million cases of chronic bronchitis in Asia to urban air pollution. Industrial air pollution also takes a toll on the environment. The area around Guilin, China, famous for its mountain scenery, has been especially hard hit. Not only has pollution from Guilin’s factories obscured the mountain in haze, but the region’s limestone geological formations are being eroded by the acidic sulfur dioxide. Acid rain, another by-product of atmospheric sulfur dioxide, damages forests and aquatic life far from the source of the pollution. While Japan has made significant progress in reducing its own air pollution, it now contends with acid rain originating in China and Korea. Japan, southern China, mountainous areas of Southeast Asia, and southwestern India all have soils and vegetation particularly sensitive to acidification. Globally the most significant environmental changes may be due to emissions of so-called greenhouse gasses, which trap heat inside the atmosphere. Trace amounts occur naturally in the atmosphere, but their concentrations have risen exponentially since the Industrial Revolution. The increase of carbon dioxide, the most significant greenhouse gas, has been linked directly to increased use of fossil fuels and the loss of forests, whose trees and other flora absorb carbon dioxide. In 1990 international scientists predicted that an overall rise in temperatures, sea levels, and severe weather could be expected if greenhouse-gas emissions were not curbed. The consequences could be especially severe for Asia if climatic changes lead to reduced crop yields or the inundation of heavily populated coastal areas. Pollution from Biomass Fuels and Forest Fires In the developing countries of Asia the highest levels of air pollution occur inside homes where biomass fuels like wood, grasses, or animal dung are used for

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cooking and heating. Three-quarters of India’s households rely on biomass fuels. Smoke from these fuels contains many harmful chemicals and compounds. Women and children, who are in the home the most, have the greatest exposure; they risk developing respiratory infections, lung cancer, and eye damage. Half of India’s cases of tuberculosis may be attributed to respiratory damage from cooking smoke. Forest fires were the source of the air pollution that blanketed much of Indonesia and its neighbors in 1997 and 1998. An unprecedented number of fires decimated tropical forests on the island of Kalimantan (Borneo) during a two-year drought linked to the El Niño southern oscillation, a periodic shift in global weather systems. The disaster was exacerbated by the expansion of fire-prone oil-palm plantations. Some 12.5 million people in the surrounding region were exposed to hazardous air pollution levels, forcing the Indonesian president to apologize officially to Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Thailand. The fires released as much carbon into the atmosphere as a year of fossil fuel use by Western Europe. As with other major forest fires, such as the giant blaze on the Chinese-Siberian border a decade earlier, the severest impacts were on the health and livelihood of the local community and surrounding natural environment. Combating Air Pollution Action to reduce air pollution is underway at many levels in Asia. While much attention has been given to international assistance programs promoting the use of expensive new technologies to remove pollutants from atmospheric emissions, the most successful strategies call for substituting cleaner fuel sources and using fuels more efficiently. China has long supported a program to popularize the use of biogas digesters; biomass fuels processed in these devices are converted to cleaner-burning methane gas, leaving a rich mixture of compounds useful as fertilizer. Elsewhere, biomass fuels are being replaced in the home by coal briquettes, natural gas, or electricity from power plants. For national power generation, China and India are taking steps to limit the use of coal high in sulfur, substituting other energy sources such as hydroelectric power, though these have their own environmental and social consequences. The efficiency with which fossil fuels are used in Asia varies widely. Japan’s fuel use is now among the most efficient in the world, but elsewhere in the region outdated technologies in factories and vehicles burn fuels less efficiently and pollute more. Modernization may help reduce pollution levels, an outcome especially critical in the area of greenhouse gasses.

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Coal-dependent China and India are among the world’s biggest sources of carbon dioxide, but, pointing to their low per-capita emissions compared with Japan, Korea, or other more developed countries, they argue that it would be unfair for international treaties to cap their emissions at current levels. The Future Air pollution poses ongoing challenges to human health and environmental quality in Asia, especially with Asia’s growing economic development and increased fossil fuel consumption. The effects of air pollution are felt in the home, in rapidly developing urban areas, and across national boundaries. Current trends are alarming, but concerted efforts may reduce the damage air pollution causes to the people and environment of Asia. Mark G. Henderson See also: Bhopal; Forest Industry—Southeast Asia

Further Reading Harwell, Emily E. (2000) “Remote Sensibilities: Discourses of Technology and the Making of Indonesia’s Natural Disaster.” Development and Change 31, 1: 307–340. Hughes, G. (1997) Can the Environment Wait? Priority Issues for East Asia. Washington, DC: The World Bank. Marland, G., T. A. Boden, and R. J. Andres. (2000) “Global, Regional, and National CO2 Emissions.” Retrieved 21 September 2001 from: http://cdiac.esd.ornl.gov/ndps/ ndp030.html. Smith, Kirk R. (1987) Biofuels, Air Pollution, and Health. New York: Plenum Press.

AIRLANGGA (991–1049?), Hindu-Javanese king. Airlangga lived when eastern Java had become a rival in the international spice trade of the maritime empire of Sriwijaya in Sumatra. According to the Calcutta stone inscription of 1041 CE, Airlangga was born to Balinese King Udayana and his wife, Queen Mahendradatta, daughter of the King Dharmawangsa Teguh of eastern Java. The latter kingdom was destroyed in 1017, either by Srivijayan attack or due to internal friction. After two years in a hermitage, Airlangga set out in 1019 to restore the kingdom of King Dharmawangsa. By 1035 he succeeded in subjugating all of Dharmawangsa’s former vassals through military and political prowess. His kingdom became an international trade center and he himself a promoter of oldJavanese literature. Toward the end of his life, he retreated into the forest to become a hermit again. To forestall succession disputes between his two sons, he divided his kingdom into Kadiri and Janggala around

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1049. After his death, he was revered as an incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu. Martin Ramstedt Further Reading

Hills near the Waghora River in India, is the site of approximately 30 Hindu and Buddhist cave temples and monasteries first created between the second century BCE and the late fifth century CE, and expanded and lavishly decorated again during the Gupta period (c. 230–c. 500 CE).

Coedès, Georges. (1964) Les États Hindouisés d’Indochine et d’Indonésie. Paris: Éditions E. de Boccard. Kempers, A. J. Bernet. (1991) Monumental Bali: Introduction to Balinese Archaeology and Guide to the Monuments. Singapore: Periplus Editions. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. (1959) Nusantara: A History of Indonesia. The Hague, Netherlands: W. van Hoeve. Zoetmulder, P. J. (1974) Kalangwan: A Survey of Old Javanese Literature (Translation Series 16). Leiden, Netherlands: KITLV (Royal Institute of Linguistics and Anthropology).

The caves were carved from the granite walls of a ravine, and are approximately 80 meters high and 380 meters long. Their interiors are covered with vibrant frescos and relief sculptures. Some of the caves are lit by natural light at certain times of day, enhancing the artistic effect. The majority of the caves are Buddhist, the art is inspired by legends, Jataka stories (ancient Pali fables), and real life; both mythological figures and ordinary people engaged in everyday tasks are depicted.

AITMATOV, CHINGIS (b. 1928), Kyrgyz writer. Chingis Torekulovitch Aitmatov is probably the best-known non-Russian author of the former Soviet Union. Aitmatov was born in the village of Sheker in Kyrgyzstan on 12 December 1928. His mother and father saw to it that he was exposed to Russian literature and language, while his maternal grandmother and aunt exposed him to the language, songs, epics, and folk tales of traditional Kyrgyz culture. Aitmatov experienced tragedy early in his life, as his father was killed in the Stalinist purges of 1937.

In 1819 British officers in the Madras army rediscovered the caves. Some historic accounts state the group was on a military expedition; according to other accounts the British were hunting in the area. Zealous archaeologists and local officials damaged the paintings to allow the findings to be displayed in museums. Public fervor destroyed early preservation efforts, which began about 1839. To prevent further debasement of the monuments, wire screens were placed over the art in all the major caves in 1903; today, however, the paintings remain at risk of deterioration. Various methods of preservation, including sealing them behind fiberglass, have been proposed. Because the frescoes represent a major example of Buddhist painting and because of their extraordinary quality, the caves of Ajanta were designated a UNESCO World Heritage site.

Aitmatov began writing in the late 1940s, contributing articles and sketches to local newspapers in Kyrgyzstan. He went on to train as a veterinarian but continued writing. The publication of several short stories while he was working as a livestock specialist in Kyrgyzstan earned him the right to join the writers’ union and admission to the prestigious Gorky Literary Institute. He completed his studies at the institute in 1958. Aitmatov’s works were often pessimistic in tone and were openly critical of the Soviet system. His novels addressed such issues as the passing of traditional ways of life (The White Steamship, 1970) and the Stalinist terror (The Day Lasts Longer than 100 years, 1981). Andre Sharp Further Reading Mozur, Joseph P., Jr. (1988) “Chingiz Torekulovich Aitmatov” In Reference Guide to Russian Literature, edited by Neil Cornwell. London and Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers.

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(1991 pop. 600,000). Ajanta, a village located in the state of Maharashtra in the Sahyadri

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Linda Dailey Paulson Further Reading Michell, George, ed. (1989) “Ajanta.” In The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India, 1. London: Viking, 335–343.

9 AJANTA CAVES—WORLD HERITAGE SITE A treasure trove of ancient Buddhist art and sculpture, the Ajanta Caves were first constructed more than two thousand years ago. These caves were added to the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites in 1983.

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AJODHYA (2002 pop. 51,000). An ancient city also called Ayodhya, Oudh, or Awadh, Ajodhya, now part of the city of Faizabad, lies on the Ghaghara River in the eastern Uttar Pradesh state of northern India. Ajodhya is one of seven holy places for Hindus, revered as the legendary birthplace of Rama, hero of the Ramayana epic. It was the capital of the Ikshvaku dynasty’s Kosala kingdom (sixth century BCE) and a center of Gupta power (third– fifth centuries CE). By the fifth century CE the Chinese Buddhist monk Fa-hsien reported one hundred monasteries there. In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, Ajodhya became part of the Kanauj kingdom, then the Delhi sultanate, the Jaunpur kingdom, and, in the sixteenth century, the Mughal empire. It came under the control of the East India Company in 1764.

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In 1856 Ajodhya was annexed by the British; loss of hereditary rights helped spark the 1857 Indian Mutiny. Oudh joined the Agra Presidency in 1877 to form the North-West Provinces and later the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh. On 6 December 1992, the sixteenth-century Mosque of Babur, built on a site sacred to Hindus and Muslims, was demolished by Hindu fundamentalists; over one thousand died in the ensuing riots.

The first serious repression began in 1994 when Akaev, disillusioned with the democratic constraints on his executive power, launched an authoritarian offensive that has increasingly strangled democratic culture. First, Akaev formed the Committee to Defend the Honor and Dignity of the President. Next, Akaev began building a power base to support him as a permanent president. In February 1996 President Akaev held a referendum that greatly extended his powers. This referendum violated both the constitution and the Law on Referendums. Voter apathy was high, turnout was low, and ballot stuffing was rampant, yielding results “reminiscent of the Soviet era” (U.S. Department of State 2000: 11).

C. Roger Davis Further Reading Chanchreek, K. L., and Saroj Prasad, eds. (1993) Crisis in India. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books Jindal, T. P. (1995) Ayodhya Imbroglio. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books.

(b. 1944), President of Kyrgyzstan. Askar Akaev was born in 1944 in the village of Kyzyl-Bairak, located in the Chon-Kemin region of Kyrgyzstan. He is not, by profession, a politician. Prior to holding the office of president of Kyrgyzstan he had never held a public political office. Akaev began his adult life as a professor of engineering and computers. From 1962 to 1972 he obtained his education at the Leningrad Institute of Precise Optics and Mechanics. Upon returning from Russia to Kyrgyzstan, he moved steadily up the academic ladder to become president of the Academy of Sciences in 1988. Two years later, on 27 October 1990, Akaev was appointed by the parliament as president of Kyrgyzstan. Early Western euphoria over Akaev’s commitment to authentic democracy and economic reform has significantly diminished due to increasing repression and corruption.

Akaev’s power was thus consolidated, and he became the dominant political force in Kyrgyzstan— not so much “the head of the executive branch but a kind of republican monarch who serves as the guarantor of the constitutions . . . operating at the pinnacle of state power” (Huskey 1997: 17). He has the power to nominate the prime minister and appoint government ministry heads and the director of the state bank. Akaev also controls the courts and has taken serious measures (mainly via the courts) to silence and subjugate the media. The culmination of these controls was evident in the February–March 2000 parliamentary elections, where blatant governmental manipulation resulted in spontaneous countrywide protests, including demonstrations, hunger strikes, and even a suicide, by citizens frustrated with the overt corruption and their inability to elect their own representatives. L. M. Handrahan

Hindus lay the foundation stones at the temple in Ajodhya that had been the source of conflict between Hindus and Muslims. (ZEN ICKNOW/CORBIS)

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Further Reading Eshimkanov, Melis. (1995) A. Akayev: The First President of Independent Kyrghyzstan. Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan: ASABA.

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Huskey, Eugene. (1997). “Kyrgyzstan: The Fate of Political Liberalization.” In Conflict, Cleavage, and Change in Central Asia and the Caucasus, edited by Karen Dawisha and Bruce Parrott. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 254–268. ———. (1995) “The Rise of Contested Politics in Central Asia: Elections in Kyrgyzstan, 1989–1990.” Europe-Asia Studies 47, 5: 813–833. U.S. Department of State. (2000) U.S. Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Kyrgyz Republic, 1999. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State.

AKBAR (1542–1605), Mughal emperor. The greatest emperor of the Mughal dynasty in India, Akbar, the eldest son of Humayun, ruled from 1556 to 1605, initially with the help of the regent Bairam Khan. An ambitious man, a superb strategist, and a diplomat, Akbar conquered Gujarat in 1573 and took control of Bengal in 1576. Kashmir came under his control in 1586, and by the time Asirgarh was conquered in 1601, he ruled over most of north, west, and east India, and his suzerainty was acknowledged by kingdoms in central India as well. Akbar’s conquests were accompanied by political consolidation and administrative reorganization. His administrative changes included reforming the Mansabdari rank system in the military to root out corruption, introducing a uniform, high-quality coinage and mint, and improving revenue assessment and collection. Akbar sought to reduce the authority of individual revenue holders by converting lands into crown holdings and distributing territory under the direct administration of salaried officers.

9 AKBAR ON EUROPEANS AND ALCOHOL “[The Emperor] Akbar published a decree permitting intoxicating spirits to be sold to Europeans, because, he said, ‘they are born in the element of wine, as fish are produced in that of water, and to prohibit them the use of it is to deprive them of life.’ ” Source: Philip Anderson: The English in Western India (1856)

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The tomb of Akbar in Sikandra, India, in 1975. (CORBIS)

Akbar’s belief in universal toleration and the political need to unite Hindus under the Muslim Mughals found expression in his marrying two Hindu princesses; one, Jodha Bai, was mother of the heir to the throne. Akbar also appointed Hindus (particularly Rajput kings) to important state positions, abolished religious taxation, and even founded his own religion, the Din-i-Ilahi (“divine religion”), an eclectic mix of different faiths, including Brahmanism, Christianity, and Zoroastrianism. Though illiterate and lacking a formal education, Akbar was a cultured sovereign and a generous patron of the arts. Chandrika Kaul Further Reading Habib, Irfan, et al. (1997) Akbar and His India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

AKHA The Akha are a highland people inhabiting parts of eastern and southern Shan State in Myanmar

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tions along nationality lines, unlike the Shan, Wa, and other ethnic neighbors. The Akha population of Myanmar is estimated at around 100,000. In 1995, there were an estimated 500,000 Akha in Yunnan, China, 40,000 in northern Thailand, and 66,108 in Laos. They represent 50 percent of the Tibeto-Burmese family in Laos. The highest concentrations of Akha in Myanmar are in rural districts around Kengtung. Many Akha communities can be recognized by the wooden gateways at the entrance to each village. Generally, Akha villages are situated in higher mountain areas, where many communities still practice swidden (slash-and-burn) agriculture. Their principal crops include maize, tobacco, sugar cane, and opium, although in the 1990s a number of crop-substitution schemes were introduced after cease-fires were agreed to by local armed opposition groups. The Akha subgroups are most often distinguished by the distinctive headdresses of their women, many of whom wear a traditional costume of black clothes and embroidered jackets. According to Akha legend, there are seven families or clans, who represent the seven brothers from whom all Akha people descend. Other names for the Akha are Iko, Ikor, Kho, Kha Ko, and Ekow. They call themselves Akha.

An Akha girl in traditional costume in northern Thailand in 1986. (CHRISTINE KOLISCH/CORBIS)

(Burma) as well as adjoining border regions in China, Thailand, and Laos. They speak a Tibeto-Burmese language that is related to that of the Lahu people who inhabit many of the same mountain areas. Reputedly descended from the ancient Lolo peoples, the Akha are believed to have migrated into Shan State from China’s Yunnan Province in a centuries-long process of migration into Southeast Asia that continued into the twentieth century. Few academic studies have been completed on the Akha in Myanmar. Under British rule (1886– 1948), they were indirectly governed under the Frontier Areas Administration. Subsequently, many Akhainhabited areas were badly disrupted by the Chinese Guomindang invasion and insurgencies that began in the late 1940s after Myanmar’s independence. As a result, over the years Akha villagers have sometimes crossed as refugees into Thailand. However, despite the degree of political violence within Myanmar, the Akha have never formed armed opposition organiza-

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During the twentieth century, both Christianity and Buddhism had increasing impact on Akha communities. Nevertheless, Akha history and myths continue to be preserved by a strong oral tradition of storytelling. There are, however, growing concerns among Akha elders about the social effects of armed conflict, internal displacement, narcotics abuse and, more recently, the spread of HIV/AIDS, all of which threaten the traditional fabric of Akha society. Martin Smith Further Reading Chazee, Laurent. (1999) The Peoples of Laos: Rural and Ethnic Diversities. Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus Press. Hanks, Lucien, and Jane Hanks. (1975) “Reflections on Ban Akha Mae Salong.” Journal of Siam Society 63, 1: 72–83. Lebar, Frank, Gerald Hickey, and John Musgrave. (1964) Ethnic Groups of Mainland Southeast Asia. New Haven, CT: Human Relations Area Files. Lewis, Paul, and Elaine Lewis. (1984) Peoples of the Golden Triangle: Six Tribes in Thailand. London: Thames & Hudson.

AKITA (2002 est. pop. 1.2 million). Akita Prefecture is situated in the northern region of Japan’s is-

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land of Honshu. Known for its mountainous terrain and heavy snowfalls, it occupies an area of 11,613 square kilometers. Its primary geographical features are the Oga Peninsula and the Ou and Dewa Mountains. The main bodies of water are the rivers Omonogawa and Yoneshirogawa, along with Lake Tazawa and part of Lake Towada. Akita is bordered by the Sea of Japan and by Aomori, Iwate, Miyagi, and Yamagata Prefectures. In ancient times Akita Prefecture was part of the Ugo section of Dewa Province; the prefecture assumed its present name and borders in 1871. The capital of the prefecture is Akita city, situated at the mouth of the river Omonogawa. Akita is home to five universities, including Akita University, and it is the site of the famous Kanto lantern festival (4–7 August), associated with welcoming and seeing off the spirits of one’s ancestors. A distribution center for agricultural goods, it also is a manufacturing center for petrochemicals, fertilizer, machinery, wood pulp, and zinc. Akita originated from a military fort (Akitajo) built in 733 CE to pacify the indigenous Ezo people. It prospered in the 1600s as the castle town of the Satake family. In the Akita Incident of 1881, a cabal of farmers and former samurai attempted to overthrow the government. The other important cities of Akita Prefecture are Noshiro, Yokote, Odate, and Kazuno. The coastal alluvial Akita Plain in the central area is cultivated in rice, and the large crop supplies an active sake-brewing industry. Forestry supports pulp and plywood production, and the area’s mines yield copper, gold, silver, and zinc. The west coast Akita oil fields, at their maximum output in 1959, pumped over two-thirds of Japan’s crude oil production. An offshore oil field started in 1960 continues to supply the prefecture’s petroleum industry. The major tourist attractions include hot spring resorts, Towada-Hachimantai National Park, and the Kurikomayama peak (1,628 meters). E. L. S. Weber Further Reading “Akita Prefecture.” (1993) Japan: An illustrated Encyclopedia. Tokyo: Kodansha.

ported by the police force of Kyrgyzstan’s President Akayev. The Aksakals were reorganized following a call reportedly make by President Akayev at a January 1995 national congress. He is alleged to have encouraged the creation of a network of autonomous and active civil institutions, independent of state and political structures. The 1995 congress reportedly adopted a provisional status regulating the activities of Aksakal courts, whereby Aksakals were given responsibility for examining cases of administrative violations; property, family, and other disputes; and minor crimes passed to them by state procurators. The president is reported to have signed a decree approving this statue on 25 January 1995. President Akayev has publicly supported the role of Aksakal courts and has reinforced and revived their importance in Kyrgyz society despite reported cases of medieval punishment, such as public stoning by the Aksakals as punishment for violating local custom and rules. Allegations of human rights abuses by the Aksakals, including illegal detention, whippings, and stonings, have been brought to the attention of human rights groups. The U.S. State Department Report for 1996 charged these local elders with abuses, including torture. Militias, known as choro and operating under the authority of the Aksakal, have little restriction placed on their activities by regular law enforcement bodies. In some villages, azindans, or places of illegal detention, have even been established. Corporal and capital punishment by the Aksakal and choro have also been reported. L. M. Handrahan Further Reading Amnesty International. (1996) Kyrgyzstan: A Tarnished Human Rights Record. London: Amnesty International. U.S. Department of State. (1997) U.S. Department of State: Kyrgyz Republic Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1996. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State. ———. (2000) U.S. Department of State Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Kyrgyz Republic, 1999. Washington, DC: U.S. Department of State.

ALBANIANS AKSAKAL In the former Soviet Central Asia country of Kyrgyzstan, renewed tribalism since the collapse of Soviet rule has resulted in practices such as the revived Aksakal courts. These courts, the name of which is literally translated as “white beard courts,” consists of the oldest men in the village who make all moral and family decisions. The Aksakals are not elected, but their powers of judgment and punishment are sup-

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In Asia, Albanian settlements exist throughout Turkey, especially in Istanbul and Bursa, and in Damascus, Syria. The large Albanian colony in Egypt, dating from the nineteenth century, has all but disappeared. Albanians first arrived in Turkey as conscripts for the Turkish janissary forces (the janissaries were established in the fourteenth century) and subsequently for the Ottoman forces in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. A second wave of Albanians,

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Albanian soldiers serving the Ottoman Empire pose in distinctive uniforms, c. 1900. (MICHAEL MASLAN HISTORIC PHOTOGRAPHS/CORBIS)

from Kosovo and southern Serbia, arrived from the 1930s through the 1960s. The Serbs deported several hundred thousand of these Kosovo Albanians from Yugoslavia against their will under the absurd pretence that, as Muslims, they were Turks. In Albania, the Albanians form two cultural groups separated by the Shkumbin River: the northern Albanians or Ghegs, sometimes spelled Gegs, and the southern Albanians or Tosks. Though dialect and cultural differences between the Ghegs and Tosks can be substantial, both sides strongly identify with their common national and ethnic culture, and both speak dialects of Albanian, an Indo-European language. In Europe, in addition to the Republic of Albania with its centrally located capital city of Tirana, Albanians live in ethnically compact settlements in other large areas of the southwest Balkan Peninsula. The Republic of Albania, which includes only about 60 percent of all Albanians in the Balkans, is a mountainous country along the southern Adriatic coast across from the heel of Italy. An approximately 10 percent Albanian minority population lives north of Albania in Montenegro, in regions along the Albanian-Montenegrin border. Northeast of Albania is the United Nations–administered territory of (the self-proclaimed Republic of) Kosova, also known as Kosovo, techni-

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cally a part of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Kosovo’s population is about 90 percent Albanian speakers. East of the Republic of Albania is the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, about one-third of which, along the Albanian border, has an Albanian majority. There are no reliable figures for the (largely assimilated) Albanian population living in Asia (mainly Turkey), but there are an estimated six million Albanians in Europe. Of these, about three and a half million live in the Republic of Albania, about two million in Kosovo, about half a million in the Republic of Macedonia, and about 100,000 in Montenegro. There are also large Albanian minorities in Italy and Greece. Albania is on the border dividing three great religions: Islam, Greek Orthodoxy, and Roman Catholicism. Approximately 70 percent of Albanians in the Republic of Albania are Muslim. Among them are the Bektashi, a Muslim sect closely linked to the Albanian nationalist movement of the late nineteenth century. About 20 percent of Albanians, mostly in the south, are of Orthodox background, and about 10 percent, mostly in the north, are of Catholic background. Albanian history is intertwined with that of the Ottoman empire. Albanians were the backbone of much of the Ottoman military and administrative system. Many Al-

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banians rose from the ranks of the janissaries to high offices in the Ottoman empire; some even became ministers and prime ministers of the imperial court. Robert Elsie Further Reading Hall, Derek. (1994) Albania and the Albanians. London: Pinter. Jacques, Edwin E. The Albanians: An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co. Vickers, Miranda. (1994) Albania: A Modern History. London and New York: I. B. Tauris.

ALBUQUERQUE, AFONSO DE (1453–1515), Portuguese viceroy. Born in Alhandra, south of Lisbon, Afonso de Albuquerque was the architect of the Portuguese maritime empire in the Indian Ocean. His strategy of securing key points along major trade routes and establishing fortresses with permanent settlers achieved the dual objective of carrying the crusade against the Muslims in Asia and capturing the lucrative spice trade, then under the control of Arab and Indian Muslims in the Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean region, and Southeast Asia. Albuquerque himself gained his early military experience in North Africa fighting the Berbers or Moors, before traveling to the East in 1503. Following Vasco da Gama’s pioneering voyage in 1498 around the Cape of Good Hope and to India, Cochin was captured by the Portuguese in 1503. Dom Francisco de Almeida, the first viceroy of Portuguese India (1505–1509), defeated a confederation of Muslim powers (Egypt, ruled by a Mameluke sultan; Gujerat, ruled by Bahadur Shah; Calicut, ruled by Samorin [Zamorin]) at the Battle of Diu off the northwest coast of India in 1509. Albuquerque succeeded as viceroy in 1509 and set out to conquer the Gulf of Aden, for control of the Red Sea; Ormuz (today’s Hormuz) Strait on the Persian Gulf; Goa state in India; and Melaka, the spicetrade emporium on the Malay Peninsula. Attempts to capture Aden failed, but Albuquerque conquered Socotra Island in 1507, before becoming the second viceroy of Portuguese India. He seized Goa in 1510 and Melaka in 1511. At Melaka, Albuquerque constructed an imposing fortress, A Famosa, which withstood all attacks for 130 years. Ormuz fell to the Portuguese in 1515. Following the Ormuz campaign, Albuquerque was taken ill and died en route to Goa. Keat Gin Ooi

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Further Reading Birch, W. de G. ([1875–1884] 1970) The Commentaries of the Great Afonso Dalboquerque. 4 vols. Reprint ed. London: Hakluyt Society. Boxer, C. R. (1969) The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415– 1825. London: Hutchinson. Cortesao, A., ed. (1944) The ‘suma Oriental’ of Tome Pires. 2 vols. London: Hakluyt Society. Meilink-Roelofsz, M. A. P. (1962) Asian Trade and European Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and About 1630. The Hague, Netherlands: Nijhoff.

ALEPPO

(2001 est. pop. 2 million). Aleppo, the second city of modern Syria and one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world, is 110 kilometers inland from the Mediterranean and 30 kilometers south of the Syrian-Turkish frontier. Until the midnineteenth century, Aleppo was the western terminus of the Silk Road, ensuring its long-lasting prosperity. Aleppo passed under several occupiers until the Arab conquest in 636 CE. Many of its best-known buildings (including the imposing Citadel and the Great Mosque) were restored or constructed under the Zangids and their successor Saladin (1137/38–1193) in the twelfth century. Under the Ottomans (1516–1918), the city prospered and grew, becoming one of the leading commercial centers of the eastern Mediterranean. Evidence of this prosperity can still be seen in the souks (marketplaces) and caravansaries (inns) dating from Ottoman times. The presence of foreign traders and diplomats also benefited their local intermediaries, often members of the Christian and Jewish minorities, who accounted for some 35 percent of the population in 1900. After the creation of Syria in 1920, Aleppo suffered from the loss of its traditional markets in Anatolia and northern Iraq and for the first time became administratively subordinate to Damascus, the new capital. It gradually recovered its commercial and industrial vigor, partly as a result of the expansion of the cultivation of cash crops to the east of the city and also through large-scale migration from the countryside. Peter Sluglett Further Reading

Marcus, Abraham. (1989) The Middle East on the Eve of Modernity: Aleppo in the Eighteenth Century. New York: Columbia University Press. Meriwether, Margaret L. (1999) The Kin Who Count: Family and Society in Ottoman Aleppo, 1770–1840. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Raymond, André. (1984) Great Arab Cities in the 16th–18th Centuries: An Introduction. New York: New York University Press.

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ALEVI MUSLIMS

The Alevi Muslims, also known as Alavis, Alawis, Alawites, or Alouites, form a distinct branch of the twelve-imam Shiite tradition (Twelvers). Their interpretation of Islam and Shiism is known as Alevism or the Alevi faith. Various Alevi sects differ in some aspects of their faith, but they all subscribe to an unorthodox interpretation of Islam, which makes them distinct from all other Muslims whether Shiite or Sunni. The Alevis, who live mainly in Turkey, are estimated to be between 12 and 20 million in number, with much smaller communities in Syria, Iraq, and Iran. Like other Muslims, the Alevis recognize the prophet of Islam, Muhammad, as the last prophet. Like Shiite Muslims, they believe that Imam Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of Muhammad, is his true successor and rightful imam. They also believe that the other eleven Shiite imams, who were all descended from Ali, were Imam Ali’s true successors. Their heavy emphasis on Imam Ali as the perfect human plays a key role in their faith. This is reflected in their name, Alevi: “of Ali” or “follower of Ali.” The latter emphasis is one of the factors making them distinct from other Shiites.

Certain characteristics also distinguish the Alevis from other Muslims, both Shiite and Sunni. While believing in the Quran, they do not follow it as the guide to their faith. Rather, they consider it a holy book along with those of the Jews and Christians, and all the holy books, according to them, are all the same in essence. The Alevis have no mosques or formal clergy, and they do not observe daily Islamic prayers. They do not fast in the month of Ramadan like other Muslims, but in the month of Muharam and for a period shorter than a month. For the Alevis, making a pilgrimage to Mecca is not a religious necessity. Unlike other Muslims, their religious ceremonies include men and women praying together through speeches, poetry, and dance. The drinking of alcohol is not forbidden among most Alevi sects. The Alevis forbid polygamy and generally advocate equality of all people regardless of gender. For this reason most Alevis are against Islamic restrictions on women, including veiling. Most favor the separation of religion and state and advocate secularity. These distinctive characteristics of the Alevis have provided grounds for the persecution of their main community in Turkey. The Sunni clergy of Turkey consider them non-Muslim. This has created a justification for their persecution by Sunni extremists in that country, including attacks on their lives and property. Hooman Peimani

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Further Reading Olsson, Tord, Elisabeth Özdalga, and Catharina Raudvere. (1998) Alevi Identity. Istanbul, Turkey: Swedish Research Institute in Istanbul.

ALGHOZA Alghoza is a generic term for various types of twin-fluted wind instruments originating in Sindh, the southeastern province of Pakistan, and in northern India. The musician plays both flutes vertically at the same time, producing the two sounds simultaneously. The lengths of the wooden flutes vary from region to region but are commonly around 48 centimeters (19 inches). Each flute has six finger holes on the lower end. Continuous sound is achieved through the technique of circular breathing. The melody is produced on both flutes. A variation is the smaller (27 centimeters [11 inches]) double-fluted pawo, made from bamboo, which has one melody flute and one flute sounding the drone. It is thought that the alghoza and its variations are over two thousand years old. The sweet melodies played on the alghoza are reminiscent of the Western recorder. Traditional alghoza music revolves around the themes of love, separation, and sorrow. Renowned contemporary players of the alghoza include Khamiso Khan and Misri Khan Jamali. Daniel Oakman Further Reading Deva, B. Chaitanya. (1978) Musical Instruments of India: Their History and Development. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharal. Yusuf, Zohra. (1988) Rhythms of the Lower Indus: Perspectives of the Music of Sindh. Karachi, Pakistan: Government of Sindh, Department of Culture and Tourism.

ALI JANHAR, MOHAMED

(1878–1931), prominent figure of India’s independence movement. The Ali brothers, Mohamed and Shaukat, were born in Najibabad, Bijnor District, Uttar Pradesh. Both were good orators and well-educated Muslims. Mohamed Ali became an established scholar who produced one of the most authoritative translations of the Qur’an into English. In 1912, Mohamed Ali and M. A. Ansari led a Red Cross mission to Turkey during the Balkan Wars. Mohamed and Shaukat Ali later became leaders of the Khilafat movement, which arose in reaction to the humiliating terms imposed on Turkey at the Versailles Conference in 1919. This movement soon collapsed, however, because Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938) dra-

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matically revived Turkey; the caliphate there was abolished in 1924; and despite its Muslim majority, Turkey declared itself a secular state. Mohamed Ali then joined with Mohandas Gandhi (1869–1948) in leading the Non-Cooperation Movement during the 1920– 1924 period and, in so doing, for the first time united Indian Hindus and Muslims in a political endeavor. In 1923 Mohamed Ali became president of the Indian National Congress. Later he broke with Gandhi when the latter founded the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930. Nonetheless Mohamed Ali remained an influential Muslim and nationalist leader for the final year of his life. He died in London in 1931 while attending the First Round-Table Conference between British authorities and representatives of the Indian National Congress.

istan his “home.” While the government of India granted him visas for short concert tours, it prohibited radio broadcast of his recitals, even forbidding mention of his name. A decade later he became a citizen of India.

Paul Hockings

ALISHER NAVOIY SAMARQAND STATE UNIVERSITY The Alisher Navoiy Samarqand

Further Reading Ali, Mohamed. (1942) My Life, a Fragment: An Autobiographical Sketch of Maulana Mohamed Ali, Afzal Iqbal, ed. Lahore, Pakistan: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf. Iqbal, Afzal. (1979) Life and Times of Mohamed Ali: An Analysis of the Hopes, Fears, and Aspirations of Muslim India from 1878–1931. Lahore, Pakistan: Institute of Islamic Culture.

ALI KHAN, BADE GHULAM (1902–1968), Hindustani vocalist. Bade (“The Great”) Ghulam Ali Khan was one of the finest Hindustani vocalists of the twentieth century, one whose style and standing reflect a unique historical setting. Bridging the gap between royal cultivation and public appreciation, his was a generation of musicians whose artistry linked nineteenth century restraint to twentieth century romanticism. Ghulam Ali was trained by his uncle, Kale Khan, and his father, Ali Baksh Khan, the latter a court musician to the Maharaja of Kashmir. As royal patrons were often musically erudite, Ghulam Ali’s years of discipleship were spent in a musical ethos that was unhurried, rigorous, and majestic. Yet, his own career grew in an age of radical social transformation—bringing new patronage (the state), a changed economy (capitalism) and a new sovereign (independent India). Ghulam Ali consequently became the first of a new generation of musicians who was sensitive to a new “public” audience: one that was increasingly large, varied, and anonymous. Ghulam Ali was born and musically groomed in Kasur, just outside of Lahore, Pakistan. From his debut in Calcutta in 1939, he toured throughout India, becoming widely known. After Partition, he made Pak-

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Ghulam Ali’s khayal style of singing was so dominant that two generations of musicians continue to emulate it. What endeared him to the masses, however, were his renditions of bhajan-s (devotional songs) and his incorporation of folk tunes. He became, as such, India’s first classical celebrity, a musician whose reputation lay in its circulation between the radio broadcast, the commercial recording, and the public concert. Dard Neuman

State University is one of the oldest institutions of modern higher education in Central Asia. It was established in 1927 as the Uzbek Higher Pedagogical Institute, with sixty-five students and ten faculty members. Samarqand was then the capital of Uzbekistan and the Higher Pedagogical Institute was part of the Soviet regime’s efforts to train teachers as part of its program of eliminating illiteracy and establishing a system of universal education. Postgraduate classes began in 1931, and in 1933, the pedagogical institute was turned into the Uzbek State University. During World War II, the university briefly became a satellite campus of the Central Asian State University in Tashkent. In 1960, it acquired its present name. The Soviet regime’s efforts to fight illiteracy and establish universal education have succeeded, and the university has grown over the decades. In the early 2000s, its has an enrolment of nearly ten thousand students who attend classes in a modern skyscraper not far from the city’s historic center. Adeeb Khalid

ALL BURMA STUDENTS DEMOCRATIC The All Burma Students Democratic FRONT Front (ABSDF) is an armed student group that became prominent in the decade following the assumption of power by the military State Law and Order Restoration Council in 1988. Students have stood in the forefront of political protest in Burma (now Myanmar) since the 1930s, when student leaders such as Aung San (1915–1947) and U Nu (1907–1995) led the opposition to British colonial rule.

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The decision to take up arms was made by student leaders after the Burmese army’s suppression of prodemocracy demonstrations in 1988. A three-prong strategy was implemented: the mainstream All Burma Federation of Students Unions remained the aboveground face of student politics; a new organization, the Democratic Party for New Society, was established to pursue legal party politics; and the ABSDF was formed in October that year among the thousands of students who had fled into territory controlled by armed ethnic opposition forces. At one stage, eighteen student battalions were organized in Myanmar’s borderlands. The ABSDF, however, was badly weakened during the 1990s by a factional split into two wings, headed by Dr. Naing Aung and Moe Thee Zun, respectively. The ABSDF was also hampered by logistical difficulties and strained relations with several of its ethnic minority hosts. As a result, the number of armed ABSDF members dwindled steadily. Instead, many students took political asylum abroad, where ABSDF exiles became active voices in the international campaign for democratic transition in Myanmar. Martin Smith Further Reading Smith, Martin. (1999) Burma: Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. 2d ed. London: Zed Books. Thaung Htun. (1995) “Student Activism in Burma: A Historical Perspective.” Burma Debate 2, 2 (April): 4–10.

9 NIGHT LIFE IN COLONIAL ALLAHABAD “Allahabad is now one of the gayest, and is, as it always has been, one of the prettiest stations in India. We have dinner-parties more than enough, balls occasionally; a book society; some five or six billiard-tables; a pack of dogs; some amongst them hounds, and (how could I have forgotten!) fourteen spinsters!” Source: Fanny Parks (1832) Wanderings of a Pilgrim in Search of the Picturesque During Four and Twenty Years in the East with Revelations of Life in the Zenana/Fanny Parks. London: Pelham Richardson.

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Hindus taking a ritual cleansing bath in the Ganges River in Allahabad during the Khumb Mela festival in 1988. (JANEZ SKOK/CORBIS)

ALLAHABAD (2001 pop. 990,000). Allahabad is a holy city in India, whose name means “City of God.” Located in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh, it is at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna Rivers, which Hindus consider sacred places of spiritual cleansing. In addition to attracting many religious pilgrims, Allahabad is an important historic and cultural site. In 2001 it was the location of the world’s largest religious gathering, when perhaps 70 million devotees coming to participate in the Maha Kumbh Mela, or Grand Pitcher Festival, a Hindu festival which is held about once every 12 years. Founded in about 200 CE, ancient Allahabad’s structures remain partly intact today. Major architectural sites include a monument from the reign of Ashoka, a third-century-BCE king famed for his benevolence; the Jama Musjid or Great Mosque; and the palace and fort constructed in 1583 by Akbar, the Mughul emperor who gave the city its present name. Allahabad was ruled by the Marathas, an ethnic group in India, the Pashtuns, an ethnic group in modern Pakistan and Afghanistan, and the British. The city was the capital of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, now Uttar Pradesh state, between 1901 and 1949.

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Two of India’s most famous modern politicians were born in Allahabad: Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Indian prime minister, in 1889, and Indira Gandhi, his daughter and also a prime minister, in 1917. The Nehru family estate now houses a museum. The ashes of Mohandas K. Gandhi, assassinated in 1948, were consigned to the Ganges at Allahabad. Today Allahabad is an important commercial center with exchanges for cotton, sugar, and other agricultural products. Linda Dailey Paulson Further Reading Michell, George, and Philip Davies, eds. (1989) “Allahabad.” In The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India, 1 and 2. London: Viking, 1:152–153; 2:200–203.

ALMATY (1999 est. pop. 1,129,400). Almaty is a former capital and the largest city in the Republic of Kazakhstan, a Central Asian state. Situated in the southeastern part of the country, Almaty sits on the banks of the Bolshaia (Greater) Almatinka and Malaia (Lesser) Almatinka Rivers, at the foot of the Zailiysky Alatau mountains, and in a seven-river valley known as Jetysu in Kazak, or Semirechie in Russian. The city was founded as a Russian fortress named Vernoe (Loyal) at the ancient site of Almatu in 1854. In 1867, Vernoe was recognized as a town and received the slightly different name of Verniy. It was the main stronghold during Russia’s further invasions in Central Asia. In the late nineteenth through the twentieth centuries, Verniy was a place of exile for Russian revolutionaries. In 1916, it was the center of the major anti-Russian Jetysu Rebellion, which was crudely suppressed. After the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia (1917), Verniy became the headquarters of the anti-Bolshevik Beloe Dvizhenie (White Movement) in Semirechie (1918–1920), which eventually was defeated by the Red Army. In 1921, the city was renamed Alma-Ata (Father of Apples) after its remarkable apple orchards. From 1929 to 1991, Alma-Ata was the capital of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic, a constituent part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). In December 1986, the city was the site of a massive student uprising to protest against Moscow’s decision to replace Dinmukhamed Kunaev (1912–1993), the first secretary of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan, with Gennady Kolbin (b. 1927), a native Russian. After the dissolution of the USSR in 1991, the city received its original name of Almaty in 1994 and remained the capital of the Republic of Kazakhstan until 1997. In

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January 1998, the capital of Kazakhstan was transferred to Aqmola, subsequently renamed Astana, in northern Kazakhstan. Present-day Almaty remains the country’s most important business and cultural center, with 7.5 percent of the entire population of Kazakhstan. Almaty survived two major earthquakes, in 1887 and 1911, and a massive mud slide in 1921. The famous highland ice rink Medeu (inaugurated in 1951), with an area of 10,500 square meters, is situated 15 kilometers southeast of Almaty, at an attitude of 1,700 meters above sea level. The historical declaration on the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Alma-Ata Declaration, was signed by the leaders of twelve Soviet republics in Almaty on 21 December 1991. Natalya Yu. Khan Further Reading Maliar, Iosif Iserovich. (1983) Alma-Ata: A Guide. Moscow: Raduga. Soucek, Svat. (2000) A History of Inner Asia. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

AL-NAJAF (2002 est. pop. 563,000). Also known

as Mashhad Ali, al-Najaf is one of the holiest cities of Shia Islam. It is located in Central Iraq, a few kilometers west of the Euphrates River near Kufa. Prior to their expulsion during the Iran-Iraq War, nearly one-quarter of the city’s population was of Iranian descent. According to tradition, the city contains the burial site of Ali ibn Abi Talib (c. 600–661 CE), cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, fourth caliph, and the spiritual founder of Shia Islam. A shrine was built over Ali’s presumed tomb in the early tenth century after it had already become a center of pilgrimage. The shrine was destroyed and rebuilt several times, and today it constitutes a sanctuary with a large mosque and an adjoining Shia college. The old city is still encircled by a wall that dates back to Ottoman times, and the outskirts contain a number of Shia cemeteries. Also nearby are the remains of several early Christian monasteries. The city contains a series of mazelike cellars that was constructed to provide shelter from the desert heat and has been used as a hiding place for political opposition groups. Due to its religious status al-Najaf developed a strong tradition of political autonomy, which often led to resistance and rebellion against the central authorities in Baghdad. Thabit Abdullah

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ALPAMISH Alpamish is an oral epic found among the Turkic peoples of Central Asia, in particular the Uzbeks, Kazakhs, and Karakalpaks. Versions of the epic are also found among the Tatars, Bashkirs, and Altaians. The best-known version of Alpamish is the epic written down from the Uzbek singer Fazil Yoldash-oghli in 1928. The earliest version of the Alpamish story is found in the tale of Bamsi Beyrek in the Oghuz epic of Gorkut Ata (Grandfather Korkut). The story is in two parts: the winning of the bride and the return of the hero. In the first part, Alpamish wins the hand of the beautiful Barchin in a suitor contest involving a horse race, bow shooting, and a wrestling match. In the second part, Alpamish becomes a captive in the land of the Kalmucks, but is finally rescued from the dungeon with the help of his horse. On his return home, his wife is about to be remarried to the usurper of his realm. Alpamish tests his wife’s fidelity in a song contest and overcomes his rival in a bowshooting contest. The epic is also important in offering a close parallel to the return of Odysseus. Karl Reichl Further Reading Abdurakhimov, M., and Tora Mirzaev. (1999) Alpamysh: Uzbekskijiy narodny geroicheskiy epos (Alpamysh: An Uzbek Heroic Folk Epic). Tashkent, Uzbekistan: Fan. Chadwick, Nora K., and Viktor Zhirmunsky. (1969) Oral Epics of Central Asia. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Reichl, Karl. (1992) Turkic Oral Epic Poetry: Traditions, Forms, Poetic Structure. Albert Bates Lord Studies in Oral Tradition 7. New York: Garland. Zhirmunsky, Viktor M. (1960) Skazanie ob Alpamyshe i bogatyrskaya skazka (The Tale of Alpamysh and the Heroic Tale). Moscow: Izd. Vostochnoy Literatury.

ALTAIC LANGUAGES

The Altaic languages are a group of languages and language families, widespread in and dominating parts of Central and Northern Asia. The name Altaic alludes to the Altai mountain range in southern Siberia, where nineteenth-century scholars located the original habitat of the speakers of these languages. Linguists usually consider the Turkic, Mongolian, and Tungusic languages, often referred to as micro-Altaic, as the principal members of this group; some scholars also include Korean and Japanese, referred to as macro-Altaic. While linguists agree that all these languages show a high degree of structural uniformity and many shared lexical (word-related) and, to a lesser degree, morphological (form-related) materials, the “Al-

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taic theory” continues to be one of the most controversial issues in contemporary comparative linguistics. The gist of this debate is the question of whether these language families—or a subset of them—are to be viewed as members of a higher-level family of languages (often called a macrofamily), for which a common linguistic ancestor (a protolanguage) can be reconstructed and from which the languages diverged, or whether the common traits and elements found in these languages arose during millennia-long processes of “areal convergence,” or large-scale language contact, of originally unrelated languages. The Altaic Debate Scholars noticed the high degree of structural similarity shared by the Altaic languages as early as the late eighteenth century and thus assumed that the languages were genetically related. One salient typological feature is vowel harmony: words may contain only vowels belonging to one of two or more mutually exclusive classes, such as front versus back or rounded versus unrounded vowels. The principal morphological technique in Altaic languages is that of agglutination: largely monofunctional affixes (almost exclusively suffixes) added to the roots they modify, in a fixed order, and without the high degree of fusion common, for instance, in Indo-European languages (as in the Latin word librorum [“of the books”], where the ending -rum simultaneously carries the functions of plural and genitive). The basic word order in ordinary sentences in Altaic languages is generally subject—object—verb; modifying constituents, like adjectives, always precede the constituent they modify; postpositions rather than prepositions are found. Modern linguists, however, no longer view such typological similarities as indicative of genetic relations, mostly because the similarities can change (especially in situations of intensive language contact), and because these and other phenomena once viewed as “typically Altaic” traits occur on a global scale unknown when the Altaic theory was first developed. Furthermore, critics of the Altaic hypothesis often point to the fact that some typological hallmarks of Altaic languages are historical innovations. For instance, the earliest Mongolian texts (thirteenth century CE) have elements atypical for Altaic (when compared with Old Turkic, for instance), including grammatical gender, no rigid verb–final word order, and adjectives following rather than preceding nouns. Mongolian later developed into a “typical” Altaic language. Somewhat similarly, in Tungusic, the Evenki and Even languages, spoken on the northern and west-

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ern fringes of the language family’s territory in central Siberia and Mongolia, are typologically much more divergent from the Altaic archetype than those spoken in the center, where they have been in contact with Mongolian for centuries. Proponents of the genetic relations theory usually maintain that the Altaic languages share many lexical items from all semantic spheres, including basic vocabulary. These lexical commonalities are characterized by highly regular phonological correspondences, the most important criterion for genetic relationship. A considerable number of shared morphological elements (affixes) have been identified, and all these observations imply that these languages share a common origin. Critics of the genetic approach to Altaic linguistics often argue that while the great number of lexical commonalities cannot be denied, most if not all can be explained as early borrowings. In micro-Altaic, the most readily identifiable layers of borrowings are Turkic loans in proto-Mongolian and Mongolian loans in proto-Tungusic. From the time of Ghengis Khan (c. 1162–1227) on, Mongolian elements begin to abound in Turkic languages, and a thin layer of Tungusic loans in early Mongolian is sometimes acknowledged. In particular, the fact that many words common to Turkic and Mongolian show, in Mongolian, traits of one of the subgroups of Turkic, namely the Bolgharic branch (of which modern Chuvash is the sole survivor), leads to the hypothesis that a strong proto-Bolgharic influence on proto-Mongolian is responsible for most commonalities in the two language families. The borrowing hypothesis is further strengthened by the fact that the Altaic languages share few lexical items that belong to those semantic areas that are generally thought to be stable over time and least amenable to linguistic borrowing. Altaicists claim that phonological correspondences between the languages are highly regular, which presupposes the acceptance of many etymologies; these are problematical for numerous reasons, including philological problems of determining the earliest Turkic, Mongolian, and other forms that alone should enter any external comparison; problems of inexact or vague semantic mapping in forms and words compared; and so on. The systems of correspondences proposed by Altaicists contain gaps, as well. Morphological elements compared by Altaicists are mostly confined to derivational morphology and usually involve very short morphemes, often consisting of merely one phoneme, the functions of which may be vague. Some critics of the Altaic theory maintain that, once all comparisons for which these and similar objections

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9 ALTAIC LANGUAGES “The Altaic languages share almost no basic vocabulary, nor do they possess any uncontroversial material parallels in their morphological systems. The only logical conclusion is that the Altaic entities were both genetically and geographically clearly separate from each other, until . . . intensive contacts arose between Pre-Proto-Bulgharic and Pre-Proto-Mongolic.” Source: Juha Janhunen. (1996) Manchuria: An Ethnic History. Helsinki, Finland: Finno-Ugrian Society, 241–242.

may be brought forward are removed, the remaining potentially comparable items are so few that they could all be explained as chance similarities. Others do not completely reject the Altaic theory, believing that the evidence, when sifted through, will justify a leaner version of the theory. All these points have been and continue to be addressed by proponents of the theory; both the methodological principles (such as insisting on allowing internal reconstruction of proto-Mongolian, protoTurkic, and so on always to precede external Altaiclevel comparisons) and the factual claims (for example, the acceptability of individual etymologies and soundcorrespondences based on them) of their critics have been challenged. Thus, the Altaic debate still continues and has developed into an ideal testing ground for the methodology of assessing (or rejecting) the genetic relations of languages in general. Stefan Georg Further Reading Doerfer, Gerhard. (1963) Türkische und mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen, Band I: Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz, esp. 51–106. Georg, Stefan, Peter Michalove, Alexis Manaster Ramer, and Paul J. Sidwell. (1998) “Telling General Linguists about Altaic.” Journal of Linguistics 35: 65–98. Janhunen, Juha. (1996) Manchuria: An Ethnic History. Helsinki, Finland: Finno-Ugrian Society. Martin, Samuel Elmo. (1996) Consonant Lenition in Korean and the Macro-Altaic Question. Honolulu, HI: Center for Korean Studies. Miller, Roy Andrew. (1996) Languages and History: Japanese, Korean, and Altaic. Bangkok, Thailand: White Orchid Press. Poppe, Nicholas. (1965) Introduction to Altaic Linguistics. Wiesbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz.

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The Altay Mountains are a complex and multifrontier chain with three distinctive spurs: the Altay proper (Russia and Kazakhstan), Mongolian Altay (Mongolia and China), and Gobi Altay (China). The assemblage stretches 2,000 kilometers (1,250 miles) in a southeast to northwest direction from the Gobi Desert to the West Siberian Plain and reaches an elevation of 4,506 meters (14,783 feet) on Belukha. In the Turkic-Mongolian language, altan means “golden,” reflecting the belief of early inhabitants that the mountains were rich in precious metals. Sediments dating from 500 to 300 million years ago were uplifted during the recent Quaternary period (1.6 million years ago) and have since been sculpted by glacial and river erosion into an alpine appearance. There are 1,500 active glaciers, 3,500 lakes, and 4 distinct mountain vegetation zones (subdesert, steppe, forest, and alpine). Animal life is of Mongolian (e.g., marmot, antelope) or Siberian (e.g., bears, lynx, musk deer) origin. The extreme continental climate results in long and very cold winters and short, warm summers. Average annual precipitation varies with elevation, from 500–1,000 millimeters (20–40 inches), and is highest on the windward western slopes. Altay ridgelines divide the Arctic-bound Ob/ Irtysh River from the interior and often saline basins of Central Asia. Indigenous Altaic peoples, Russians, and Kazakhs share the Altay proper. Khalkha Mongols and Kazakhs predominate in the Mongolian and Gobi Altay. Livestock (cattle, sheep, and horses), agriculture, mining, forest products, and food processing are the most

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ALTAY MOUNTAINS— WORLD HERITAGE SITE The Altay Mountains in western Siberia are a wonder of ecological abundance. The more than 1.6 million hectares of mountain, lake and alpine plain are home to snow leopards and two major rivers. The mountains were designated as a World Heritage Site in 1998.

important economic pursuits. Since the 1940s, Soviet and Chinese government policies have opened this once remote region to logging, mining, and hydroelectric development. Stephen F. Cunha Further Reading Campbell, Matthew. (1994) “Ice Maiden of the Steppes.” World Press Review 41, 6: 40–41. Natural History Museum of Los Angeles County. (1989) Nomads of Eurasia. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Polosmak, Natalia. (1994) “A Mummy Unearthed from the Pastures of Heaven.” National Geographic 186, 4 (October): 80–103. Rerikh, Nikolai K. (1996) Altai-Himalaya: A Travel Diary. Delhi: Book Faith, India.

ALTYNSARIN, IBRAHIM (1841–1889), Kazakh educator, social activist, author. Altynsarin is considered by many scholars to be one of the first Kazakh intellectuals whose principal professional activity was to create greater educational opportunities for Kazakh children. In 1850 he entered the Orenburg School for Kazakhs, where he was educated in Russian classics, such as by Alexander Pushkin and Mikhail Lermontov. In addition, he was trained in mathematics and the natural sciences. In 1864 he opened a school for Kazakh children in Turgai. He was a supporter of the Nikolai Il’minskii’s educational system for Russia’s national minorities. The Russian government, concerned that Tatar religious views were having a potentially negative influence on young Kazakhs, supported steps to introduce lessons in the Kazakh vernacular. Altynsarin was assigned the task of compiling the lessons used in the textbook. In 1879 Altynsarin’s most significant work, Nachal’noe rukovodstvo k obucheniiu kirgiz russkomu iazyku (Beginning Handbook for Teaching a Kazakh

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the Russian Language), was published with the twin goals of educating Kazakh youth in the Russian language and eliminating illiteracy among the Kazakh population. He was also a leader in the effort to publish a newspaper in the Kazakh language; however, the authorities always denied his requests. In addition, Altynsarin worked tirelessly to educate Kazakh girls. In 1891, two years after his death, the first school for girls was opened in Turgai. Steven Sabol Further Reading Kreindler, Isabelle. (1983) “Ibrahim Altynsarin, Nikolai Il’minskii, and the Kazakh National Awakening.” Central Asian Survey 2: 99–116.

AMAMI ISLANDS (2000 est. pop. 150,000). The Amami Islands, or Amami Gunto, form the northern half of the Nansei Island chain, south of Kyushu, Japan, and are located between 29° and 27° north latitude. The islands include Amami Oshima, Kikaishima, Tokunoshima, Okinoerabu, and Yoronjima, as well as several smaller islands, eight of which are populated. Amami Oshima is the largest of the Amami Islands, with an area of 720 square kilometers and a population of about 74,000; it ranks third in size among Japan’s offshore islands (after Okinawa and Sado). The main city is Naze, located in Amami Oshima, and serves as the business, political, and administrative center of the islands. The semitropical islands, while hilly, are chiefly agricultural, with sugarcane, sweet potatoes, and fruits being the main products. The Amami Islands are administered as part of Kagoshima Prefecture. Prior to becoming an administrative part of Kagoshima in 1871, they were controlled by the Satsuma domain in Kyushu, which took over the islands in 1609. Before that, the islands had belonged to the Ryukyu Kingdom (1429–1879) in Okinawa. After World War II, the United States occupied the islands from 1946 to 1953, when they were returned to Japanese control, following a reversion movement led by local education and political leaders and those from Amami living in Tokyo and other parts of mainland Japan. Robert D. Eldridge Further Reading Eldridge, Robert D. (forthcoming) The Political and Diplomatic History of the Return of the Amami Islands. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books.

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AMANGKURAT Amangkurat (to have the world on one’s lap) is a Javanese royal title. The rule of the four Amangkurats in Javanese history was dominated by bloody crises and repeated interventions of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). Sultan Agung (reigned 1613–1646) had established the greatest Javanese realm since the time of Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit. With the rule of his son and successor Amangkurat I (reigned 1646–1677), however, the hegemony of the Mataram dynasty in central and east Java came to an end. Amangkurat I’s tyrannical rule, alienating him from powerful court allies and regional vassals, isolated the monarchy and weakened its military might. The empire disintegrated, and in 1677 the court of Mataram fell to rebel armies. Only with the help of the VOC was his son and successor Amangkurat II (reigned 1677–1703) restored to the throne, founding the new court of Kartasura. During the First Javanese War of Succession (1704–1708), the VOC supported Amangkurat II’s brother, the future Pakubuwana I (reigned 1704–1719), against Amangkurat III (reigned 1703–1708). Pakubuwana I’s death in 1719 initiated the Second Javanese War of Succession (1719–1723). Amangkurat IV (reigned 1719– 1726) succeeded him upon the throne but also needed the VOC to fight for him. Edwin Wieringa Further Reading Ricklefs, M. C. (1993) War, Culture, and Economy in Java, 1677–1726: Asian and European Imperialism in the Early Kartasura Period. Sydney: Asian Studies Association of Australia; Allen & Unwin.

AMANOLLAH (1892–1960), King of Afghanistan. Amanollah Khan, also known as Amanullah Barakzai, was the king of Afghanistan from 1919 to 1929. He was responsible for leading Afghanistan to independence from Britain in 1919 as well as instituting major economic, political, and social reforms to modernize Afghanistan. Born the third son of Habibollah Khan, who ruled in Afghanistan from 1901 to 1919, Amanollah served as the governor of Kabul. When his father was assassinated, Amanollah used his political shrewdness to gain the throne over the claims of his brothers and uncle. He soon initiated war against the British rule in his country and, within one month, had secured independence for his people. The Soviet Union quickly embraced the newly independent administration, and Amanollah went on to establish relations with France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the Ottoman empire.

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During his reign, Amanollah instituted some farreaching changes, some of which have prevailed to the present. He reorganized the administrative divisions within the country, declared a constitution, instituted a new tax system, and allowed a free press to operate. However, he also instituted some cultural changes toward a more secular way of life, such as removing the requirement for women to wear veils, which created a backlash of opposition. In addition, he alienated his army through changes in compensation, which left him without military support when several revolts took place in 1928. These pressures ultimately led Amanollah to relinquish his throne in May of 1929. He tried to regain his throne through a military campaign toward Kabul, but it failed. He ultimately left the country to live in Italy in exile. Houman A. Sadri Further Reading Adamec, Ludwig W. (1996) Dictionary of Afghan Wars, Revolution, and Insurgencies. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. ———. (1997) Historical Dictionary of Afghanistan. 2d ed. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press. Nyrop, Richard F., and Donald M. Seekins. (1986) Afghanistan: A Country Study. Foreign Area Studies. Washington, DC: The American University.

AMASYA (2002 est. pop. 78,000). Amasya, known historically as Amaseia, is the capital city of the province of Amasya (population 346,191) in Turkey. The city straddles the Yesilirmak River in central Anatolia. The city was under the rule of nine different civilizations, beginning with the Hittites (second millennium BCE) and ending with the Ottomans (1453–1922), before it became part of the Turkish Republic. The town most likely began as a Hittite settlement, falling to Alexander of Macedon in the fourth century BCE. Under King Mithridates II (123–88 BCE; ruler of the Pontic kingdom that flourished from the fourth century to 66 BCE), Amasya flourished as the Roman royal capital of the kingdom of Pontus. Much of its wealth and power derived from its strategic location on the Roman road system. In about 47 BCE, as Roman influence in Anatolia declined, the city fell under Byzantine (330 CE) and then Seljuk (1075) rule. The Mongols under Genghis Khan routed the city in the thirteenth century. The town was finally lost to the Ottoman army, led by the sultan Bayezid I (c. 1360–1403). Under Ottoman rule, Amasya flourished as one of the training and education centers for crown princes who often served as governors. During the fif-

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teenth century, it was a center for calligraphic monograms (tuora), and during the nineteenth century it became a major center of Islamic education. The city also played a major role in Turkish independence when, on 12 June 1919, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938), the founder of the Turkish Republic, came to Amasya. There he met secretly with associates to plan the war of independence to drive out the victorious Allies and Greeks and make Turkey an independent nation. The city suffered a devastating fire in 1915, which destroyed many of its buildings and monuments, as well as earthquakes in 1734, 1825, and 1939. Amasya is known for its orchards of apples, cherries, and peaches; as well as the rock tombs of the rulers of Pontus, Ottoman buildings, and nineteenth-century wooden homes. Economic activity centers on agriculture, textiles, and mining. It is also known as the birthplace of the Greek geographer and historian Strabo (64 or 63 BCE–after 23 CE). T. Isikozlu-E.F. Isikozlu Further Reading Statistical Yearbook of Turkey, 1998. (1998) Ankara, Turkey: Devlet Ystatistik Enstitusu.

AMBEDKAR, B. R. (1891–1956), Indian reformer and statesman. Dr. Bhimrao Ramji (Babasaheb) Ambedkar has two claims to fame. He was India’s undisputed untouchable leader of the untouchables, creating a movement that has brought much progress to that religiously, socially, and economically oppressed group. He was also a statesman who often testified to government commissions and served as labor minister in the preindependence cabinet of India and as law minister in the first cabinet after 1947. His work as chair of the drafting committee for India’s new constitution is honored today. His statue or portrait is visible in untouchabale homes and neighbors and in city centers all over India. Born to an army schoolteacher, Ambedkar was one of the first untouchables to graduate from college. Aided by non-Brahman reformist princes, he then secured an M.A. and Ph.D. in economics from Columbia University in New York and a D.Sc. from the London School of Economics. He became a barrister from Grey’s Inn. Returning to India, he immediately began newspapers, organized conferences for “The Depressed Classes,” began work in education, pressed for the political rights of untouchables, taught at Government Law College, began a political party and a

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to cooperate with its British counterpart, the East India Company. Although there was little or no commercial cooperation, the VOC was forced to permit British traders to work from Ambon and other centers. Relations between the two nationalities were difficult, and in 1623 the Dutch governor of Ambon arrested eight British traders and some Japanese mercenaries on charges of plotting to seize the island’s fortress. After they were tortured, the accused were summarily tried, found guilty, and executed. The executions became a cause célèbre in Britain and contributed to mounting hostility between Britain and the Netherlands. The main effect, however, was to convince the British to withdraw from the Indies and to concentrate their commercial and imperial efforts in India. Robert Cribb See also: Dutch East India Company; Dutch in Southeast Asia

Further Reading B. R. Ambedkar in 1950. (BETTMANN/CORBIS)

labor union, and, at first, conducted temple entry campaigns. By the time of his death, he had established his third political party; converted to Buddhism along with millions of his followers; and created a network of educational institutions run by his People’s Education Society, which in turn produced more innovations, including a new literary movement called Dalit (oppressed) sahitya. Eleanor Zelliot Further Reading Moon, Vasant, ed. (1979) Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches. Bombay, India: Education Department, Government of Maharashtra. Zelliot, Eleanor. (1996) From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on the Ambedkar Movement. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors.

AMBOINA MASSACRE In 1605 the Dutch East India Company (Verenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VOC) seized the island of Ambon (Amboina) in the Moluccas or Spice Islands as a military base and center for clove production. An important element in VOC policy was to exclude Western trading rivals from the Indies (today’s Indonesia), but in 1619 a treaty between Britain and the new Dutch Republic required the VOC

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Milton, Giles. (1999) Nathaniel’s Nutmeg: How One Man’s Courage Changed the Course of History. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. (1943) Nusantara: A History of the East Indian Archipelago. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

AMNOK RIVER The Amnok River (in Korean, Amnokkgang), known in Chinese as the Yalu River, is the longest river in Korea and is one of two rivers that form the border between North Korea and China. (The name Yalu is supposedly derived from the green color of the ducks’ heads, which match the green colored river waters.) It begins on the slopes of Mount Paektu and flows southwest in a deeply entrenched course for 790 kilometers until it passes through an industrial area to its mouth at two cities on the East China Sea (Yellow Sea)—Sinuiju, North Korea, and Dandong, China. In its middle reaches it is up to 160 meters wide, although the flow varies from season to season. It has a drainage basin of 38,700 square kilometers, half of which is in the Chinese provinces of Jilin (Kirin) and Liaoning. In the early1900s, the Amnok was navigable for 672 kilometers by 1,000-ton ships, but due to sedimentation, only 500-ton ships can navigate the river at present. The Amnok River has been the tentative northwest border of Korea since the end of the fourteenth century. Under King Sejong of Korea (reigned 1419–1450) four outposts were created along the upper Amnok River, making the river the de facto northern border.

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In 1875 it became the legal international border. During the Korean War (1950–1953), the Chinese army crossed the Yalu River to fight the United Nations forces. The Japanese colonial rule (1910–1945) built a series of dams along the Yalu River in order to harvest hydroelectric power for Korea and Manchukuo. The Yalu River remains an important source of hydroelectric power for both North Korea and China. Brandon Palmer Further Reading Korean Overseas Information Service. (1993) A Handbook of Korea. Seoul: Korean Overseas Information Service.

Ranjit Singh, the maharaja of Punjab and ruler of the sovereign Sikh commonwealth until 1849 when Amritsar was annexed by the British. Amritsar was the site of two violent political clashes. During the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, 13 April 1919, British troops fired on a crowd of Indian protesters, killing at least 400 to 2,000 by some accounts and wounding hundreds more. On 6 June 1984, Indian Army troops killed hundreds of Sikh separatists— again causalities numbering 2,000 in some reports— at the Golden Temple where arms were being stored for attacks on the government of Indira Gandhi. In an act of retaliation Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984. C. Roger Davis

AMRITSAR (1991 est. pop. 709,500). Well situated on a southern extension of the Silk Route, Amritsar (“a pool of nectar”) is a vibrant commercial, cultural, and transportation center in India’s Punjab state. An important center of the Sikh faith, Amritsar was founded around a sacred pool in 1577 by Ram Das, the fourth guru of the Sikhs. The city’s the Golden Temple or Hari Mandir houses the Granth Sahib, a sacred scripture compiled by the fifth Sikh guru, Arjun in 1604. Amitsar is also believed to be where the sage Valmiki wrote the Hindu epic Ramayana. Sacked by Afghans in 1761, the temple was rebuilt in 1803 and its dome covered in gold foil, by

Further Reading Alter, Stephen. (2001) Amritstar to Lahore: A Journey Across the India-Pakistan Border. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Dhanjal, Beryl. (1994) Amristar. New York: Dillon Press.

AMU DAR’YA The longest river in Central Asia (length measurements vary between 2,200 and 2,500 kilometers), the Amu Dar’ya (Oxus) has two annual floods: in the spring, from precipitation, and in the summer, from the Pamir Mountains’ melting glaciers and snows. On contemporary political maps, the Amu

Sikh pilgrims at the Golden Temple in Amritsar in July 1996. (STEPHEN G. DONALDSON PHOTOGRAPHY)

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Beyond the origins of societies and urbanization, the Amu Dar’ya was also a symbolic frontier in Central Asian history. For the Achaemenid rulers of Persia (c. 553–331 BCE) the river bounded the region they controlled or sought to advance beyond; cities were founded along its course in Alexander of Macedon’s pacification campaign of the fourth century BCE; it marked a limit to the subsequent Chinese advance into Central Asia (second century BCE); and since medieval times it constituted a powerful psychological (and often geopolitical) boundary separating Turkic and Iranic peoples and states. Its seventh-century crossing by Arab armies represented the advance of Islam. Over the following centuries, enabled by an increased construction of irrigation works known as qanats or kariz and by the investments of new regional leaders and states during and after Islamicization, urban centers grew both in terms of their populations and infrastructure. This was a period of cultural (e.g., architectural, literary, artistic, and so forth) florescence due to the patronage of local and regional elites.

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The river’s lower extent and associated oases divide the Kara-Kum and Kyzyl Kum Deserts and have been critical to the cultural ecologies of Central Asia throughout the history of human occupation. Beginning with early hunter-gatherers, societies arose in the river’s proximity and developed complex economies based on systems of agriculture, pastoralism, or both. Bronze Age irrigation projects allowed the region’s first urban civilizations to emerge; ancient qalas (fortified cities) became local political and commercial centers. Collectively these civilizations’ early citystates became the basis of wider regional and extraregional trade networks, such as those from as early as the third and second centuries BCE making up the Silk Road through Central Asia. While societies rose and declined along the Amu Dar’ya throughout the Bronze and Iron Ages and afterward, effective irrigation was a constant concern for the region’s aristocratic and commercial elite; some speculate, for instance, that Khworezm’s shift of capitals to Khiva was due largely to natural alterations of the Amu Dar’ya.

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Dar’ya begins with two streams rising in the Pamirs plateau in northwestern Afghanistan, continues northwest through the Hindu Kush, forming the boundary between Tajikistan and northeastern Afghanistan, then flows west and northwest through Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, into the marshes on the south shore of the Aral Sea in the Karakalpak Autonomous Republic. Its delta at the mouth is about 161 kilometers long, and the river basin is some 466,000 square kilometers.

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hope of securing a route to India, though the region was not fully under Russian control until the twentieth century. Associated with cotton production for centuries, this part of Central Asia was the core region in Leninist plans for the Soviets to attain selfsufficiency in this commodity. A water-intensive crop, cotton cultivated at this scale in this environment required massive irrigation projects (e.g., Turkmenistan’s Kara-Kum Canal, the largest in Central Asia). The consequence of these projects was environmental degradation of catastrophic proportions, with destruction of the river’s deltas, desiccation of the Aral Sea, associated climatic changes, exhaustion and salinization of once productive lands, and declines in local food production. Though cotton production peaked in 1977 at more than 5.5 million metric tons, construction of manmade diversions continued into the post-Soviet era. By the mid-1990s more than seventy thousand irrigation canals were in operation, and their collective inefficiency is considerable; most waters diverted are actually lost to seepage and evaporation. Alleviation of this worsening crisis is not likely, due to the increasing development demands of the states and societies in question (primarily Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan), their perceived lack of alternatives, barriers to the scale of multinational cooperation critical to its resolution, and the ongoing and cumulative degradation of local and regional ecosystems. Kyle T. Evered Further Reading Bernard, Paul. (1994) “An Ancient Greek City in Central Asia.” Scientific American 5, 1: 66–75.

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Glantz, Michael H., ed. (1999) Creeping Environmental Problems and Sustainable Development in the Aral Sea Basin. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Le Strange, Guy. ([1905] 1966) The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate: Mesopotamia, Persia, and Central Asia from the Moslem Conquest to the Time of Timur. Reprint. London: Frank Cass.

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(reigned c. 257–c. 208 Legendary founder of Vietnam. An Duong Vuong, whose given name was Thuc Phan, is traditionally considered the founder of the nation of Vietnam. In 258 BCE, according to legend, Thuc Phan, a warlord and ruler of neighboring lands, conquered the Van Lang, the territory of modern-day Vietnam. He renamed it Au Lac and gave himself the name An Duong Vuong (King An Duong). BCE),

Related legends hold that while building his capital city, Co Loa, An Duong Vuong saw all the work accomplished during the daytime crumble each night. After a couple of weeks, he learned in a dream that the site of his city was located on the back of a turtle god. The king changed the location of his capital, and a large city in the form of a conch shell was constructed in no time at all. As a token of thanks, the turtle deity offered the king one of its claws, which, when used as a trigger on a bow, multiplied its arrow by the thousands. As a result, Zhao To, a Chinese general, failed time and again in his attempts to subjugate Au Lac, until Zhao To married his son to An Duong Vuong’s daughter and the son stole the magic weapon. Zhao To finally succeeded in annexing Au Lac to his own Chinese territory and founded the kingdom of Nan Yueh (Nam Viet) in 207 BCE. Truong Buu Lam Further Reading Taylor, Keith W. (1983) The Birth of Vietnam. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

ANALECTS The Analects (Chinese Lunyu) is one of the most influential texts in Chinese philosophy. It was compiled by the disciples of Confucius (551–479 BCE) and their followers, though scholars argue over exactly when. D. C. Lau holds the traditional view that the first fifteen books were written shortly after Confucius’ death and the remaining five by the second generation of disciples. John Makeham argues that the changing textual material was not settled into its present form until 150 BCE. E. Bruce and Taeko Brooks propose that books four through eleven are the old-

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est, that nine through eleven were written by secondgeneration disciples, while what remains was written at different times. It is known that the Analects was basically in its present form by 55 BCE based on the fragments excavated at Dingzhou. The Analects is first among the so-called Four Books, the Confucian texts whose mastery was required for the imperial civil-service examination system up to 1905. The Analects is composed of brief statements mostly attributed to Confucius; some are ascribed to his disciples or rulers. The modern reader is generally struck by the brevity of the statements and the apparent lack of sustained prose or argument, which may very well have been Confucius’ method of pedagogy. He expected his students to be eager to learn: He only gave them one corner, and if they did not return with the other three, he would not review the lesson (Analects 7:8). The general thrust of the text is to assist the reader in self-cultivation so that the reader might become a moral example for others. One might find the proper way to live and behave by practicing various virtues (de), thereby becoming a humane person (ren zhe) or a prince of virtue (junzi, usually rendered “gentleman”). Humanity or benevolence (ren) is the most important virtue in the Analects; it is mentioned more than one hundred times. Ren is an achievement concept; one is not born humane, but one must learn to become so. Ren means to love others (Analects 12:22). The practice of ritual action (li) is the best way to express one’s human kindness. Ritual action is not limited to state and religious functions, but covers the spectrum of human behavior. Speaking pragmatically, first a child must learn filial piety (xiao) and brotherly love (di); then, as one grows one can extend one’s family love to others in the form of ren. Confucius emphasized literacy, study, and learning to develop the practice of moral wisdom. Rote memorization is not sufficient; one must be thoughtful. Confucius also expected his disciples to be loyal and to do what was proper, especially in government service. When Zigong asked if there was a single word that one could use as guidance, Confucius replied (Analects 15:24, 12:2) that perhaps it would be empathy (shu): to “never do to another what you do not desire.” James D. Sellmann Further Reading Ames, Roger T., and Henry Rosemont, Jr., trans. (1998) The Analects of Confucius: A Philosophical Translation. New York: Ballantine Books.

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Brooke, E. Bruce, and Taeko Brooks. (1998) The Original Analects. New York: Columbia University Press. Chan, Wing-tsit. (1963) A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Dawson, Raymond, trans. (1993) Confucius: The Analects. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Graham, Angus C. (1989) Disputers of the Tao. La Salle, IL: Open Court. Hsiao, Kung-chuan. (1979) A History of Chinese Political Thought. Trans. By F. Mote. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Jensen, Lionel M. (1997) Manufacturing Confucianism: Chinese Traditions and Universal Civilization. Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press. Lau, D. C., trans. (1979). The Analects (Lun Yü). London.: Penguin Books. Leys, Simon, trans. (1997) The Analects of Confucius. New York: Norton. Makeham, John. (1996) “The Formation of Lunyu as a Book,” Monumenta Serica, 44: 1–24. Munro, Donald J. (1969) Concept of Man in Early China. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

ANAND, MULK RAJ (b. 1905), Indian writer. An influential Indian novelist and short story writer in the mid-twentieth century, Mulk Raj Anand was born in 1905 in Peshawar, now in western Pakistan, and as a young man was active in literary circles in England until 1939. His first novels formed a trio: Untouchable (1935), Coolie (1936), and Two Leaves and a Bud (1937). Written in English, such books struck a chord with a somewhat leftist readership both in Britain and in India. They offered a rather superficial political and psychological analysis of India’s “downtrodden masses” that drew its inspiration from D. H. Lawrence, E. M. Forster, Emile Zola, Charles Dickens, various Russian novelists, Marxism, and Gandhian nationalism. But Anand was able to contribute something new to Indian writing by showing how a novelist can make use of the drama of revolutionary nationalism. Tellingly, he wrote little of any note after India gained independence in 1947. Like his contemporaries Raja Rao and R. K. Narayan, Anand was concerned with exploring the importance of Indian society for humanity at large. Paul Hockings Further Reading Verma, K. D. (2000) The Indian Imagination: Critical Essays on Indian Writing in English. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Williams, H. M. (1977) Indo-Anglian Literature 1800–1970: A Survey. Columbia, MO: South Asia Books.

ANAND PANYARACHUN (b. 1932), Thai political leader. Anand Panyarachun is one of Thailand’s

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Former Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun (L) in November 2000 at a meeting of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. (AFP/CORBIS)

most prominent political figures. In 1952, Anand graduated from Cambridge University in law. He joined the Thai Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1955, eventually becoming a top diplomat. In the 1960s, Anand served as Thailand’s representative to the United Nations before being named ambassador to Canada and, later, the United States. In 1976, he was appointed deputy foreign minister before serving as ambassador to West Germany in 1977. In 1979, Anand left public office for the business world, serving as president of Saha-Union and chairman of the Thai Industrial Federation. However, his renowned integrity and leadership drew Anand back to politics. Between 1980 and 1988, Thailand was led by Prem Tinsulanond, the former Thai army chief, who managed the nation with a series of coalition governments through a considerable economic boom, as well as two failed military coups. However, having never actually joined a political party, and never standing for an election as a member of Parliament, Prem was not seen as “democratic.” Amid pressure to push further economic and political reforms in Thailand, Prem was defeated in the 1988 election by another former general, Chatichai Choonhavan. Although Chatichai presided over continued economic prosperity, his coalition government was notoriously corrupt. Following a bloodless military coup in February 1991, Anand emerged as a reform-minded consensus leader. He reluctantly accepted an appointment as interim prime minister, widely seen as the only politician capable of steering Thailand toward democracy. After national elections in March 1992 produced a shaky five-party coalition, the military effectively seized power by positioning former strongman Suchinda Kraprayoon as prime minister. Opposition

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to the move mounted dramatically between March and May, when the military was called in to Bangkok to replace police dealing with protesters. Between 17 May and 20 May 1992, violence broke out between the army and thousands of protesters, leading to one of the darkest episodes in Thai political history. Although official statistics listed fifty-two killed, other reasonable estimates were over two hundred killed. Only the personal intervention of King Bhumipol Adulyadej prevented an even bloodier conflict. Still widely popular with the Thai people, on the king’s advice Anand was again chosen to lead the government. In his second term as prime minister (June– September 1992), Anand boldly tackled the military’s political power in hopes of distancing it from government. He also set in place numerous other political and economic reforms that helped stabilize the nation and stimulate its financial boom. In recognition of his distinguished career, in 1997, Anand won the highest award for government service. Although officially retired from politics, Anand remains one of the most important and respected public figures in Thailand.

(e.g., the Urdu drama Anarkali by Imtiyaz Ali Taj) and filmmakers. Archeological research showed that Anarkali’s tomb does contain human remains, though these may belong to a wife of Jahangir who died in Lahore around this time. The tomb was originally surrounded by extensive gardens. After the British annexation of Lahore in 1849, the tomb served as a Protestant church from 1851 to 1891 and then as a government records office. The present Anarkali bazaar, which evolved gradually over the past 150 years, is particularly well known for women’s apparel. Shahzad Bashir Further Reading Baqir, Muhammad. (1952) Lahore, Past and Present. Lahore, Pakistan: Panjab University Press. Foster, William, ed. (1921) Early Travels in India, 1583– 1619. London: Oxford University Press. Latif, Syad Muhammad. (1892) Lahore: Its History, Architectural Remains, and Antiquities. Lahore, India: New Imperial Press.

Arne Kislenko Further Reading Anand Panyarachun. (1992) Management, Reform, and Visions: A Selection of Speeches by Prime Minister Anand Panyarachun. Bangkok, Thailand: Secretariat of the Prime Minister, Government House. Murray, David. (1996) Angels and Devils: Thai Politics from February 1991 to September 1992—A Struggle for Democracy. Bangkok, Thailand: White Orchid Press. Prasan Marukkhaphitak. (1998) Anan Panyarachun, Chiwit, Khwamkit, lae Kanngan khong Adit Nayokratthamontri Song Samai (Anand Panyarachun, Life, Thoughts, and Work of the Former Two-Time Prime Minister). Bangkok, Thailand: Ammarin Publishing.

ANARKALI Anarkali is a commercial district in inner-city Lahore, Pakistan, famous for its retail shops and colorful atmosphere. The area derives its name from a mausoleum dated 1615, purportedly that of a slave girl named Anarkali (“pomegranate blossom”), buried alive in a wall by order of the Mughal emperor Akbar (d. 1605) in 1599. As William Finch, an Englishman visiting Lahore, first reported in 1611, Akbar allegedly suspected Anarkali of an illicit relationship with his son Prince Salim (later crowned emperor Jahangir, d. 1628). Because the legend is not mentioned in Indian sources until the nineteenth century, most commentators believe that the story is either false or heavily embellished. Nevertheless it inspired writers

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ANATOLIA (1997 est. pop. 54 million). Anatolia, also called Anadolu or Asia Minor, is Turkey’s Asiatic region, a mountainous peninsula surrounded by the Black Sea on the north and the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas on the south and west. To the northwest are the Bosporus Strait, Sea of Marmara, and Dardanelles. Anatolia encompasses 743, 634 square kilometers—about three-fifths of the area of Turkey. The Pontic and Taurus (Toros) Mountains border the flat, central Anatolian plateau on the north and south. Mount Ararat is Anatolia’s highest peak (5,172 meters). The region is prone to earthquakes. Major rivers are the Euphrates and Tigris. Of the three hundred lakes that enrich the land, Lake Van in the east is the largest. Anatolia’s climate ranges from cold winters in the central plateau to sweltering heat in the Mediterranean region. Its crops include grain, tobacco, olives, figs, and cotton; animal life includes the Angora goat. Anatolia, considered the cradle of many cultures and civilizations, was inhabited at least as early as the eighth millennium BCE and served as a bridge between Europe and Asia; it is rich in architectural and archaeological remains, rock reliefs, burials, pottery, and stone implements. Ancient inhabitants included the Hatti, Hittites, Trojans, Urartians (kingdom of Urartu, later, Armenia), Phrygians (led by King Midas), Lycians, and Lydians.

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The Persians invaded Anatolia in 546 BCE, Alexander of Macedon in 334 BCE. By the end of the second century BCE, Anatolia was under Roman rule. Following a civil war in the early fourth century, the victor, Constantine, established the capital at Byzantium and renamed it Constantinople. After his death, the new empire was divided. The eastern half, centered in Constantinople, came to be known as the Byzantine empire. By 711, all Anatolia was under Byzantine rule.

Anawratha is also credited with purging Pagan’s Buddhist monkhood of the “heretical” Ari sect. Today, Anawratha is considered one of Burma’s greatest kings. The achievements of his rule were carried by a later successor, Kyanzittha (reigned 1084–1112).

Early in the eleventh century, the Seljuk victory at the battle of Manzikert (1071; modern Malazgirt) opened Anatolia to further Turkish invasions. The territory gradually became Turkicized after the rise of the Ottoman Turks around the thirteenth century. Anatolia came under Muslim Ottoman rule when Mehmet II (reigned 1432–1481) captured Constantinople in 1453. In 1923, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938), a nationalist general, established the new Turkish Republic.

Harvey, G. E. ([1925] 1967) History of Burma: From the Earliest Times to 10 March 1824, the Beginning of the English Conquest. Reprint ed. London: Frank Cass. Taw Sein Ko, ed. and trans. (1892) The Kalyani Inscriptions: Erected by King Dhammaceti at Pegu in 1476 a.d. Rangoon, Myanmar: Supt. of Govt. Printing.

Anatolia has seventy-four provinces, grouped into seven regions: Black Sea coast; Marmara and Aegean coasts; Mediterranean coast; western Anatolia; central Anatolia; southeastern Anatolia; eastern Anatolia. Ninety percent of Anatolia’s population is Turkish, and 99 percent is Muslim. Non-Turkish elements are mostly Greeks, Jews, Armenians, Kurds, and Arabs. T. Isikozlu-E.F. Isikozlu Further Reading Izbrak, Resat. (1976) Geography of Turkey. Ankara, Turkey: Directorate of Press and Information.

ANAWRATHA (d. 1077), King of Burma. Anawratha (also Aniruddha, reigned 1044–1077) was the first great king of the classical Burmese kingdom of Pagan as well as an important figure in the early history of Theravada Buddhism in Burma. A number of significant historical developments are attributed to Anawratha, although the historicity of these attributions is open to question. Under Anawratha, Pagan’s rulers are believed to have undergone a transition from chieftains to kings. But he is chiefly remembered in Burmese history because of his perceived role in the early development of Theravada Buddhism in Burma. He himself is said to have been converted to orthodox Theravada Buddhism by the Mon monk Shin Arahan. In 1057, Anawratha captured Thaton, the Theravada center of southeastern Burma. According to the fifteenth-century Kalyani inscription, Anawratha brought Theravada Buddhist monks back to Pagan with thirty copies of the Tipitaka, the orthodox Theravada Buddhist scriptures.

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Michael Walter Charney Further Reading

ANAYASA. See Constitution—Turkey. ANCESTOR WORSHIP—EAST ASIA Asia’s widespread tradition of venerating ancestors has been shaped by indigenous folk beliefs and major religious traditions. Depending on the local culture, this worship or veneration may combine elements of filial piety, agricultural traditions and seasonal observances, lineage patterns, animistic concepts of the actions of spirits in the world of the living, an emphasis on obligations to superiors, and the idea that human beings become deities at death. Confucian ancestral rites and the fundamental concept of filial piety and the Buddhist tenet of transmigration of souls are common ancestral beliefs throughout Asia, but the relative importance of these two organized religions vis-à-vis local folk beliefs makes for diversity. Scholars debate, for example, whether ancestor worship in Japan primarily sprang from indigenous beliefs or was imported from China. Before the introduction of Buddhism, the Japanese had already incorporated Confucian ancestral rites and the concept of filial piety. Buddhism certainly made a major contribution to the development of the ancestral cult in Japan, but the Japanese practice that evolved is unlike that of other Buddhist cultures of Asia. Characteristics The basic premise of ancestor worship is that the world of the living and the spirit world of the dead are interdependent. What happens in this world is, to use Mark Mullins’s term, “causally influenced” by the world of the spirits. While all the spirits command a certain amount of respect, one should show particular devotion to one’s ancestors. Some scholars interpret this devotion not as worship, but as an expression of

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9 THE CHANGING SIGNIFICANCE OF ANCESTOR WORSHIP Ancestor worship is a key element of traditional religion in East Asia. It has survived and even influenced the spread of major religions in the region. However, in the last half of the twentieth century it did decline in importance, for some of the reasons mentioned in the discussion about rural China that follows. Today the ancestral cult is very largely in eclipse. The social changes sponsored by the government—especially the equality of status of males and females, the new marriage practices, and the greater emphasis on the importance of the younger generation— have undermined the cult. Directly, the validity of the old supernatural belief was contradicted by the orthodox Marxist doctrine of atheism which informs the whole school curriculum and is propagated in the speeches of government leaders and all lesser officials. The process is a cumulative one. The village has been going through a period of rising material welfare. Success, not failure, has followed the desertion of old practices and beliefs for new. The prestige of the new doctrine and of the teachers of it is therefore high amongst a people in whom part of the motive for cultivating their ancestors was the search for material benefits. Source: W. R. Geddes. (1963) Peasant Life in Communist China: Monograph #6. Ithaca, NY: Society for Applied Anthropology, 48.

gratitude and respect toward those to whom one is indebted. The ancestral cult is essentially a patrilineal phenomenon. As Janelli and Janelli noted about Korean practice, commemorating ancestors was the obligation of the oldest son, and women were normally excluded from officiating at veneration rites. These scholars saw a correspondence between property inheritance or household succession and the degree of obligation to carry out rituals: In China, where all sons normally inherit equal shares of property, and none succeed to the headship of their parents’ household, each descendant is equally obligated to his forebears. . . . In Japan, by contrast, ritual obligations are vested in corporate households, not descent lines. Whoever succeeds to the headship of the household inherits all of its property; and only members of a household worship its preceding heads, their spouses, and its deceased dependents. . . . The Korean pattern for allocating ritual obligations has similarities to both the Chinese and Japanese systems. Each son receives a share of his parents’ property and is obligated to participate in their rites. Yet the eldest son

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receives the largest share of their ancestors’ property and succeeds to the headship of their household, and in return he is expected to bear most of the costs of the rituals and to offer these rites at his home.

( Janelli and Janelli 1982: 179–180) Actual hereditary lineage is not an essential condition for ancestor worship. Robert J. Smith points out that in Japan “ancestors” are foremost a category of the dead who exercise powers over a group to whom they are considered ancestors. In other words, blood ties are not as essential as the sense of a shared heredity, but in this framework there is a commonly recognized order of ascendance. The descendant group may be a household, some linkage of families, a village, a guild, or even the entire nation. Freedman points to similar elements in China: “In a very general sense the ancestors collectively embody the dignity and authority of the groups over which they preside. Their due is gratitude and praise. And in paying them their due, the living are made conscious of their membership of the groups within which they worship” (Freedman 1979: 297).

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9 THE STORY OF THE ANCESTOR TABLETS A common feature of the rural Chinese home is the ancestor tablet. This folktale provides one version of how such tablets came to be. I once asked a Chinese schoolboy about the origin of the ancestral tablet, and he told me the following story: Once upon a time there was a very cruel and bad man who did not love his mother. He did nothing she wanted him to do, but only scolded her. Whenever he came home he immediately wanted a meal. But who can make a whole meal in a minute? So he beat her and scolded her. But the softhearted woman did not complain. One day, when working in the fields, the son heard the cawing of crows in the air and saw a crow with food in its mouth, coming from a far away place to a tree at the corner of the field, to feed its young. He was moved and thought, ‘These crows are birds but even they collect food from their relatives and care for them. This means that I am not even as good as a bird. I am acting ungratefully towards my mother. My father died long ago, and even if I were to behave as well as I could, I still could not make her forget his death. Shame upon me.’ He decided to be nice to his mother from then on. Just at this time, his mother came to bring him his lunch. As soon as he saw her, he started running toward her to take lunch so that she wouldn’t have to walk so far. It was his first good deed for the old lady. But how could she know about his sudden change of heart? She thought he would beat her as usual. So she hurriedly put down the basket with the lunch and started running away. It happened that she hit a small tree, fell down, and died. The son was deeply disturbed, and in order to keep his mother and this unhappy event in mind forever, he cut down the tree and made a small tablet which he preserved. Thus the ancestral tablet came into being. Source: Wolfram Eberhard. (1952) Chinese Festivals. New York, NY: Henry Schuman, 43–44.

In this worldview it is only natural that the living perform rituals and make offerings to their ancestors, if they appropriately recognize their indebtedness to them. The living honor this debt through memorial services, on the assumption that success and prosperity in this life partly depend on the beneficent protection of the ancestors. The spirits of the ancestors are believed to be pleased by any positive accomplishment by a descendant, and announcements of such achievements before the memorial tablets on the altar or at the grave are considered important. In contrast, health problems, failures in enterprise, and problems in social relationships may be attributed to the failure of

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descendants to properly venerate the ancestors. The unpacified spirit may then exact retribution from the ungrateful descendants. Ancestor Worship and Earthly Authority Ancestor worship in Japan, for example, was affected by political and administrative factors, according to Smith. Smith convincingly argues that the veneration of ancestors alternately served the purposes of various religious bodies, the national government, and reformers throughout Japan’s history. In the sixth and seventh centuries, ancestor worship was first employed

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in the promotion of Buddhism, and the two were linked for the next thousand years. In the early Tokugawa period, however, that relationship changed when the government used Buddhism to suppress Christianity by requiring every household in Japan to establish a formal registration with a Buddhist temple. Until that time, ancestor worship had been centered in the home and practiced without priests. As a consequence of the decree, ancestor worship became another ritual requiring the services of the Buddhist clergy and temples. In the twentieth century, worship of one’s own ancestors was co-opted to support veneration of the imperial line and political actions. Everyday Practice In daily observance, veneration of ancestors may take the form of making offerings such as cooked rice, water or tea, flowers, incense, and other cooked foods at a Buddhist altar in the home or at the family grave. Annual observances involving ancestors often include families’ visiting the household grave at the beginning of the new year and around the spring and fall equinoxes; during the visits families clean the grave and offer prayers and incense. At the beginning of the period of the Buddhist Festival of the Dead, also known as the Feast of Lanterns and the Feast of All Souls, the family greets the returning spirits with lanterns to ensure that they can find the way back. Memorial services in the Buddhist tradition are held for individual ancestors, beginning with services every seventh day until the forty-ninth day following death. These ceremonies are of paramount importance in Buddhist belief, because after a person dies, he or she is thought to wander between this world and the next. The rites held for the benefit of the dead conduct the soul safely to the next world. Should the rites not be performed, the spirit of the deceased may wander, causing misfortune and calamity. Demographic changes including the shift of population toward cities, declining birth rates, and the increasing ratios of nuclear families as well as changes in the legal systems regarding inheritance of property seem to have been accompanied by a steady decrease in the significance of ancestor veneration. While annual observances continue to be observed, dependence on the other world for support in this world seems to be on the decline. Current indications are that the traditional sense of gratitude and respect to previous generations will continue to decrease, the primary question being at what pace within each of Asia’s cultures. James M. Vardaman, Jr.

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Further Reading Freedman, Maurice. (1979) The Study of Chinese Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Hori, Ichiro. (1968) Folk Religion in Japan: Continuity and Change. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Janelli, Roger L., and Dawnhee Yim Janelli. (1982) Ancestor Worship and Korean Society. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Mullins, Mark R. (1998) Christianity Made in Japan. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Smith, Robert J. (1974) Ancestor Worship in Contemporary Japan. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

ANDAMAN AND NICOBAR ISLANDS (2001 est. pop. 356,000). The Andaman and Nicobar Islands, a territory of the Indian Union, form a narrow chain running mostly north-south and stretching over 1,000 kilometers. The Andaman Islands (6475 square kilometers) to the north have four main and 200 small, mostly uninhabited islands. Divided by the Ten Degree Channel, the Nicobar Islands (1852 square kilometers) consist of three groups of nineteen islands. Part of a submarine Tertiary-period-fold mountain, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are generally hilly, with Saddle Peak (738 meters above sea level) and Mount Thullier (614 meters) the two highest peaks on North Andaman and Great Nicobar, respectively. Because monsoons bring ample rainfall and temperatures are high, lush tropical forests with great biodiversity (including 242 bird and 78 reptile species) cover around 90 percent of the land. Such forests, partly still virgin, have great commercial value and represent the main source of income. Agriculture is only sparsely developed, with cultivation of rice, coconuts, and fruit trees. Foreigners are banned from the Nicobar Islands, but tourists are welcomed at the capital of Port Blair on Andaman and from there can visit other islands via day cruises. Four different groups inhabit the Andaman and Nicobar Islands: Andamanese aborigines, Andaman Indians (descendants of an Indian penal colony functioning from 1848 to 1945), neosettlers who migrated from the mainland after Indian independence, and Nicobarese aborigines. The majority are Andaman Indians and neosettlers. The aborigine groups are each distinctive. With a total population of a few thousand, the Nicobarese aborigines are Indo-Chinese who are either animists or converted Christians and who still practice shifting cultivation. The Andamanese aborigines are pygmies and Negritos who hunt and fish. Though the Andaman and Nicobar Islands are sparsely and unevenly populated, around one-third of the inhabitants live in Port Blair, the only town and the business and commercial center. Elsewhere peo-

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to India) and the main body of the Bay of Bengal to the west, and the Strait of Malacca and Sumatra to the south. The Andaman Islands and the Nicobar Islands are divided into two groups: the Great Andaman (North, Middle, and South Andaman Islands) and the Little Andaman. The chief town and port is Port Blair (founded 1868), located on South Andaman Island. The Nicobar Islands are located 120 kilometers south of South Andaman Island and include Car Nicobar and Great Nicobar.

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The Andaman Sea’s strategic position just north of the Strait of Malacca (and thus between the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea) has made it a historically important site of Asian interaction. In the nineteenth century, the British attempted to colonize the Andaman Islands. In recent decades, India has also attempted to promote settlement of the islands.

Ten Degree Channel

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Further Reading

Nicobar Bay o f B en gal

Camorta Island Katchall Island

Andaman and Nicobar Islands

Little Nicobar Great Nicobar

Manfred Domroes Further Reading Justin, Anstice. (1990) The Nicobarese. Calcutta, India: Seagull Books. Radcliffe-Brown, A. R. (1948) The Andaman Islanders. Glencoe, IL: Free Press.

ANDAMAN SEA The Andaman Sea is located east of the main body of the Bay of Bengal and is bounded by Myanmar (Burma) to the north, southeastern Myanmar and southwestern Thailand to the east, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands (which belong

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Ivanoff, Jacques. (1997) Moken: Sea Gypsies of the Andaman Sea. Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus. Sen, Satadru. (1999) “Policing the Savage: Segregation, Labor and State Medicine in the Andamans.” Journal of Asian Studies 58, 3: 753–773.

Islands

ple live in clusters of small villages. The only (domestic) airport for regular flights to Calcutta and Madras is at Port Blair, which is also the most important seaport, connecting all other major islands by regular boat service.

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ANDHRA PRADESH (2001 pop. 75.7 million). Andhra Pradesh is the fourth-largest state in India, having a population of 75.7 million and covering 275,068 square kilometers in the southeastern part of India. It has the longest coastline of all Indian states— 970 kilometers along the Bay of Bengal. It is flanked by the states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, and Orissa on three sides apart from the long eastern coastline. Andhra Pradesh was the first state in India to be formed on a purely linguistic basis in 1953 with the merger of Telugu-speaking areas of the Nizam’s Dominions and Madras State, subsequently expanded to include more such territory in the aftermath of the States Reorganization Act of 1956. Andhra Pradesh has twenty-three administrative districts, which can be divided into three distinct regions: Andhra, incorporating nine coastal districts; Rayalaseema, incorporating four districts in the interior; and Telengana, incorporating ten districts, including the capital, Hyderabad. Because of its heterogeneous composition, Andhra Pradesh has grappled with the problem of regional imbalance in different forms. The state has a unicameral legislature with 295 seats. It has a representation of eighteen seats in the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) and forty-two seats

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in the Lok Sabha (Lower House) of the Indian Parliament. Historically, Andhra Pradesh has been associated with the reign of successive Indian dynasties, beginning with the Mauryas in the fourth century BCE and continuing, most notably, with the Kakatiyas in the thirteenth century and the Vijayanagar kings in the next two centuries. Later, it came under the rule of the Qutb Shahis and the Asaf Jahis, Muslim rulers of the Deccan who created the modern city of Hyderabad and struck an alliance with the advancing British colonial power. Traces of this legacy still exist in the form of monuments and architectural ruins. A key feature of the state’s terrain is the fertile coastal plain in the east. The two major rivers of the state, Godavari and Krishna, flow from the west to the east into the Bay of Bengal and form deltas. This fertile delta region supports extensive rice cultivation, which is the main crop, along with millet, groundnuts, chili, turmeric, tobacco, and sugarcane. Agriculture is the main occupation of the people, although a few major industries like machine tools, shipping, fertilizers, and electronics supplement income and employment. In recent times, Hyderabad has turned into a hub of economic activities, with particular emphasis on the growth of software technology. The state was the first to float the idea of e-governance in India through the use of computers in day-to-day administration. Among the main tourist attractions, the Golconda fort at Hyderabad, the Venkataswara temple at Tirupati, and the Nagarjuna Sagar dam are prominent. Ram Shankar Nanda Further Reading Robinson, Marguerite S. (1988) Local Politics: The Law of Sishes: Development through Political Change in Medak District, Andhra Pradesh (South India). New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Tapper, Bruce E. (1987) Rivalry and Tribute: Society and Ritual in a Telugu Village in South India. Delhi: Hindustan Publishing.

ANDO TADAO

(b. 1941), Japanese architect. Ando Tadao was born in Osaka on 13 September 1941. Unlike most contemporary architects, Ando did not receive any formal architectural training but was a carpenter’s apprentice for a short time, during which he learned traditional Japanese wood construction. He taught himself architecture by visiting temples, shrines, and teahouses in Kyoto, Nara, and various other parts of Japan and through travels in the United States, Europe, and Asia, where he made a number of his detailed sketchbooks. In 1969, Ando established his

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own architectural firm in Osaka. He received his first award, the Architectural Institute of Japan’s annual prize of 1979, for his row house in Sumiyoshi. He has designed some of the simplest and most lyrical buildings, especially houses, churches, temples, museums, and art galleries. By the manipulation of massive exposed concrete structures, Ando has produced a minimalist type of architecture. Among his well-known projects are the Rokko Housing I (1978); the Church on the Water (1985); the Church of the Light (1987); the Japanese Pavilion for International Expo 92 in Seville, Spain (1989); the Museum of Literature II (1993); the Suntory Museum in Osaka (1995); the UNESCO Mediation Space in Paris (1994); and the Modern Art Museum of Fort Worth, Texas (1997). Nathalie Cavasin Further Reading Ando Tadao, and Richard Pare, eds. (1996) The Colours of Light. London: Phaidon. Dal Co, Francesco. (1995) Tadao Ando: Complete Works. London: Phaidon. Drew, Philip. (1996) Church on the Water, Church of the Light: Tadao Ando. London: Phaidon.

ANG LEE (b. 1954), Chinese film director. Ang Lee was born in Taiwan on 23 October 1954. In 1978, he moved to the United States where he studied theater at the University of Illinois and film production at New York University. Lee directed his first feature film, Pushing Hands, in 1992, a tale of a Chinese family struggling to adapt to life in the United States, which in Taiwan won him three Golden Horse awards and a special jury prize for direction. Pushing Hands was followed in 1993 by The Wedding Banquet, a comedy about a gay Chinese man living in New York City, which received the Golden Bear award in Berlin. These films led to increased funding for Eat, Drink, Man, Woman (1994) and Sense and Sensibility (1995), both of which earned Academy Award nominations for Lee. In his next films, Ice Storm (1997) and Ride with the Devil (1999), Lee focused on American subjects. In a return to Chinese-language films, the martial arts adventure Crouching Tiger, Hidden Dragon (2000) won four Academy Awards including best foreign language film. Bent Nielsen Further Reading Ang Lee, et al. (1994) Two Films by Ang Lee. Woodstock, NY: Overlook Press.

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ANGKATAN BELIA ISLAM MALAYSIA

Although the ideology or mission of ABIM remains to foster the development of Islam and to voice Islamic aspirations, as expressed by the Malaysian Muslim community, its theme has evolved over the decades. In the 1970s, ABIM was more aggressive toward and critical of the government, an attitude that meshed with the general political climate of that decade. For example, while he was the ABIM secretary-general and president, Anwar defended impoverished Malay farmers from alleged government abuses. He was arrested in 1974 and then jailed without trial for twenty months under the Internal Security Act. ABIM regarded this Act as un-Islamic and accused the government of being secular-nationalist and arbitrary. In the 1980s, ABIM softened its attacks but remained critical of the ruling regime, as shown by its inclination toward problem solving by adopting the “working in the light of wisdom” approach. In the 1990s, the movement adopted a proactive approach and became a government partner in nation building. Since the leadership of Ahmad, ABIM has fostered the theme: “Revitalizing ABIM’s ideals and extolling the movement’s dynamism and struggle.”

Ang Lee holds his Oscar for the best foreign language film at the 25 March 2001 Academy Awards in Los Angeles. (AFP/ CORBIS)

ANGKATAN BELIA ISLAM MALAYSIA Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement, or ABIM) was established in 1971 by Anwar Ibrahim, among others. The movement was officially registered by the Malaysian government on 17 August 1972. Among ABIM’s objectives are Islamic training, defense, and propagation (dakwah) through mobilizing Muslim youths both in and out of school. Although not affiliated with any political party, the movement addresses sociopolitical issues and trains future politicians. For this reason, in particular, it is closely monitored by the authorities. The first president of ABIM, Razali Mawawi, was replaced by Anwar Ibrahim in 1974. Upon his resignation as president of ABIM in 1982, Anwar was replaced by Siddiq Fadil. Siddiq was succeeded by Muhammad Nur Manuty in 1991. Ahmad Azam Abdul Rahman was elected as ABIM’s fifth president in September 1997.

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ABIM has long been the voice of the Islamic community, leading Muslims toward a more modern, nonconservative approach to religion and toward eventual leadership positions in all sectors. Despite his political contribution to these achievements, Mahathir Mohamad, the prime minister of the country since 1981, has dropped from his administration many of ABIM’s most prominent leaders linked to Anwar, who served as deputy prime minister until 1998. This was particularly the case after the sack of Anwar and his imprisonment as a result of a power struggle between Anwar and Mahathir. Today, although ABIM is still recognized by the government as an Islamic organization, its influence is limited to the socioreligious and cultural spheres. ABIM, along with other Islamic organizations, has raised the idea of reformasi (a reform movement), continuing its criticism of the government, while the government uses all the powers at its disposal to keep ABIM under surveillance. Andi Faisal Bakti Further Reading Chandra Muzaffar. (1987) Islamic Resurgence in Malaysia. Petaling Jaya, Malaysia: Fajar Bakti. Gill, Ranjit. (1998) Anwar Ibrahim Mahathir’s Dilemma. Singapore: Epic Management Services, Pte Ltd. Hussin Mutalib. (1995) “ABIM.” In The Oxford Encyclopedia of Modern Islamic World, vol. 1, edited by John Esposito. New York: Oxford University Press, 15–17.

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Milne, R. Stephen, and Diane Mauzy. (1999) Malaysian Politics under Mahathir. London: Routledge. Mohd Anuar Tahir. (1993) Pendirian Politik ABIM (ABIM’s Political Principles). Petaling Jaya and Selangor, Malaysia: Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia, Budaya Ilmu Sdn Bhd. Muhammad Kamal Hassan. “Malaysia.” In The Oxford Encyclopedia of Modern Islamic World, vol. 3, edited by John Esposito. New York: Oxford University Press, 36–38. Siddiq Fadil. (1989) Koleksi Ucapan Dasar Muktamar Sanawi ABIM: Mengangkat Martabat Umat (A Collection of Main Talks during the Annual Meetings of ABIM: Elevating the Dignity of the Community). Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Dewan Pustaka Islam. Zainah Anwar. (1987) Islamic Revivalism in Malaysia: Dakwah among the Students. Petaling Jaya and Selangor, Malaysia: Pelanduk Publications.

ANGKOR WAT While more than one hundred major temple sites are found in and around the town of Siem Reap and Tonle Sap (“Great Lake”) in northwest Cambodia, Angkor Wat is unique among them. An early capital of the Khmer empire, which flourished in classical Southeast Asia from the sixth to the mid-fifteenth century, Angkor Wat is the largest temple complex in the entire Angkor plain (other famous sites on the plain include Bayon and Ta Prom) and the largest religious monument in the world. Reputedly constructed as a funerary temple and mausoleum from sandstone at Phnom Kulen by Suryavarman II (1113–1150 CE), the ruins encompass an area of approximately 104 square kilometers and took more than

thirty years to build. It was named a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1992. Architecture Angkor Wat was dedicated to the Hindu god Vishnu, but its impeccably crafted and detailed ornamental architecture and bas reliefs depict all manner of Khmer legends and history of Angkor Wat. Measuring 1.5 by 1.3 kilometers in size, the complex is distinguished by its westward orientation, as well as by the wall and moat (measuring 190 meters wide) that surround it. These features not only delineate the temple boundaries but also represent other mountain ranges and oceans. A central avenue, 475 meters in length, connects the main entrance—accessed via a causeway across the moat—to the central temple, passing between two libraries and reflecting pools. The central temple consists of three stories, each of laterite, with five towers. The central tower, rising 55 meters above the ground, stands for Mount Meru, in Hindu mythology the center of the universe and home of the gods. The towers also serve as the current symbol of the Kingdom of Cambodia. History Established by Yasovarman I (reigned 889–900/ 910), Angkor achieved its zenith in the twelfth century, when the Khmer empire ruled over an area that stretched from Vietnam to China and India. However,

Monks at the ruins of the Bayon Temple, Angkor Wat, Cambodia, in 1996. (KEREN SU/CORBIS)

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9 ANGKOR WAT— WORLD HERITAGE SITE Angkor Wat was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1992 because it is the most important archaeological site in Southeast Asia. Special measures have been taken to protect the site and the surrounding area. the city was sacked by the Chams of southern Vietnam in 1177, and Angkor Wat was converted into a Buddhist temple prior to the Siamese conquest of 1431. Jayavarman VII (c.1120–c.1215; reigned 1181–c.1215) subsequently established a new capital, Angkor Thom, which was abandoned in 1434. Overgrown by jungle, the ruins of both were rediscovered by the French in 1861, although their existence was well known to local Khmer residents and early European explorers. Warfare in Cambodia in the 1970s and 1980s prevented tourists from visiting the site, a threat that persisted in remote parts of the complex through 1999, when guerilla soldiers of the Khmer Rouge even occupied Angkor Wat itself for a brief period. In the first years of the twenty-first century, tourist visits to Angkor Wat are again on the increase, and tourism has become a major source of foreign exchange for the Cambodian government. Land mines continue to be a threat in rural areas surrounding the complex, however, while theft and vandalism are the most serious physical threat to the monuments themselves. In order to prevent statues and carvings that give vitality to the temples and their histories from being stolen for private collectors, many have been removed for safekeeping and restoration. Greg Ringer Further Reading Chandler, David P. (2000). A History of Cambodia. 3d ed. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Cook, Ian G., Marcus A. Doel, and L. I. Rex. (1996). Fragmented Asia: Regional Integration and National Disintegration in Pacific Asia. Aldershot, U.K.: Ashgate. Dutt, Ashok, ed.(1985). Southeast Asia: Realm of Contrasts. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Higham, Charles. (2002) The Civilization of Angkor. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Ringer, Greg, (2000). “Tourism in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar: From Terrorism to Tourism?” In Tourism in South and Southeast Asia: Issues and Cases, edited by C. Michael Hall and Stephen Page. Oxford: ButterworthHeinemann, 178–194.

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ANGLO-DUTCH TREATY The AngloDutch Treaty (1824) aimed to terminate Anglo-Dutch rivalry in the Malay Archipelago and East Indies. It attempted to end clashes and disputes between British and Dutch merchants by dividing the Malay Peninsula and the East Indies into British and Dutch spheres of influence. The treaty was signed in London by British and Dutch officials without consulting the local rulers concerned. The line demarking British and Dutch spheres of influence was south of the Straits of Singapore. The Netherlands transferred to Britain her factories in India, relinquished Malacca and its dependencies, and accepted British occupation of Singapore; Britain surrendered its dependencies south of the Straits and Bencoolen on the southwest coast of Sumatra. The Dutch agreed to terminate tin monopoly treaties with Perak and Selangor in the Malay Peninsula. Both parties agreed not to conclude treaties with local leaders or form new settlements on islands in each other’s spheres of influence. The treaty did not fully end Anglo-Dutch rivalry. The British claimed Dutch agents still occasionally penetrated their territory. The Dutch protested in the 1840s and 1870s, when James Brooke and Dent and Overbeck took control over what are now parts of Sarawak and Sabah. Since the treaty failed to define the position of the island of Borneo, the British claimed Borneo was not covered by it. The treaty broke up the Malay empire of Johore. The British and Dutch effectively excluded other powers from the region, using the treaty as a means of controlling what became British Malaya and the Netherlands East Indies. Geetha Govindasamy Further Reading Andaya, Barbara Watson. (1982) A History of Malaysia. London: The Macmillan Press Limited. Baker, Jim. (1999) A Popular History of Singapore and Malaysia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Times Books International. Mills, L. A. (1971) British in Malaya: 1824–1867. New York: AMS Press.

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Although “Anglo-Indian” originally meant someone of British descent who was born and lived permanently in India, after about 1900 the term came to mean a person of mixed European and Indian ancestry, a Eurasian.

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Gist, Noel P., and Roy D. Wright. (1973) Marginality and Identity: Anglo-Indians as a Racially Mixed Minority in India. Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill.

THE MAKING OF ANGLO-INDIANS

ANGLO-MYSORE WARS The Anglo-Mysore

“I had often admired a lovely Hindostanee girl who sometimes visited Carter at my house, who was very lively and clever. Upon Carter’s leaving Bengal I invited her to become an inmate with me, which she considered to do, and from that time to the day of her death Jemdannee, which was her name, lived with me, respected and admired by all my friends by her extraordinary sprightliness and good humour. Unlike the women in general in Asia she never secluded herself from the sight of strangers; on the contrary, she delighted in joining in male parties, cordially joining in the mirth which prevailed, though she never touched wine or spirits of any kind.” Source: Alfred Spencer, ed. ([1787] 1913) Memoirs of William Hickey. London: Hurst & Blackett, Ltd.

Until the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, British men vastly outnumbered European women in India, and these male residents commonly took Indian women as mistresses or housekeepers. After the canal opened, women could more easily travel from England, and the Anglo-Indian community then became a stable and largely endogamous unit. Only a few thousand Anglo-Indians remain in India, since most emigrated to Britain, Australia, or Canada during the past half-century. The last census to enumerate them, taken in 1951 while their exodus was in progress, recorded 11,637 Anglo-Indians. The main characteristics of the Anglo-Indians are Christian religion; English as mother tongue; European lifestyle and home décor; Western dress for children and adults; and employment in particular administrative and service professions (typically requiring fluency in English and a high-school education), such as the post office, railways, police work, teaching, and nursing. Paul Hockings Further Reading Gaikwad, Vijay Singh R. R. (1967) The Anglo-Indians: A Study in the Problems and Processes Involved in Emotional and Cultural Integration. Bombay, India: Asia Publishing House.

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wars were four wars conducted by British forces against Hyder Ali (1722–1782) and his son Tipu Sultan (1749– 1799), the rulers of the kingdom of Mysore (now Karnataka), in southern India, during 1767–1769, 1780– 1784, 1790–1792, and March–May 1799. The final conflict ended with the death of Tipu Sultan during his defense of Seringapatam, Tipu’s capital. Mysore was a rich agricultural territory with many superbly built hill forts, and it was a prize that the British East India Company saw as holding the key to a large conquest of southern India and to blocking French aspirations in the region. The wars began when Hyder Ali was fighting the Marathas to the north, and the British lent support to the nizam (ruler) of Hyderabad, who then invaded Mysore territory with a British detachment. Hyder got the Marathas on his side, won over the nizam, and then vented his fury on the British, who were based in Madras and outlying towns. Hyder reached the walls of Madras City, where he dictated a treaty to the panic-stricken residents. His exasperation with the British flared anew in the Second Anglo-Mysore War, caused by the British failure to honor the treaty and render him assistance in his renewed struggle with the Marathas. Again Hyder marched on Madras, this time hoping to get assistance from the French based in Pondicherry. It failed to materialize. During this war Hyder Ali died of cancer, but his son Tipu Sultan took up the crusade against the British, who made peace with him in 1784 (the Treaty of Mangalore). The next war began because the British in Madras wrote to the nizam of Hyderabad that they would help him regain territories lost to Tipu’s forces. Anticipating further hostilities, Tipu attacked Travancore and thereabouts in 1789–1790. The British then entered into league with the nizam and also with the peshwa, the chief minister of the Marathas. In 1790 the British moved into southern Mysore, but Tipu denied them any clear victories. Lord Charles Cornwallis (1738– 1805), the governor-general of India, then assumed command himself. He captured Bangalore and moved toward Seringapatam (or Sri Ranga Pattana), just outside Mysore City. Now Tipu’s scorched earth policy brought famine into the British camp and obliged Cornwallis to retreat. He had more success in a subsequent campaign, and in 1792 besieged Seringapatam. This led to Tipu’s submission, and another treaty was

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concluded in March. Tipu was obliged to surrender two of his sons as hostages, pay a massive indemnity, and cede up half of his dominions, which were then incorporated into the British East India Company territories as the “Ceded Districts”. Tipu also was forced to cede territory to the Marathas and the nizam. The Fourth Mysore War, a three-month engagement, was caused by Tipu’s refusal to accept an alliance with the British. The new governor-general, Lord Richard Wellesley (1760–1842), suspected Tipu’s intentions because following the previous treaty Tipu had tried to form alliances with France, Istanbul, and the shah of Afghanistan, hoping to drive the British out of India altogether. Three armies, one led by Arthur Wellesley (1769–1852), the future Duke of Wellington, converged on Seringapatam and with two fierce attacks brought the war to an end. Tipu’s dead body was found, sword in hand, among those of his soldiers at a north gate, on 4 May 1799. The nizam was given some of the captured territory, but much of it was restored as the Kingdom of Mysore under Krishnaraja, the maharaja of Mysore, and remained with Mysore until 1947. The alliance with the British was finally signed. Paul Hockings Further Reading Forrest, Denys. (1970) Tiger of Mysore: The Life and Death of Tipu Sultan. London: Chatto & Windus. Wilks, Mark. ([1810] 1930) Historical Sketches of the South of India, in an Attempt to Trace the History of Mysoor: from the Origin of the Hindoo Government of that State, to the Extinction of the Mohammedan Dynasty in 1799. Reprint ed. Mysore, India: Government Branch Press.

ANH DAO DUY (1904–1988), Vietnamese journalist, historian, leader in anticolonial struggle. Highly critical of Confucian culture that he believed bound the country to feudalism and colonialism, Anh Dao Duy established a Hue-based study group and began to publish books in quoc ngu—the Vietnamese vernacular—that introduced the Vietnamese public to Western social sciences in the 1920s. He was arrested by French authorities in 1929 for organizing the New Vietnam Revolutionary Party. Imprisoned for one year, he was given a three-year suspended sentence that led him to abandon politics and pursue scholarship. In 1938, he published the seminal An Outline History of Vietnamese Culture. Following the 1954 Geneva Accords, Anh joined a large number of North Vietnamese artists and writers who began to demand intellectual and literary freedoms, which the Lao Dong

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Party had stripped in its attempt to impose the rigid tenets of socialist realism on arts and letters; an event that became known as the Nhan Van–Giai Pham Affair. Anh asserted that the party’s rigid adherence to Marxist ideology constrained social science research. Anh also attacked the cult of personality surrounding Ho Chi Minh and the monopoly of power held by the Lao Dong Party. In an April 1958 crackdown on the dissident intellectuals, Anh was forced to write a selfcriticism. Effectively silenced, Anh died in 1988. Zachary Abuza Further Reading Abuza, Zachary. (2001) Renovating Vietnamese Politics in Contemporary Vietnam. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers.

ANHUI (1995 est. pop. 59.6 million). The central eastern Chinese province of Anhui (Anhwei) is bordered by Hubei and Henan on the west, Shandong and Jiangsu on the north, Jiangsu and Zhejiang on the east, and Jiangxi on the south. The province, where agriculture is the principal occupation, covers an area of 139,000 square kilometers, making it one of China’s smallest. It is traversed by the Chang (Yangtze) River from west to east. The capital Hefei (1993 population 1.1 million) is situated in the center of Anhui, north of Lake Chao, and the province is divided into nine regions and seventy counties. Anhui is separated into two distinct regions by mountain ranges running northeast-southwest, with peaks in the western part reaching to 1,751 meters. The northern region, which has been densely popu-

9 ANHUI—WORLD HERITAGE SITE Designated by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site in 2000, the Xidi and Hongcun villages in southern Anhui are uniquely preserved examples of rural trade posts from China’s feudal period. Somehow the two villages have survived almost intact, down to the original decorations and water systems.

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lated since the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), has a temperate monsoon climate, while the south, which was settled by Han Chinese from the seventh century on, has subtropical monsoon climate with a growing season of eight to nine months. The mountainous areas are mainly concentrated in the southern and western parts of the province; the rest is mostly fertile plains. Major crops in the north are wheat, soybeans, and cotton, while the southern region crops are dominated by rice and tea. Bent Nielsen

ANIME Anime, the Japanese term for animated films, refers to Japanese animation. Since the early 1950s, when the father of anime, Tezuka Osamu (1928–1989), created such famous series as Jungle taitei (known in the United States as “Kimba the White Lion”) and Tetsuon atomu (known in the United States as “Astro Boy”), Japan has produced a stream of innovative and original animated films. Artistically, anime are known for their use of color, their textured and detailed backgrounds and foregrounds, and their complex camera points of view, which approximate those of acted films. Sympathetic characters are often depicted with enormous eyes, oddly colored hair, and childlike features. Story lines tend to be complex, and many anime appear as long series of episodes, with a multitude of characters and subplots. Anime often have their roots in manga (comic books, or graphic novels), though not always; in recent times computer games have also inspired anime, as in the case of Pokemon. Other children’s anime that have crossed the Pacific to intrigue U.S. audiences include Mach Go! Go! Go! (U.S. “Speed Racer”), Uchu senkan Yamato (U.S. “Starblazers”), Dragonball Z, and Sailor Moon. There are also many anime aimed at an older audience, which feature graphic sex and violence. Some anime are serious films; Princess Mononoke, the 1999 U.S. version of a full-length animated film by Japan’s premier anime director, Miyazaki Hayao, received critical acclaim in the United States.

Schodt, Frederick L. (1983) Manga! Manga! The World of Japanese Comics. Tokyo, New York, and San Francisco: Kodansha International.

ANKARA (1997 pop. 3.7 million). Ankara (formerly Angora) is the capital and second-largest city of the Republic of Turkey. Located on the Central Anatolian plateau, Ankara is approximately 355 kilometers southeast of Istanbul, Turkey’s largest city. History Ankara has been the site of continuous settlement since at least the Neolithic era (c. 10,300/10,000–3500 BCE) and was a sizable town throughout most of antiquity. Its situation along major caravan routes and its ample supplies of freshwater and easily defensible position were ideal for a trading town. Ankara was incorporated into the Roman empire in 25 BCE and was controlled at various times by the Persians, Arabs, Seljuks, and Byzantines. The city was conquered in 1354 (some sources say 1356) by the second Ottoman sultan, Orhan I (c. 1281– 1360). Orhan’s son Murad I (1326–1389) incorporated Ankara into the Ottoman empire in 1360 or 1361. In 1402 the Mongols under Timur (Tamerlane, TimurLang; c. 1360–1403) defeated the Ottoman sultan Bayezid I (c. 1360–1403) in a battle just outside Ankara. Despite the ensuing civil war, Ankara remained under Ottoman control and served for some time as the regional capital of the province of Anatolia (Anadolu). Kuthaya eventually replaced it as regional capital, but Ankara was restored as a provincial center in the nineteenth century. Throughout this period Ankara was a center of grain production. During the nineteenth century a luxury trade based on mohair, a particularly warm and soft fabric made from the hair of the local Angora goats, increased in importance, as did carpet production for the European market. A railway between Ankara and Izmit, financed by the Deutsche Bank and begun in 1889, increased Ankara’s commercial importance as well as its ties to broader economic trends.

Michael Ashkenazi and Francesca Forrest See also: Cinema—Japan

Further Reading “A Brief History of Anime.” Retrieved 20 July 2001, from: http://gwis2.circ.gwu.edu/~koulikom/history.html. Napier, Susan J. (2000) Anime from Akira to Princess Mononoke: Experiencing Contemporary Japanese Animation. New York: Palgrave.

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The Twentieth Century Ankara’s significance increased markedly during the Turkish War for Independence from 1919 to 1923. The British occupied the Ottoman capital of Istanbul, and Sivas, the initial center of nationalist resistance, was too far from the front. Consequently the nationalist forces chose Ankara as a new base of operations. On 27 December 1919 the nationalist government,

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An aerial view of the mausoleum of Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, in Ankara. (YANN ARTHUS-BERTRAND/CORBIS)

under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal (later Ataturk) (1881–1938), arrived in Ankara and began the workings of government in the town’s agricultural school. The nationalist parliament (Buyuk Millet Meclisi) convened on 23 April 1920. Such was the power and prestige of Istanbul, however, that the decision to make Ankara the capital in October 1923 was met with considerable surprise and not a little dismay. Compared to cosmopolitan Istanbul, Ankara was distinctly unglamorous, a sleepy town, dusty in summer and muddy in winter. However, this shift involved important symbolism. The move to Ankara underlined the republic’s break from its Ottoman legacy and the foundation of a distinctly Turkish and Anatolian nation. Ankara’s new status as the Turkish Republic’s capital brought dramatic growth and development to the city. In the first years of the republic a large number of important buildings were constructed in or near what is referred to as the Old City, principally around the Ulus district. After 1930 a broader plan for the city developed, and major institutions were constructed in districts southeast of the original town center. Planning could not control the effects of explosive population growth, however, and many districts were made up of unlicensed housing of varying quality, locally called gecekondu (literally, constructed at night). Although Ankara developed no actual “downtown,” the district of Kizilay generally has been considered the

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city’s hub. The wealthier district of Cankaya also has been an important center of trade and government. Ankara Today Ankara houses the parliament, presidential palace, and governmental ministries, and the city has become a cultural center of Turkey. Ankara University, Haceteppe University, Middle East Technical University, and Bilkent University, a private university, are important institutions for learning and research. Ankara is also home to the Ethnographic Museum and a world-class archaeological museum called the Museum of Anatolian Civilizations. The Haci Bayram Mosque (1429), dedicated to an important Muslim saint, is a point of local pilgrimage, and the Mausoleum of Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (Anit Kabir), designed by Emin Onat and Orhan Arda, is an example of republican-era architecture and a testament to Ataturk’s place in the republic’s national consciousness. Despite its role as the seat of government, Ankara remains, culturally, economically, and demographically, Turkey’s “second city” after Istanbul. Nevertheless, while Istanbul’s palaces and mosques are a constant reminder of an Ottoman past, Ankara embodies the future, both as the capital of the Turkish Republic and as the urban embodiment of the republic’s modernizing mission. Howard Eissenstat

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Further Reading Cross, Toni M., and Gary Leiser (2000) A Brief History of Ankara. Vacaville, CA: Indian Ford Press.

ANSARI, ABDULLAH

(1005–1089), Sufi religious figure. Khwaja Abdullah Ansari was a Sufi sheikh from Heart, Afghanistan, and a Hanbali traditionist, renowned for his sermons in rhymed prose and for his polemics against rationalist theology (kalam). Ansari, a descendant of a Medinan companion of the Prophet Muhammad, was an exceptionally gifted child who composed poetry in Persian and Arabic and learned the Quran and the Prophetic traditions (hadith) before the age of nine. He embarked on the Sufi path under the guidance of his father, but his mysticism was tempered by rigorous scholastic training, and he shunned practices that sought to induce ecstatic states. He was also a renowned teacher of the Quran and the hadith, who castigated the influential Asharite theologians for subjecting the revealed word to logical inferences.

Ansari was primarily an orator, not a writer, and his works abound with assonances and rhythmic patterns that aid memorization. Most were either compiled from disciples’ notes or dictated to scribes in his old age. Among his famous works are Manazil al-Sa’irin (The Stages of the Pilgrims), a Sufi spiritual guide in Arabic analyzing the psychological states and stations of the Sufi path; Tabaqat al-Sufiyya (Biographies of Sufis), an expanded translation of the Arabic work of the great Sufi master Sulami (c. tenth–eleventh centuries) into the ancient dialect of Herat; and Kashf al-Asrar (Unveiling of the Secrets), the first systematic commentary on the Quran written in a non-Arabic

9 A QUATRAIN BY ABDULLAH ANSARI Great shame it is to deem of high degree Thyself, or over others recon thee: Strive to be like the pupil of thine eye— To see all else, but not thyself to see.

Source: Edward Browne. (1964) A Literary History of Persia. Vol. 2. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press, 270.

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language. His popular appeal rests primarily on his quatrains and on the Munajat (Intimate Conversations)—mystical invocations to God abstracted from his other works. Ansari is one of the most influential early Sufi authors whose rhymed prose, interspersed with parables and verses, was emulated by Sadi, Jami and influenced other Persian classics. Marta Simidchieva Further Reading Ansari, Abdullah. (1978) “Intimate Conversations.” In The Book of Wisdom, edited by Ibn Ata Allah and translated by Wheeler M. Thackston. New York: Paulist Press, 163–233. Beaurecueil, Serge de. (1985) “Abdallah al-Ansari.” In Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. 1, edited by E.Yarshater. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 187–190. Ravan Farhadi, A. G. (1996) Abdullah Ansari of Herat (1006– 1089 CE): An Early Sufi Master. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon Press. Rypka, Jan. (1968) “History of Persian Literature up to the Beginning of the 20th Century.” In History of Iranian Literature, edited by K. Jahn. Dordrecht, Netherlands: Reidel, 234–235.

ANTAKYA (1994 pop. 137,200). Antakya, the capital of Hatay (a province of approximately 1.2 million people) in southeastern Turkey, on the eastern bank of the Asi (Orontes) River, was an important city of the Roman empire. The Macedonian Seleucus I founded the city about 300 BCE and named it Antiochus (later Antioch). The city served as a central station for Roman commercial and military routes between Asia Minor and Mesopotamia and as a Roman army base for campaigns against the Persians. Although famous as a nucleus of Christianity, its original settlers were of many races and religions. The prosperity of Antioch diminished after a major earthquake in 526 and destruction by the Sasanid ruler Khosrow I in 540. The Arabs took Antioch in 638 CE. After a brief Byzantine occupation Antioch fell to the Muslim Seljuk Turks in 1084. In 1098 the city was raided during the First Crusades and raided again in 1268 by Baybars I , Mamluk sultan of Egypt. When the Ottoman sultan Selim I (reigned 1512–) captured Antioch in 1516, the city was peopled primarily by Muslim Turkmen and Arabs and had long lost its importance as a Christian center. Antioch remained part of the Ottoman empire until after World War I. The city was occupied by French troops in 1919 and placed under French mandate by the League of Nations. An independent regime known as the Republic of Hatay was established in 1938 with Antioch as its capital. After a referendum the whole territory officially became

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part of the Turkish Republic (founded by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, 1881–1938) on 23 June 1939. Since then the city has been officially called Antakya. Surrounded by rich orchards, Antakya stands at the junction of important roads between Anatolia and other Middle Eastern countries. Its climate is mild, and its economy is based mainly on agriculture. The chief crops are cotton, grapes, wheat, rice, olives, vegetables, and fruits. Industries include olive-oil and soap factories, as well as cotton ginning and silk and shoe manufacturing. The Archaeological Museum of Antakya contains magnificent Roman mosaics and coins dating from the second and third centuries CE. A popular resort and tourist attraction is the site of ancient Daphne near Harbiye, perhaps the place where Antony married Cleopatra in 40 BCE. Another monument in the area is the Church of Saint Peter, where the apostle supposedly preached the first Christian sermons. T. Isikozlu-E.F. Isikozlu Further Reading Statistical Yearbook of Turkey, 1998. (1998) Ankara, Turkey: Devlet Istatistik Enstitusu.

ANTALYA (2002 pop. 571,000). Antalya, capital of the province of Antalya (population 1 million; known in ancient Greece as Attalia) in southwestern Turkey, was founded in the second century BCE by Attalus II, king of Pergamum. Antalya is a Mediterranean port on the Gulf of Antalya, otherwise known as the Turquoise Coast. Due to its strategic location, it was once a seaport used by Crusaders to avoid Seljuk territory on their way to Palestine. Among many monuments from Antalya’s past is the Hadrian Gate, a splendid structure consisting of three identical arches, built in CE 130 to commemorate Roman emperor Hadrian’s visit. Saints Paul and Barnabas also visited the city on their way to Antioch. After the Seljuks captured Attalia in 1207, it became Antalya. Although Antalya was first occupied by Sultan Bayezud I (reigned 1389–1402) in 1391, it was not incorporated into the Ottoman empire until the late fifteenth century. Italian troops occupied Antalya after World War I until Turkish nationalist forces expelled them in 1921. Its ideal climate, beautiful natural setting, and proximity to ancient sites make Antalya a tourist resort. One of Turkey’s fastest-growing cities, it is a center of art and culture. Natural vegetation includes bananas, citrus fruits, pine forests, and palm trees. The regional economy is largely supported by tourism and cotton production. T. Isikozlu-E.F. Isikozlu

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Further Reading Statistical Yearbook of Turkey, 1998. (1998) Ankara, Turkey: Devlet Istatistik Enstitusu.

ANTI-FASCIST PEOPLE’S FREEDOM LEAGUE—MYANMAR The Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) started out during World War II as an underground resistance movement against fascist occupation of Burma (now Myanmar) but was transformed into the dominant political party in postindependence electoral politics between 1948 and 1962. Originally founded as the Anti-Fascist Organization (AFO) in August 1944, its early leadership included Aung San (president), Than Tun (secretary general), and Thakin Soe. At various times, the AFO included the Burma Communist Party (BCP), the People’s Revolutionary Party, Maha Bama, the Fabian Party, Myo Chit, the Shan Association, and the Youth League. Initially it declared its aim as resisting Japanese occupation. The AFO was renamed the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League at a mass meeting on 19 August 1945; organizers added the goal of securing national independence. When British colonial government returned to Burma in October 1945, the AFPFL demanded majority representation in it. When the British ignored this demand, fierce competition took place among different factions for influence. After a period of resistance and strikes against the colonial government, and after two changes in governor, the AFPFL finally emerged under Aung San as the force with which the British came to terms in September 1946. After a period of internal strife within the AFPFL, Aung San negotiated national independence from the British with the signing of the Attlee–Aung San agreement in January 1947. In July 1947 Aung San was assassinated along with other cabinet ministers. After Aung San’s assassination, U Nu took over the leadership of the AFPFL. Under U Nu’s leadership, the AFPFL became the dominant parliamentary party until the coup by General Ne Win in 1962. During its years in power, the AFPFL was gradually weakened by four splits. The first of these splits occurred when Aung San expelled the BCP in November 1946. This was followed by the defection of the Peoples’ Volunteer Army to the BCP in July 1948, the expulsion of the Burma Workers and Peasants Party in 1951, and the split in leadership between the Nu-Tin “Clean” and the Swe-Nyein “Stable” factions in 1958. The dominant role of the AFPFL ended when the Revolutionary Council under General Ne Win abolished all political parties on 23 March 1964 when it promulgated the Law Protecting National Unity. Gustaaf Houtman

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Further Reading Sein Win. (1959) The Split Story: An Account of Recent Political Upheaval in Burma with Emphasis on AFPFL. Rangoon, Burma: The Guardian. Tinker, Hugh. (1967) The Union of Burma. London: Oxford University Press.

client king erected a tomb and statues on an isolated summit. Kate Clow Further Reading

ANTI-TAURUS The Anti-Taurus or southeastern Taurus (Guney Dogu Toros) Mountains are a folded limestone range lying between the Iranian border in southeast Turkey and the Seyhan River, at longitude 35º 30´ east. The range forms an arch. The western end merges with the Nur Mountains and the eastern with the Zagros Mountains of Iraq. Inside the arch is a plateau averaging 600 meters high, sloping gently down to the north Syrian plain. North of the Anti-Taurus is Turkey’s largest lake, Lake Van. The Anti-Taurus range is up to 170 kilometers wide from north to south and includes (from west to east) the Tahtali (maximum height 3075 meters) and the CiloSat (maximum height 4170 meters) Mountains. Rainfall is generally around 500 millimeters, rising to over 1000 millimeters at the west and east extremities; in the Cilo-Sat Mountains, with ten permanent glaciers, rain falls mainly as snow. Most of the region has hot, dry summers and some snowfall in winter, melting quickly; tree cover has been removed by indiscriminate felling.

Darke, Diana. (1990) Discovery Guide to Eastern Turkey and the Black Sea Coast. The Hague, Netherlands, and London: Michael Haag.

ANWAR, IBRAHIM (b. 1948), Malaysian politician. Ibrahim Anwar is the popular former Malaysian deputy premier who was ousted in 1998. Born in 1948 in Penang, Anwar was a youth leader and vocal critic of the government in the 1970s. In 1972 he founded the Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Islamic Youth Movement, or ABIM), which grew to some 100,000 members. He was courted by the United Malay National Organization (UMNO) party leaders, and he joined the ruling party in 1982. He won a seat in parliament that year and also narrowly won the UMNO Youth leadership, putting him in touch with the party’s grass roots. In 1987 Anwar became one of UMNO’s three vice presidents. In 1991 he became the power-

The range is dissected by three major rivers—the Ceyhan, Euphrates (Firat), and Tigris (Dicle); the last two supply irrigation and drinking water for Turkey, Syria, and Iraq as far south as the Persian Gulf. On the Euphrates are the Keban Dam (Baraj) and the Ataturk Dam and their lakes; they supply 26 billion kilowatt-hours per year of electricity and irrigate well over one million hectares. The road hub is Diyarbakir, from which passes run to Bitlis, Bingol, Elazig, and Gaziantep, with roads to Malatya-Kayseri and Adana. The practice of transhumance, moving flocks in season to high summer pastures, is now less profitable than the cultivation of orchard trees, cotton, and vegetables on irrigated lands. The population, historically Turkish, Kurdish, and Armenian, and now mainly Kurdish, has been reduced by the military policy of evacuating villages believed to help the Kurdistan Workers Party or PKK, a Marxist terrorist organization. A small amount of petrol comes from the Batman area; copper mines at Ergani and chrome deposits at Guleman are exploited by Etibank, the State mining concern. The most popular tourist destination is Nemrut Mountain, near Adiyaman, where a Roman

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Former deputy premier Anwar Ibrahim arriving at court in Kuala Lumpur on 5 October 1999. (AFP/CORBIS)

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ful minister of finance, a post he held until 1998. In 1993 he became UMNO deputy president, the country’s deputy premier, and a member of UMNO’s 35person supreme council. Anwar was arguably the country’s most popular politician, especially among the youth and indigenous Malays. His popularity was in part due to his stature as a student activist who challenged the political status quo and later became a youth leader for UNMO, but more so because he had become a model of a devout Muslim who was still committed to modernism and economic development. Although he was Prime Minister Muhammad Mahathir’s hand-chosen successor, relations between the two began to sour in 1994. Anwar never challenged Mahathir in a leadership contest, though many within UMNO encouraged him to do so, and Mahathir saw Anwar as a threat and sacked him in 1998. Mahathir argued that Anwar was unfit to rule owing to corruption and sodomy allegations, but he was actually ousted over economic policies after the 1997 Asian economic crisis, which discredited Mahathir. Anwar was arrested and sentenced in a highly politicized trial to six years’ imprisonment for corruption; he was later tried and sentenced to nine years’ imprisonment for sodomy. Despite his arrest and imprisonment, Anwar remains a very popular politician. His supporters have rallied behind his wife, Wan Aziz, who founded the opposition Justice Party.

was not until 1932 that the modern-style ao dai appeared. Vietnamese designer Cat Tuong fitted the bodice to the curves of the body, moved the buttons from the front position to closer along the shoulder and side seam, and lengthened the top so that it reached the floor. During the 1950s, two tailors in Saigon, Tran Kim and Dung, started producing the dress with raglan sleeves that created a diagonal seam running from the collar to the underarm. The color of the top is traditionally indicative of the wearer’s age and status in society. Young girls and students wear white, older but unmarried women wear soft pastels, married women wear rich, strong colors, and red is worn at weddings. Traditionally the ao dai is custom made, accounting for the flattering fit that highlights the figure of the wearer, but today the popularity of the dress outside of Vietnam has dictated that it be mass produced to make it more available and affordable. Richard B. Verrone Further Reading Lieu, N. T. (2000) “Remembering ‘the Nation’ through Pageantry: Femininity and the Politics of Vietnamese Womanhood in the Ha Hau Ao Dai Contest.” Frontiers 21: 127–151. “Style-Designer Minh Hanh Brings the Ao Dai, Vietnam’s Traditional Costume, Back into Fashion.” (2001) People Weekly (1 May): 66–72.

Zachary Abuza Further Reading

AOI MATSURI The Aoi Matsuri, held in Kyoto

Andaya, Barbara Watson, and Leonard Y. Andaya. (2001) A History of Malaysia. 2d ed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Crouch, Harold. (1996) Government and Society in Malaysia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

on 15 May, is the oldest festival in Japan and possibly in the world. It was first held in the mid-sixth century as a petition to the goddess of rain and the god of thunder for relief from the terrible storms and floods that were battering the country and destroying the harvest. The plea was successful, for the storms and floods soon abated; the ceremonies have been reenacted ever since in gratitude and to ensure a bountiful harvest.

AO DAI

The ao dai (pronounced “ow zai” in the north and “ow yai” in the south and literally meaning “long dress”) is the traditional dress of the Vietnamese people. The ao dai is a contoured, full-length dress worn over black or white loose-fitting trousers that brush the floor. The dress’s body-hugging top splits into a front and back panel from above the waist and runs to just below the knee. The ao dai was originally designed for both genders, but the dress is more common today among women. Early versions of the ao dai date back to 1744, when Lord Vu Vong of the Nguyen dynasty (1802–1955) decreed that both women and men should wear an ensemble of a short gown that buttoned down the front and loose-fitting trousers. It

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The grand procession, shrine offerings, and rituals are the culmination of a series of purification rites that take place during the first half of the month. The day’s events occur in three parts: kyuchu (at the palace), rochu (on the road), and shachu (at the shrine). Traditionally, a messenger from the emperor, together with an entourage of around five hundred nobles and courtiers, performed sacred rituals at Kyoto Imperial Palace, early in the morning. The participants then left the palace grounds and proceeded to Shimogamo Shrine and then Kamigamo Shrine in the stately procession

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that formed the highlight of the festival. Those events are now recreated by actors; the gorgeous costumes are authentic recreations of the sumptuous court dress of the Heian period (794–1185). The mounted imperial messenger and two ox-drawn lacquered carts, decorated with wisteria flowers and fine bamboo blinds, lead the procession, followed by a retinue of officials and attendants. Then comes the saio-dai, an unmarried princess-priestess wearing the elaborate twelvelayer silk robes of a Heian noblewoman and riding on a palanquin, attended by court ladies, dancers, and mounted guards. When the entourage has arrived at Shimogamo Shrine, prayers and offerings are presented to the deities and ceremonies and ancient court music and dances are performed. The procession then continues to nearby Kamigamo Shrine, where prayers and dances are again offered and the final ceremonies are performed. Often translated as “hollyhock” the name aoi actually refers to the futaba aoi wild ginger plant (Asarum caulescens), whose evergreen leaves are considered sacred and a powerful charm against thunderstorms. These leaves are used to decorate the festival costumes and carriages and the eaves of houses along the processional route, in addition to being offered to the deities at the two shrines. Today the Aoi Matsuri continues to be one of the greatest events in Japan’s festival calendar, counting among Kyoto’s three foremost festivals and attracting hundreds of thousands of spectators. Lucy D. Moss Further Reading Haga, Hideo. (1970) Japanese Folk Festivals Illustrated. Trans. by Fanny Mayer. Tokyo: Miura Printing Company. Vilhar, Gorazd, and Charlotte Anderson. (1994) Matsuri: World of Japanese Festivals. Tokyo: Shufunotomo.

AOMORI (2002 est. pop. 1.5 million). Aomori Prefecture is situated in the north of Japan’s island of Honshu. A prime agricultural and fishing area, its Seikan Tunnel links Honshu with the island of Hokkaido to the north. It occupies an area of 9,619 square kilometers. Aomori’s main geographical features are the Dewa and Ou Mountains, and the largest rivers are the Iwakigawa and the Oirasegawa. Two peninsulas, the Tsugaru on the west and the Shimokita on the east, form Mutsu Bay. Aomori is bordered by the Pacific Ocean, Tsugaru Strait, and the Sea of Japan and by Iwate and Akita Prefectures. In ancient times, Aomori was known as Tsugaru and Nambu districts,

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which were combined in 1871 as Hirosaki Prefecture, later renamed Aomori Prefecture. The capital of the prefecture is Aomori city, situated on Aomori Bay. It long has been a center for shipping and fishing since its harbor was constructed in 1624. Until the 1988 opening of the Seikan Tunnel, it also was the terminal for ferry service to Hokkaido. Aomori is famous for its Nebuta Festival, celebrating the ancient victory of the Tsugaru clan with a nighttime parade of illuminated floats. The prefecture’s other important cities are Hachinohe, Hirosaki, Misawa, and Towada. The economy is dominated by agriculture, forestry, and fishing, which permits a large catch of mackerel, pollack, and squid. While the cities of Aomori and Hirosaki continue the production of traditional lacquerware, some modern industry has clustered around Hachinoe. Tourists are drawn to the region by its many hot spring resorts, by Towada-Hachimantai National Park, and by the Shimokita Peninsula volcano of Osorezan, which has a temple featuring traditional shamanism. E. L. S. Weber Further Reading “Aomori Prefecture.” (1993) Japan: An Illustrated Encyclopedia. Tokyo: Kodansha Ltd.

APRIL 19 REVOLUTION—KOREA The April 19 Revolution refers to the 1960 collapse of the government of Syngman Rhee (1875–1965), the newly reelected president of the Republic of Korea (South Korea). On 15 March of that year, Rhee, the leader of the Liberal Party, had again won the office of president, but his success came amid widespread electoral fraud. A month later, on 19 April, massive student demonstrations rocked Korea, and Rhee was forced to resign and flee into exile. Rhee was a complex figure. An aristocrat, a Methodist, and a proponent of republicanism, he had struggled to replace Korea’s monarchic system with a modern government and in 1948 became the first president of the newly founded Republic of Korea. But his authoritarian manner—including his willingness to use the military and civil police to suppress any democratic dissent threatening his power—was apparent long before the 1960 election. When police killed a secondary student in a town outside the southern city of Pusan, anti-Rhee sentiments soon spread to Korea’s capital, Seoul. In the following days, the violence con-

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tinued, but the students, now joined by their teachers, succeeded in forcing Rhee’s resignation. Although the expulsion of Syngman Rhee reveals the importance of popular protest in the history of modern Korea, Rhee’s ouster came in the aftermath of World War II, amid a much broader, fiercely fought struggle between the United States and its then rival, the Soviet Union. The Cold War (as this struggle became known) affected many other nations besides the two opponents. For instance, after World War II, Korea had been abruptly divided into two mutually hostile regions: a Communist north and a democratic south. Yet even today, the precise nature and extent of democracy in South Korea from 1945 and 1987 are widely debated. In 1949, Kim Ku (b. 1876), the only figure capable of challenging Rhee’s political legitimacy, had been assassinated. Rhee, who enjoyed the support of the U.S. military government in Korea from 1945 until his election as president in 1948, may have known about the assassination plan in advance. In 2001, documents resurfaced suggesting a possible connection between Ku’s assassination and the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) of the United States. Michael Goodwin See also: Rhee, Syngman

Further Reading Hoare, James, and Susan Pares. (1999) Conflict in Korea: An Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Lee, Ki-Baik. (1984) A New History of Korea. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Oh, John Kie-chang. (2001) “The Student Uprising.” Korea Times Retrieved 18 April 2001, from: www.hankooki .com/kt_op/200104/t2001041816442848110.htm.

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(1932–1983), political leader in the Philippines. Born in Concepcion, Tarlac, as the son of a politician of national fame, Benigno (“Ninoy”) Aquino, Jr. became a journalist and came to national prominence when he negotiated the surrender of the Huk rebel leader Luis Taruc in 1954. A reporter for the Manila Daily Mirror, Aquino had been secretly appointed by President Ramon Magsaysay to negotiate with Taruc. Aquino entered politics and in 1956 was elected mayor of his home town, Concepcion, at the age of twenty-four. He became governor of Tarlac in 1961 and senator in 1967. His marriage to Corazon Cojuangco in 1954 produced five children.

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Benigno Aquino in San Francisco in July 1983, just weeks before he returned to the Philippines, where he was assassinated on his arrival in Manila. (BETTMANN/CORBIS)

The leader of the political opposition, Aquino was arrested one day after President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law on 22 September 1972. Kept in solitary confinement for eight years, he was put on trial in August 1973 on charges of murder, subversion, and illegal possession of weapons. The trial was off and on for four years, and the sentence of death by firing squad was not carried out. In March 1980, Aquino suffered a heart attack and was allowed to travel to the United States for medical treatment. After bypass surgery, he accepted a fellowship at Harvard University and became an outspoken critic of the Marcos regime. When Aquino returned three years later, he was assassinated in Manila as he left the plane. The Agrava Commission that convened to investigate the murder concluded it was the work of a conspiracy of army and air force officers, including General Fabian Ver, Marcos’s cousin and chief of staff. Aquino’s body lay in state for ten days, in the bloodstained clothes he was

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wearing when martyred. Millions lined the 30-kilometer route to the cemetery through metropolitan Manila. The procession took eleven hours. His death is seen as the catalyst to the events that led to the ouster of Ferdinand Marcos. Damon L. Woods Further Reading Hill, Gerald N., and Kathleen Thompson Hill. (1984) The True Story and Analysis of the Aquino Assassination. Sonoma, CA: Hilltop Publishing Company. Joaquin, Nick. (1983) The Aquinos of Tarlac. Manila, Philippines: Cacho Hnos.

AQUINO, CORAZON (b. 1933), seventh president of the Third Philippine Republic. Corazon (“Cory”) Cojuangco Aquino was born 25 January 1933 in Tarlac, Philippines, and served as president of the Third Philippine Republic from 1986 to 1992. Born into one of the wealthiest families in the Philippines, she was educated in the Philippines and the United States. After she married Benigno (“Ninoy”) Aquino, Jr. on 11 October 1954, she remained in the

background and stayed at home to raise their five children while her husband successfully pursued a political career. After her husband’s assassination on 21 August 1983, the devout Catholic housewife came to symbolize and represent the moral opposition to the regime of Ferdinand Marcos (1917–1989), who ruled the Philippines from 1966 to 1986. Although reluctant at first, she became the united opposition’s candidate for the presidency in the “snap election” called by Marcos for 6 February 1986. Both Aquino and Marcos claimed victory. A military revolt led to the famous EDSA (Epifanio de los Santos, for the street where much of the action occurred) revolution and the victory of People Power. (People Power refers to the nonviolent gathering of hundreds of thousands of Filipinos in protest and to reject the Marcos regime. They gathered at the urging of Cardinal Jaime Sin to protect a group of military officials whose arrest had been ordered by Marcos.) Although not a participant in the EDSA revolution, Aquino benefited from it as Marcos, under strong pressure from Washington, left the country and she assumed the presidency on 25 February 1986. She issued a presidential proclamation on 25 March 1986 that based her government’s legitimacy on the EDSA revolution rather than the election. Aquino promulgated a provisional constitution and appointed a commission to write a new constitution. This new constitution was ratified by popular vote in February 1987. The question has been asked: Did the events of EDSA represent a revolution or a restoration? Aquino’s government marked the return to power of the oligarchy that had controlled much of Philippine politics and the economy before the declaration of martial law by President Marcos on 22 September 1972. Her presidency was threatened by various coup attempts, but she survived to the end of her term in 1992. As of 2001, Aquino continues to be active in Philippine politics as a leader in People Power II, which led to the ouster of President Joseph Estrada (b. 1937) amid allegations of corruption on 20 January 2001. Damon L. Woods Further Reading

Former president Corazon Aquino hangs yellow ribbons in February 2000 to mark the anniversary of the overthrow of Ferdinand Marcos in February 1986. (AFP/CORBIS)

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Komisar, Lucy. (1987) Corazon Aquino: The Story of a Revolution. New York: George Braziller. Reid, Robert H., and Eileen Guerrero. (1995) Corazon Aquino and the Brushfire Revolution. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press. Steinberg, David Joel. (2000) The Philippines: A Singular and a Plural Place. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

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Arabic, al-Arabiyya, or lisan al-Arab, is the language spoken by 200 million people in twentyone countries from the Arabian Gulf to the Atlantic. As the liturgical language of Muslims, it is the medium for a billion people all over the globe. It is a Semitic language, and its early extant script dates back to about 300 CE at Temple of Ramm in Sinai and about 328 CE at Nemara, in the Syrian desert. Early Arabic evolved from a number of dialects between the third and the sixth centuries, leading to the classical language, which received its full expansion between 632 and 710, when the message of Islam reached many lands east and west.

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As the language of the Quran, the revealed word of God to all Muslims, it is inimitable. Taken as the standard for excellence, classical Arabic, the written language, has survived the ravages of time. Codification and standardization of Arabic began in the eighth century, following early Islamic expansion and the growth of urban centers, especially in Basrah, Baghdad, and Damascus. It was carried out not only to counteract solecism and corruption concomitant with intercultural and ethnic mixing but also to sustain its lexical and grammatical models, taking the Quran, pre-Islamic poetry, the Prophet’s sayings, and early Islamic orations, poems, and speeches as the standard. The effort between the eighth and tenth centuries to collect and verify poetry, speech, and proverbs as carried out by Arab and non-Arab scholars proved to be of great value, both in explaining Quranic word usages and meanings, and in ensuring the survival of Islamic and Arabic tradition and culture. The written grammatical standards as set by alKhalil (d. 791) and carried out by his student Sibawayhi (d. 804) made use both of attested data, such as the Quran, poetry, and elicited material from the Prophet’s tribe (Quraysh), and of analogy, or the use of explanation to rationalize speech that deviated from the norm. Morphology and Syntax in Classical Arabic The basis for Arabic morphology lies in the distinction between aplastic, or simple and unanalyzable words, and the complex, analyzable ones. Complex or analyzable words build on a trilateral root for further enriching the derivative process that gives Arabic its distinguishable life and richness. Syntax, in Arabic grammar, is governed by the two formidable notions of ellipsis and conjecture, or paraphrase, which simultaneously sustain compression and enforce attention. Arabic rhetoric grew out of the study of the stylistic inimitable Quran, burgeoning

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into treatises on linguistics, literature, law, jurisprudence, philology, theology, and the art of prose. Of relevance in this context is Arabic lexicography, beginning with al-Khalil’s lexicon al-Ayn with its phonetic and phonological ordering, to be followed by the works of Ibn Duraid (d. 933), al-Jawhari (d. 1003), Ibn Sidah (d. 1066), and many others before reaching Dawud al-Antaki (d. 1405) and al-Bustani (d. 1883). Spoken Arabic While the term classical Arabic applies to writing at large, based on standardized norms since the classical period (that is, from the eighth to the thirteenth centuries), we must understand it in relation to its descendants, early Middle Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). Insofar as MSA is concerned, the syntactic and morphological standards are there, largely sustained through education and cultivated media programs. Despite geographical and cultural obstacles and barriers among Arab lands, the classical norm in writing and public speeches is respected. It is a sign of cultivation and genuine belonging and is sought after by politicians and public figures. Spoken Arabic, on the other hand, varies, and vernaculars abound. Dialects remain outside the domain of the classical. Islamic expansion since 632 CE entailed the leveling of dialects, but it also brought some interdialectal habits and forms. A makeshift practice could easily emerge among newly converted people, freedmen, and indigenous non-Muslim tribes and inhabitants. Although aspirants to high position needed a polished style and lucid expression to fit into the ruling discourse, artisans, laborers, and businessmen could survive with this or that Arabic dialect or with the remnants of indigenous languages and dialects. The Decline of Classical Arabic From the start of the decline of the Abbasid caliphate in the late tenth century, and well before the fall of Baghdad in 1258, there was a decline in the use of classical Arabic outside formal or solemn occasions. Arabic language of the Seljuk period (1038–1157), for instance, demonstrates a mixture of the classical and the colloquial. Aside from the Andalusian practice of using local dialects in strophic street songs (zajal) like Ibn Quzman’s (d. 1160), writers like Ibn Danyal (d. 1294) show a similar bent. Conversely, epistolographers since the fifteenth century insisted on writing in a polished style. The fact remains, however, that historians, scientists, and philosophers since the fifteenth century have resorted to the use of Middle Arabic, which largely kept to standards without meticulously following classical expression and usage. The

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descendant of this Middle Arabic can be traced in the present-day language of the media and official reports. Arab philologists of the nineteenth century were aware of the increasing impact of the media, and the Lebanese Ibrahim al-Jazidji (1847–1906) wrote his book Lughat al-Sahafah (The Language of Dailies) to draw attention to faultiness and deviations from classical norms. Many royal academies were established to curb the impact of the media on Arabic classical usage. Purists like the Iraqi Christian cleric P. Anstanse al-Karmali issued in 1911–1931 Lughat al-Arab (The Language of the Arabs), to consolidate the classical against both the media Middle Arabic and the vernaculars that were beginning to appear in writing. While the purists put up a fight, they recognized the need to cope with modernization processes through appropriation of scientific words, adaptation of others, and expansion of vocabulary through derivation. At present, the classical in its middle usage is largely used in writing, ceremonies, and solemn occasions. In its standard form it provides the written medium throughout the Arab world, and among devout Muslims. Vernaculars and dialects are there in spoken Arabic, oral communications, and daily transactions. Muhsin J. al-Musawi Further Reading Al-Musawi, Muhsin J. (2001) “Arabic Rhetoric.” In the Encyclopedia of Rhetoric, ed. by Thomas O. Sloane. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 29–33. Cowan, Milton J. A. (1979) Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic. Wiesbaden, Germany: O.Harrassowitz. Stetkevych, Yaroslav. (1970) The Modern Arabic Literary Language: Lexical and Stylistic Developments. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Versteegh, Kees. (1997) The Arabic Language. New York: Columbia University Press.

ARABS Although there are references to Arabs in ancient Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions, which use the names Aribi or Arabu to identify the nomadic people living in northern Arabia, today the term identifies the Arabic-speaking peoples who inhabit the countries of North Africa and western Asia. The Arabs of western Asia inhabit modern-day Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States, Yemen, and former Palestine, today comprising Israel and the Occupied Territories of East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza. Though the Arabic language is the most obvious trait Arabs share, all the Arabs of western Asia—the Muslim majority and the Christian and Jewish mi-

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norities—are also bound by a culture that expresses itself through social, religious, and political institutions. The main institutions of the Islamic societies of western Asia emerged between the eighth and sixteenth centuries, centered on Islam as the basis of all thought and organization, and Arabic as the medium of expression. This Arabic-Islamic culture defined the structure of social classes, the status of women and non-Muslim minorities, the content and transmission of knowledge, and the formation of cities. The Pre-Islamic Period In the period before Islam was founded in 622 CE, Arabic-speaking people lived as nomads organized in tribes or clans in the Arabian and Jordanian deserts, engaging in desert produce (camel raising). For these Bedouin, poetry emerged as the pinnacle of cultural expression: poets praised the virtues of loyalty to the tribe, bravery in battle, and hospitality to guests. Other Arabs established advanced urban settlements, such as the second- and third-century Nabataean centers in Petra (southern Jordan) and Palmyra (central Syria) that serviced trade along the caravan routes. Arab-Islamic Culture These examples of ancient Arab culture and language remained confined to Arabia, Jordan, and the Levant until Muhammad Ibn Abdallah (c. 570–632), a merchant from Mecca, southern Arabia, founded a new religion—Islam—based on what Muslims believe were divine revelations communicated to Muhammad in Arabic, which were later collected to form the Quran. Arab-Islamic culture emerged in this desert region and extended throughout the Middle East. The culture that developed in the subsequent centuries stressed Islam as a guiding principle in thought and social organization, and Arabic as the main idiom of expression. Two successive Arab-Islamic dynasties, the Umayyads (661–749/750 CE), based in Damascus, and the Abbasids (749/750–1258 CE), who ruled from Baghdad, contributed to the formation of this ArabIslamic culture, with Islamic law, theology, and philosophy based on belief in Muhammad’s divine revelation. Those who possessed and controlled knowledge of this language and religion, known collectively as the ulama, wielded great authority and status in society, acting as its judges, lawyers, teachers, and religious leaders. By the eleventh century, Arab-Islamic culture had appeared in the main social and religious institutions of Western-Asian Arab cities. Most of these urban centers included ornate congregational mosques, such as

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9 FASTING AND RAMADAN Adherence to Islam is an important element of Arab cultural identity, even though not all Arabs are Muslims. Among the central tenets of Islam is fasting during the month of Ramadan. Next to prayer the most important religious observance in Arabia is fasting. Every Mohammedan must fast one lunar month out of the twelve. The month called Ramadhan is set apart for this observance. By fasting the Arab means abstinence from all food, drink, and tobacco from early morning to sunset. From the time in the morning when a black thread can be distinguished from a white one until sundown, he may taste nothing. During the night, however, men may eat and drink, and thus it happens that the fast month by day is a feast month by night. It is the season par excellence for indigestible pastries and impossible candies. The bazaar is frequently open and brilliantly illuminated the whole night. More cases of acute indigestion come to the hospital during this month than in any other two . . . But violations of the spirit and letter of this law are rare among the Arabs. The month is a time of great hardship for cultivators and other working men. Since the Mohammedan year of twelve lunar months is about ten days shorter than a solar year, the different months move gradually around the circle of the four seasons. The fast month works less hardship in winter than when it comes to summer. A pious Arab considers it next to infidelity to complain of any hardship caused by the fast, and the men who do the heavy work of the cities are frequently the most scrupulous of all in its observance. Their constancy reflects no small credit on their religious devotion, especially in summer when the days are long and hot. From the beginning of the fast at early dawn till sunset may be sixteen hours or even more, and heavy work under an almost tropical sun for that period of time without food or drink is an indication of real religious zeal. There is no difference between Sunni and Shiah here. All are examples of faithfulness. Source: Paul W. Harrison. (1924) The Arab at Home. New York: Crowell, 238–239.

the Umayyad Mosque in Damascus; theological colleges (madrasaha) to teach religion, law, and philosophy; and shrines, such as the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Non-Muslims and Women Christians and Jews were seen by the Muslim majority as “People of the Book,” that is, communities that were linked to Islam by being recipients of God’s

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earlier revealed books—Torah, Psalms, and Gospels— of which the Quran was the final revelation. These groups were tolerated but were required to observe limitations in dress and to pay poll taxes; nonetheless, many flourished in crafts, in trade with East Asia, or as high-ranking administrators in the service of Muslim rulers. Though women in Arab-Islamic society rarely engaged in production or trade, many pursued education privately, possessed property, and regularly

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sought redress in Islamic courts concerning personal and financial disputes. The strength of Arab-Islamic culture is attested to by its persistence in western Asia despite invasions by Christian, Turkic, and Mongol armies between the eleventh and fifteenth centuries. The Encounter with the West By the nineteenth century, the increasing influence of European culture and politics in the Middle East challenged the beliefs and institutions of this traditional Arab-Islamic culture. The advent of modern methods of industrial production and more efficient means of transportation (steamships, railroads) led to an expansion of Middle Eastern trade with Europe. Concurrent with these technological advances were improvements in the art of war and weaponry that allowed European armies to conquer Arab lands, beginning with Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798. In the face of these military and political threats, many of the Arab political and intellectual elite in western Asia maintained that Islamic societies needed to adopt modern European methods of government, thought, and technology to limit the European commercial, cultural, and military incursions in the Middle East. For a society traditionally based on the knowledge of Islam and the Quran, this acceptance of non-Islamic ideas articulated through European languages signaled a profound cultural shift and an undermining of the traditional Arabic-Islamic culture. European military penetration into the Middle East continued after World War I, as the British and French imposed League of Nations Mandates on Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq. Britain’s promise to secure a homeland for the Jewish people in Palestine led to the declaration of the state of Israel by Palestine’s Jewish community in 1948 and a war between the Arab states and Israel in that year, the first of five (1956, 1967, 1973, 1982). The Challenge to Arab-Islamic Culture The upheavals in Palestine after World War II and the continued influence of Britain and France over Arab countries inspired the political movement known as Pan-Arabism, which called for greater unity among Arab countries, independence from Western powers, and secular reforms in law and government. But in the last quarter of the twentieth century, the disparity in wealth among Arab countries has inspired many poorer Arabs to abandon secularist ideals and to support Islamic political movements that address their

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grievances: poverty, the Palestinian issue, and the increasing influence of Western culture. Clearly, the growing support for an indigenous source of identity in politics (Islam) signals the failure of foreign political ideals (Western secular nationalism) to mobilize Arabs and confront issues important to them. For Arab women, such factors as class, state legal systems, and differences between rural and urban lifestyles determine how extensively they can participate in the most important institutions in society, such as government, education, and the workforce. Though the Arabic-Islamic culture continues to be an important source of identity for the Arabs of western Asia, modern technologies, changes in law and education, and exposure to various cultural influences have challenged how this Arab-Islamic culture is received and interpreted by Arabs. Awad Eddie Halabi See also: Islam—West Asia

Further Reading Boullata, Issa. (1990) Trends and Issues in Contemporary Arab Thought. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Esposito, John. (1996) Islam and Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press. Hourani, Albert. (1991) A History of the Arab Peoples. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. Mansfield, P. (1992) The Arabs. New York: Rev. ed. Penguin Press. Musallam, Basim. (1983) The Arabs: A Living History. London: Collins. Smith, Charles. (2001) Palestine and the Arab-Israeli Conflict. Rev. ed. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s Press.

ARAKAN YOMA MOUNTAINS The Arakan Yoma Mountains are a range stretching 650 kilometers from north to south in Myanmar (Burma). The range divides Myanmar into the Irrawaddy Valley to the west and a thin strip of coastal land known as Arakan to the east. The average altitude is between fifteen hundred and two thousand meters, with the highest point being Mount Victoria at 3,010 meters. The Arakan Yoma range is traversable via three major passes: the An, the Gwa, and the Taungup. The Arakan Yoma range is sparsely populated. Chins, Nagas, and other groups populate its numerous valleys and slopes. Prior to British rule, these groups were not brought under the control of any of the precolonial lowland kingdoms of either Arakan or the Irrawaddy Valley.

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The Arakan Yoma range is important to Myanmar history chiefly for two reasons. First, the Arakan Yoma is a “rain barrier” to dry middle Myanmar, blocking monsoonal rains coming from the southwest off of the Bay of Bengal. Second, the Arakan Yoma range has historically split the Burmans into two branches: the Burmans of the Irrawaddy Valley and the Arakanese, the latter living along the thin coastal strip of land on the western slope of the mountain range. Michael Walter Charney Further Reading Charney, Michael W. (2000) “A Reinvestigation of Konbaung-Era Burman Historiography on the Relationship between Arakan and Ava (Upper Burma).” Journal of Asian History 34, 1: 53–68.

ARAKI SADAO (1877–1966), Japanese general and politician. Araki Sadao was a general, politician, and leader of the Imperial Way faction (Kodoha, an ultranationalist group during the 1930s). A native of Tokyo and a graduate of the Japanese Military Academy and the Army War College, Araki served in the RussoJapanese War in 1904 and with the Japanese forces in Siberia in 1918. Before he served as principal of the war college, he was promoted to lieutenant general in 1927. In 1931 he briefly served as inspector general of the Army Educational Administration. The same year he became army minister in the Inukai Tsuyoshi (1855–1932) and Saito Makoto (1858–1936) cabinets, retaining the position until he resigned in 1934. A failed coup d’état plan against the government in October 1931 sought to overthrow the cabinet and install Araki as prime minister. In February 1936 a group of junior-ranking army officers rose up in insurrection, assassinating Saito Makoto and other cabinet members. As Araki had tacitly supported the insurrectionists, he was forced to quit his position. Appointed minister of education in 1938, Araki reinforced military instruction at the schools. After World War II, he was convicted of class-A war crimes and sentenced to life imprisonment, but he was released in 1955 due to ill health.

ARAL SEA The Aral Sea is the world’s fourthlargest lake, but because of human influence, it has been shrinking since the 1960s at a pace that is unique in modern times. Desiccation has caused a spectrum of severe environmental and human problems. National and international efforts are underway to cope with them, but they will be enormously costly and require many years to deal with. The Aral Sea is a terminal lake, that is, a lake without surface outflow, in the deserts of Central Asia. Its level is mainly determined by the balance between surface inflow from two large rivers (the Amu Dar’ya and Syr Dar’ya) and net evaporation (evaporation minus precipitation). Most of the sea’s drainage basin is located in the territory of Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Turkmenistan, newly independent states that were part of the former Soviet Union until the end of 1991. For the first six decades of the twentieth century, the Aral’s water balance was in equilibrium and level fluctuations minor. In 1960 the Aral had a level 53 meters above sea level and an area of 67,381 square kilometers. It had an average salinity of around 10 grams/liter, and its twenty indigenous species of fish supported a major fishery. The Aral also served as a key regional transportation route. The deltas of the Syr Dar’ya and Amu Dar’ya rivers sustained a diversity of natural flora and fauna as well as having major economic importance for agriculture, animal husbandry, and fishing. Changes in the Aral Sea Region since the 1960s Over the past four decades, the Aral Sea has steadily shrunk as expanding irrigation diminished inflow to it

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Bix, Herbert P. (2000) Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Shillony, Ben-Ami. (1973) Revolt in Japan: The Young Officers and the February 26, 1936 Incident. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

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season has shortened, forcing a switch from cotton to rice in the northern part of the Amu Dar’ya delta. The population living near the Aral Sea suffers acute health problems directly related to the sea’s recession. These include respiratory and digestive afflictions, possibly cancer from inhalation and ingestion of blowing salt and dust, and poorer diets from the loss of Aral fish. Bacterial contamination of drinking water is pervasive, leading to very high rates of waterborne disease.

A boat grounded in a receded area of the the Aral Sea in Uzbekistan in 1992. (SHEPARD SHERBELL/CORBIS)

from the Amu Dar’ya and Syr Dar’ya. In 1987, the sea split into two bodies of water. During the 1990s, average annual inflow was only 27 percent of the 1911– 1960 figure. The Aral’s drying up has caused severe harm. The sea’s native fishes disappeared by the early 1980s as salinity rose beyond their ability to adapt. This ended commercial fishing and threw tens of thousands of people out of work. Areas well beyond the sea and its immediate shoreline suffered as well. A 400,000square-kilometer region around the sea, with a population of 3–4 million, has been designated an “ecological disaster zone” by the Central Asian governments. The rich ecosystems of the Amu Dar’ya and Syr Dar’ya deltas have been particularly hard hit. Desertification has severely affected both deltas, as native plant communities are displaced by others, more tolerant of saline soil and dry climatic conditions. The extent of unique tugai forests, primarily composed of water-consuming trees and shrubs that once stretched along the main rivers and delta channels, has substantially diminished, as has the diversity of animals inhabiting the forests. Lakes and wetlands, which provide prime habitat for a variety of permanent and migratory waterfowl, have diminished significantly, along with aquatic bird populations. Because irrigation now uses reduced and salinized river flow from upstream, crop yields have fallen. Declining productivity of pastures has harmed animal husbandry. Salt and dust blown from the former sea bottom carries far downwind and settles over a considerable area. This has substantially slowed plant growth and depressed crop yields. Even the climate in a 100-kilometer-wide band around the sea’s former coastline has changed, with a steady trend toward warmer summers and cooler winters. The growing

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Rehabilitation Efforts In the late 1980s, the Soviet Union initiated programs to deal with the Aral Sea problem, but they stopped with the collapse and dissolution of the USSR in 1991. Responsibility for dealing with Aral issues fell on the five newly independent nations of the Aral Sea basin. The states signed a water-sharing measure in 1992 that guaranteed a certain share of the flow of the Amu Dar’ya and Syr Dar’ya to the Aral Sea and the river deltas. Subsequently, they signed an agreement that created an Interstate Council on the Aral Sea (ICAS) and the Interstate Fund for the Aral Sea (IFAS). The former was charged with developing and implementing a program for dealing with the Aral crisis in coordination with foreign donors. The latter’s responsibility was to raise money from the five member countries for carrying out the program. The two entities merged in 1997 under the IFAS name. International help began in 1990, but only became significant after 1991. Through its Aral Sea Basin Program, the World Bank has been coordinating the most ambitious efforts. Other key players have been the European Union, United Nations (through UNEP and UNESCO), the United States, and the Asian Development Bank. Partial restoration of the separated northern part of the Aral Sea is feasible. This would cut salinity to levels tolerable by indigenous fishes and allow commercial fishing to resume. But restoring the much larger southern part would be much more difficult. It would require a substantial increase in water inflow from the Amu Dar’ya, which in turn would require major improvements and reductions in irrigation. Neither is likely in the foreseeable future. Philip Micklin Further Reading Glantz, Michael H., ed. (1999) Creeping Environmental Problems and Sustainable Development in the Aral Sea Basin. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.

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Micklin, Philip P. (1988) “Desiccation of the Aral Sea: A Water Management Disaster in the Soviet Union.” Science 241, 4870 (2 September): 1170–1176. ———. (1991) The Water Management Crisis in Soviet Central Asia, Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 905. Pittsburgh, PA: Center for Russian and East European Studies. ———. (1994) “The Aral Sea Problem.” Civil Engineering, Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers August: 114–121. ———. (2000) Managing Water in the Aral Sea Basin. Central Asian and Caucasian Prospects. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, Russia and Eurasia Programme. ———, ed. (1992) “Special Issue on the Aral Sea Crisis.” Post-Soviet Geography 33 (May): 5. Micklin, Philip P., and William D. Williams, eds. (1996) The Aral Sea Basin. Proceedings of an Advanced Research Workshop, May 2–5, 1994, Tashkent, Uzbekistan. NATO ASI series, vol. 12. Heidelberg, Germany: Springer-Verlag. World Bank. (1993) The Aral Sea Crisis: Proposed Framework of Activities. Washington, DC: World Bank. ———. (1996) Aral Sea Basin Program, Phase 1, Progress Report No. 3. Washington, DC: World Bank. ———. (1998) Aral Sea Basin Program (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan): Water and Environmental Management Project. Washington, DC: World Bank.

ARARAT, MOUNT Mount Ararat (Agri Dagi), positioned at latitude 44°20′ east, longitude 39°20′ north, is the highest mountain in Turkey at 5137 me-

ters. From the main peak, Buyuk Agri, it is less than 20 kilometers southeast to the Iranian frontier and 30 kilometers northeast to the Russian frontier. Great Ararat is an extinct volcanic cone, accompanied by a secondary cone, Little Ararat (Kucuk Agri), which rises to 3885 meters just 12 kilometers southeast of its larger brother. Together they encompass about 250 square kilometers and rise spectacularly 4250 meters above the surrounding plain at Dogubeyazit. Ararat is the final volcano in a fault-line chain that includes Mounts Erciyes, Suphan, and Nemrut, and that crosses Turkey from the southwest. Ararat includes basalt and andesite and is a major source of obsidian, used by early humans for the manufacture of tools. Fresh lava flows date from the last eruption on 2 June 1840, when Ahora town and a monastery on the northeast slopes were buried. The summit is permanently glaciated; the longest glacier descends to an altitude of 2500 meters and is reputed to contain the remains of Noah’s Ark. Josephus, in 70 CE, mentioned the existence of the Ark. Dr. Nouri, archdeacon of Babylon and Jerusalem, claimed to have located it in 1893. Russian expeditions during the two world wars took photographs (subsequently lost), and a sighting was claimed by an American researcher in 1987. Ararat was once the focus of the Urartean and later the Armenian civilizations. The area is now occupied by Kurds and features songs and legends documented by Yasar Kemal.

Mount Ararat with the village of Dogubayazit at its base. (ADAM WOOLFITT/CORBIS)

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9 MARCO POLO DESCRIBES MOUNT ARARAT, c. 1295 “In the heart of Greater Armenia is a very high mountain, on which Noah’s Ark is said to have rested. It is so broad and long that it takes more than two days to go round it. On the summit the snow lies so deep all the year that no one can ever climb it. But on the lower slopes the herbage is so lush and luxurious that, in summer, all the beasts from far and near resort here and yet the supply never fails.”

grew pronounced; Isozaki developed a series that toyed with cubic volumes and barrel vaults to achieve a neutral emptiness. Inevitably, the emergence of postmodern architecture in the West during the1980s created many opportunities for Isozaki to work abroad, particularly in Spain and the United States, but his biting approach was frequently lost in the translation. The 1990s and beyond saw Isozaki return to a criticism of technology, often juxtaposed with fragments from Western architecture. Throughout his career, Isozaki was a prolific essayist, and his writings offer a remarkable commentary, not only on his own work, but also on the trends influencing architects both in Japan and abroad.

Source: James Bryce (1996) Transcaucasia and Ararat. London: Macmillan and Co.

Dana Buntrock Further Reading

Confounding Marco Polo (c. 1295), who thought that the snow on the summit was so deep that no one could climb it, Ararat was first climbed by Professor Parrot, a German, in 1829. With military permission, a guide, and two overnight camps en route, it presents no technical problems, and mountaineering tourism is becoming an important source of local income. Kate Clow Further Reading Bryce, James. (1996) Transcaucasia and Ararat. London: Macmillan and Co. Kemal, Yasar. (1990) Agridagi Efsanesi (Legend of Mount Ararat). Istanbul: Toros Yayinlari. Smith, Karl. (1994) The Mountains of Turkey. Cumbria, U.K.: Cicerone.

ARATA ISOZAKI (b. 1931), Japanese architect. Born in Oita City, Japan, Arata Isozaki took an approach to architecture that was rooted in postwar art movements. His work has been described as “conceptual architecture” (Drew 1982: 18). Isozaki often used quotation to establish a certain sense of displacement; many of these references were obscure and personal, including distorted abstractions referring to Mickey Mouse and Marilyn Monroe, but a number also drew from the Western architectural canon. In the 1960s Isozaki was best known for his drawings of dystopian structures rising from ruins. Isozaki’s concurrent buildings reflected a fascination with technology, but were deliberately cold and abstract, rejecting their surroundings. In the 1970s, this abstraction

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Arata Isozaki. (1991) Arata Isozaki: Architecture 1960–1990. New York: Rizzoli. ———. (1998) Arata Isozaki: Four Decades of Architecture. Los Angeles: The Museum of Contemporary Art. Drew, Phillip. (1982) The Architecture of Arata Isozaki. New York: Harper & Row. Stewart, David, ed. (1991) Arata Isozaki, 1960/1990. Tokyo: Executive Committee for Arata Isozaki, Architecture, 1960/1990.

ARCHAEOLOGY—TURKEY Archaeology began in Turkey with Heinrich Schliemann’s (1822– 1890) dramatic discovery and excavation of ancient Troy, where he worked from 1870 on, and has continued to be dominated by foreigners who, in conjunction with Turkey’s own archaeologists, use more and more sophisticated methods to unravel the history of this key land mass. Turkey’s Cultural Ministry attracts some 0.02 percent of the state budget, only a fraction of which goes to the Museums and Sites Directorate for the preservation of huge concentrations of prehistoric and historic sites along Turkey’s trade routes, coasts, and river valleys. Turkey has the greatest cultural variety of archeological remains of any country in the world. One of the world’s oldest towns has been discovered in Turkey—Catalhuyuk (dating from 6500 to 5500 BCE), and the supposed resting place of Noah’s Ark, Mount Ararat, lies in Turkey, as do Van, capital of the ancient Urartean kingdom (which flourished from about the thirteenth to about the seventh century BCE), and Bogazkoy, capital of the mighty Hittite empire, which flourished from about 1700 to 1380 BCE. Other historic sites include Urfa, the birthplace of Abraham; Miletus, a colonizing Greek city-state;

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Remains of the Library of Celsus in Ephesus, Turkey, in 1997. (STEPHEN G. DONALDSON PHOTOGRAPHY)

the seven churches of Asia originally founded by Saint Paul; Constantinople, the capital of the Eastern Roman empire; Hagia Sophia, the world’s largest church; the medieval Armenian kingdom of Cilicia; a sprinkling of Crusader castles; and Trabzon, the last surviving outpost of Byzantium. The uniquely Turkish Seljuk and Ottoman empires are also represented almost exclusively in present-day Turkey. Since the fashion for the grand tour began in Europe in the nineteenth century, this cultural storehouse has been raided by western collectors and museums; authorized exports include the Pergamon Zeus Altar, which has its own museum in Berlin; the tombs of Xanthos, in their own room in the British Museum; and the Heroon from Myra, on display in Vienna. Other collectors took advantage of a country of uneducated peasants, who, until only fifty years ago, filled the time between sowing and harvest by tomb raiding and treasure seeking. The treasures of Troy adorned Schliemann’s wife and now reside in Russia; as recently as 1962, Dumbarton Oaks acquired early Byzantine silver artifacts that had been smuggled out of Turkey illegally, and the Getty Museum has recently returned portions of a Greek sarcophagus. Not surprisingly, to prevent a recurrence of art theft, all excavations in Turkey are now supervised by Cultural Ministry staff. The first famous Turkish archaeologist was Osman Hamdi (1842–1910), who excavated the Royal Ceme-

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tery at Sidon and brought the sarcophagi back to the new Istanbul Museum. The Ankara Museum (established in 1921) resulted from Ataturk’s interest in the Hittites. Together these institutions sparked a change in the perception of the educated public. Foreign organizations, in particular the British Institute of Archaeology in Ankara; the Spanish Archaeological Mission; the Middle Eastern Culture Center, Tokyo; the German Archaeological Institute; the Institute for Aegean Pre-History; the Institute for Classical Archaeology, Vienna, as well as universities in the United States, France, Belgium, Italy, and elsewhere have participated in investigations and excavations in Turkey. The drowning of many important prehistoric, Roman, and early Turkish sites by the construction of twenty-two dams on the Euphrates and the plan for a similar sequence of dams on the Tigris have made rescue archaeology an important part of the Turkish scene. Prehistoric Period The excavation of Upper Palaeolithic cave settlements near Antalya demonstrated early hominid occupation there. The Neolithic site of Catalhuyuk, near Konya, represents one of the world’s first permanent settlements; it was discovered in 1958 by James Mellaart. Excavation continues, and this town, with houses and shrines decorated with relief sculptures and wall paintings, is now a World Heritage Site.

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Bronze Age Central Anatolia was ruled by the Hatti (early Bronze age indigenous inhabitants of the region, up until about 1800 BCE), whose royal tombs at Alacahoyuk were excavated from 1940 on by the Turkish archaeologists Remzi Oguz Arik and Hamit Kosay. They discovered bronze, silver, and gold objects of extraordinary beauty, including the famous deer standard now used as a symbol of Ankara. The excavation of the Assyrian trade colony at Kanesh (which dates from 1950 BCE) by Tahsin Ozguc and Nimet Ozguc yielded thousands of clay tablets inscribed with trade records in cuneiform script, as well as traces of early Hittite occupation. Levels contemporary with the Kanesh excavation at Troy held bronze weapons, silver objects, and Schliemann’s treasure; sophisticated wheel-made pottery was also found. Early Civilizations Excavations at Bogazkoy, the capital of the Hittite civilization, whose physical remains were previously unknown, were begun by Hugo Winckler in 1906, suspended during World War I, and recommenced from 1931. The magnificent ruins of the site were uncovered, and a huge stock of cuneiform tablets was gradually deciphered to reveal a rich code of laws, legends, and customs; a contemporary fort at Ortakoy (Corum) is under excavation. Neo-Hittite sites under investigation include Arslantepe, Sirkeli Hoyuk, and Carchemish (Karkamis, which is to be submerged under a new dam on the Syrian border). Farther east the Urartean site at Toprakkale, Van, was wrecked in the nineteenth century by Austin Henry Layard’s hasty unprofessional excavation; Altintepe, near Erzurum, was excavated by Turkish archaeologists and yielded impressive graves; Oktay Belli is currently excavating a pair of Urartean fortresses near Van. Four contemporaneous west Anatolian cultures (c. 700–300 BCE), the Phrygian, Lydian, Carian, and Lycian, have yielded important sites. Gordion, capital city of King Midas, was excavated first by German then by American teams; ornate grave goods, including inlaid tables, are now in the Ankara Museum. Sardis, the capital of Croesus’s Lydian kingdom (c. seventh century–546 BCE), is currently under American excavation. Site of the world’s first minted coins, it has yielded smelting furnaces. Lycian Xanthos has been excavated by the French since 1958, and Turkish excavations at nearby Patara have shown that the site was occupied as early as the eighth century BCE.

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9 TROY—WORLD HERITAGE SITE Troy was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1992. Immortalized in Homer’s Iliad, Troy is considered one of the world’s most important archeological sites for its contribution to the understanding of early European culture.

Greek and Roman Periods The first Greek colonies were founded on Turkey’s western seaboard from 1000 BCE and began to expand in the seventh century BCE; most of these cities continued in occupation through the period of conquest by Alexander of Macedon (356–323 BCE) and the Roman annexation; by the first century CE the Romans had absorbed the independent states of the interior as far as the Euphrates. Development of the cities of Asia Minor accelerated progressively after Alexander until Marcus Aurelius (176 CE ). The slow decline that followed was interrupted by periods of Byzantine revival, until many sites were abandoned in the face of the advance of Islam (eighth century). These glorious cities are currently being excavated and restored as tourism showcases and provide a source of revenue for the Culture Ministry. The most magnificent examples are Pergamon and Didyma, both currently being restored by German teams; Ephesus, with its huge, nearly intact theater, and a villa suburb where members of the Austrian Archaeological Institute are at work; the colonia of Sagalassos, where a systematic and thorough investigation and excavation under Marc Waelkens is supported by Belgian funds; and Aphrodisias, where conservation and a new museum mark considerable progress under the Americans. In comparison, the Turkish excavation of Saint Paul’s city of Antioch in Pisidia is underfunded and poorly exhibited. Rescue Archaeology At a Roman villa suburb at Zeugma on the Euphrates, excavators fought against time to save mosaics from drowning beneath the Birecik dam in 2000. Some of the rescued mosaics are now on exhibition in Gaziantep museum; a new annex is being built to accommodate more. But frescoes at the site were lost and much of the site lies unexcavated beneath the water. The ChalcolithicBronze Age-Urak sites of Hainebi, Tilbes, and Horum Hoyuk are due to disappear beneath the same lake. Roman Samosata and several medieval churches were sub-

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merged under the Ataturk Dam. Museums in the area have participated in excavations of prehistoric sites and have excellent displays. Throughout Turkey individual museum directors are empowered to conduct salvage operations during local construction projects, but the loss of Turkey’s, and particularly Istanbul’s, Byzantine and Seljuk historic buildings is the most tragic aspect of Turkish archaeology today. Later Periods Since most Byzantine monuments were built over Roman sites, they must be excavated to get at the Greek and Roman remains beneath; only one or two churches have been excavated for their own merits. Seljuk and Ottoman sites are similarly neglected, although recent research projects have documented sites at Artvin, Ardahan, Harput, Binbir Kilise, and Aya Tekla, as well as the Georgian churches in the area between Bayburt and Artvin and churches at Nigde and Akhisar. Prospects At present, unless tourism promises a profit, Turkey’s government will not prioritize archaeology; thus projects often depend on outside pressure and funding. Further rescue archaeology is now required before the Tigris valley dams flood the glorious medieval cave city of Hasan Keyf and other sites. However fund-raising is nearly complete for excavations at the tourism destination of Nemrut Dagi, where the tomb of Antiochus Commagene lies under a mountaintop tumulus surrounded by a pantheon of stone gods. Kate Clow Further Reading Akurgal, Ekrem. (1985) Ancient Civilizations and Ruins of Turkey. Istanbul, Turkey: Haset Kitabevi. The Museum of Anatolian Civilisations Handbook. Ankara, Turkey: Cultural Ministry. Stoneman, Richard. (1993) A Traveller’s History of Turkey. Gloucestershire, U.K.: Windrush Press.

ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION— CENTRAL ASIA Throughout Asia indigenous peoples use local resources in developing regional types of architecture. Desert regions use clay, adobe, and fired bricks. In Western Asia, parts of India, China, Japan, and Korea, builders used carved wood. Great stone temples were built in Vietnam, Thailand, and Cambodia. In Asia there is a distinction between the private and the public sphere. Public architecture must con-

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form to certain rules. Public decorative architecture relies heavily on symmetry, which helps place the building and its users in a societal hierarchy that defines the rank of building itself. In China it is the difference between Taoism and Confucianism. Taoism is private and Confucianism is public. In the private sphere the symmetry collapses, and naturalistic forms of flowers, plants, and representational art are used to decorate structures. Private homes in China have unpainted wood, and ink paintings on the rough plaster walls. In Mughal India, harem buildings have paintings of dancing girls that would be strictly forbidden for a throne room. In China, dating back to the Shinju dynasty, the use of colors defined status. Yellow was reserved for the royal family and black was for peasants, according to societal laws that remained in force until the end of the nineteenth century. Tie beams were carved with motifs of stylized dragons, mythical animals, nine-tailed turtles, and lucky symbols (including the auspicious swastika, a symbol of the sun or the rolling of time). The glazing of roof tiles began in the Tang dynasty. In Muslim countries, geometric patterns are used to conform to the nonrepresentational art of Quranic law, and colors create distinctions between ruling powers. During the classical phase of Islamic architecture, the use of muqarnas (stalactite or honeycomb vaulting) was introduced. In the mosques, the formal structure is organized with the orientation of the mihrab, the niche that indicates the direction of Mecca. In Bukhara the ninth- to tenth-century mausoleum of the Samanids exemplifies the use of patterned and carved brick in a jewel of geometric balance. In Samarqand, palaces, mosques, and mausoleums displayed faultless, exquisite blue tiles; color variation was not allowed. In China, all decorations on the Temple of Heaven are perfect and geometrically precise; the woodwork, beams, brackets, floor tiles, and cobalt-blue roof tiles are as close to perfection as humanly possible. By contrast, in Japan the height of style and elegance is a teahouse with thatched roof, unpainted posts and lintels, and a floor made of rough boards. Nowhere in Asia was the imperfect valued as highly as in Japan. Marcia Selsor Further Reading Hoag, John D. (1977) Islamic Architecture. New York: Abrams. Pulatov, T. and L. Y. Mankovskaja. (1991) Bukhara: A Museum in the Open. Tashkent, Uzbekistan: Gafur Gulyam. Williams, C. A. S. (1974) Chinese Symbols and Art Motifs. Boston: Tuttle.

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ARCHITECTURE—CENTRAL ASIA Architecture in Central Asia has a very long history—the oldest evidence of human-made structures was discovered in early farming settlements dated around 7000 BCE. These sites lie in the oases north of the Kopet Dag Mountains that extend about 645 kilometers between present-day northeast Iran and Turkmenistan. Here in southern Turkmenistan, the Neolithic village of Djeitun had thirty one-room houses made of mud bricks, with plastered floors, hearths, and often wall paintings. In the same area, at the Early Chalcolithic site of Chagilli Tepe, dated around 5000 BCE, were multiroom houses that formed large complexes along streets and alleys. Larger settlements arose in Central Asia during the Middle Chalcolithic Age (c. 4000–3500 BCE). In the Tedzhen River delta in present-day south Turkmenistan, fortified settlements arose; these had circular towers connected to thick walls, with a large rectangular house on a platform in the middle. Protourban settlements (Namazga Tepe and Altyn Tepe) arose in the Late Chalcolithic (c. 3500–3000 BCE) and expanded in the Early Bronze Age (3000–2500 BCE), reaching areas of fifty and twenty-five hectares, respectively. At Altyn Tepe, pilastered ramparts 2.3 meters thick were flanked by two rectangular towers in the north, while two rectangular towers protected the main entrance, flanking the 6-meter-thick wall in the south. There was also an elite quarter with richly decorated multiroom houses and wide streets, a crafts quarter with pottery kilns and copper-smelting furnaces, a priests’ quarter with shrines, and a monumental towerlike structure on a stepped platform, resembling Mesopotamian ziggurats (temple towers). Several large settlements with square-shaped fortresses appeared in the delta of the Murgab River that flows though northwestern Afghanistan and southeastern Turkmenistan. Large sites are also noted north and south of the Amu Dar’ya River that flows from the Pamirs to the Aral Sea. In this region, the fortified settlement of Sapalli Tepe consisted of several multiroom quarters with T-shaped corridors clustered along the streets. Smaller fortified settlements with citadels appeared in the Murgab delta during the Early Iron Age (1200–800 BCE). Iron Age (700–400 BCE) settlements in the Fergana Valley, in today’s Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan, had defensive walls with towers and monumental buildings. The Rise of Cities Several urban-type settlements and fortresses arose in southern Turkmenistan when this area became in-

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cluded in the Parthian kingdom (c. 250 BCE–c. 226 CE). The largest settlement, New Nisa, had a palatial building and several temples. Following the eastern campaigns of Alexander of Macedon (356–323 BCE), Central Asia became part of an independent Bactrian kingdom (250–130 BCE), greatly influenced by Greek culture. The city of Ai Khanum, located on the left bank of the Amu Dar’ya River and protected by thick mud-brick walls, possessed impressive public buildings, including a royal palace, gymnasium, theater, arsenal, and Greek-style residential houses. Later, Bactria was incorporated into the powerful Kushan kingdom (78–200), whose rulers encouraged the spread of Buddhism. The city of Airtam, on the Amu Dar’ya, had a significant Buddhist temple with a sculptured frieze. The city of Khalchyan on the Surkhandarya River in today’s Uzbekistan included a palace with a gallery of sculptures of local rulers. Dalverzin Tepe on the same river had a citadel, palace, and residential areas within the city walls. As early as the eighth or seventh century BCE, Afrasitab (Samarqand before the time of Timur, the Turkic conqueror, 1336–1405) and Yerkurgan had developed as fortified settlements along the middle stretches of the Zeravshan River, which flows through today’s Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. During the third through sixth centuries, Yerkurgan possessed a palatial building and at least two temples. At the same time, Toprak-Qala, north of the Amu Dar’ya and opposite the city of Urganch in western Uzbekistan, was protected by rectangular clay walls; it had three towered castles with a range of palatial halls. The so-called Hall of Kings had painted walls and housed a collection of clay statues of local rulers, their wives, and warriors, some of them of Indian ancestry. A different architectural design consisting of concentric circles was found at the nearby site of Koy-Kryglan-Qala. The fourth and fifth centuries saw a decline in urban development in Central Asia following the collapse of the Kushan state in India and the conquest of the region by the Persian Sasanid dynasty (224/228– 651). In the sixth through eighth centuries, the older cities such as Samarqand, Toprak-Qala, and Mary (in today’s Turkmenistan) recovered, and new ones (Pendjikent and many others) were established. These included fortified sites (such as castles, keshk), palaces, ritual places, and dwelling houses. Pendjikent consisted of blocks of two-story houses with vaulted roofs and walls often covered with paintings and decorated with carving. In Uzbekistan, the cities of Afrasiab, Varakhsha, and Pendjikent had monumental palaces

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erected on elevated platforms, with several large halls adorned with wall paintings. Ritual places reflected a multitude of religious beliefs: Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, and Manichaeism. Islamic Architecture The spread of Islam following the Arab conquests in the seventh and eighth centuries led to the emergence of architecture that was typically Islamic. The oldest mosques in Samarqand (Afrasiab), Mary, and Bashan are dated to the ninth and tenth centuries. Early mausoleums or monumental tombs are known in the city of Bukhara in Uzbekistan and Samarqand, among others. During the Seljuk dynasty (1038–1157), stone-built caravansaries arose along the Central Asian trade routes. Timurid Architecture The Mongol invasion in 1220–1221 led to almost total destruction of urban life in Central Asia. Only mausoleums have survived from that period. Timur, however, who made Samarqand his base of power in 1370, contributed to a new rise in urban development with the erection of numerous monumental buildings. Architectural traditions were enhanced under the reign of Ulugh Beg (1394–1449), Timur’s grandson, who made Samarqand a center of Muslim culture. Impressive monuments of the Timurid era (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries) included mausoleums, mosques, and madrasahs (religious colleges) in Samarqand, as well as libraries, hospitals, and water-supply facilities. Traditional Central Asian architecture included several types of mosques: a dome over a square chamber, an open barrel-vaulted hall, a richly decorated

9 ITCHAN KALA—WORLD HERITAGE SITE The last oasis before Iran for caravaners crossing the desert, Itchan Kala in Uzbekistan was designated a UNESCO World Heritage site in 1990. The site still contains a few superb examples of Central Asian architecture, including the Djuma Mosque and two magnificent nineteenthcentury palaces.

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portal (the iwan), and an open court surrounded by arcades; the minarets or prayer towers were circular or conical. Mausoleums usually had a domed structure raised over a square base. The madrasah consisted of an inner courtyard surrounded by one- or two-story buildings that included a mosque, lecture rooms, and living rooms. Developments in the Sixteenth through Nineteenth Centuries In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, urban development was restricted to larger cities such as Samarqand and Bukhara, where impressive architectural assemblages were erected. Large mosques had a main dome, typically onion shaped in Central Asia, and an impressive arched iwan along the central axis; smaller district mosques had open iwans; madrasahs were designed with four iwans, a central court, numerous cells, a monumental pishtak (portico), and corner minarets. Domed bazaars and water reservoirs also date from this period. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, impressive palatial buildings were erected, particularly in Khiva, in the oasis west of the lower Amu Dar’ya in Uzbekistan. After Central Asia became part of the Russian empire in 1860, European-type agglomerations developed alongside the older structures in major administrative centers such as Tashkent and Samarqand in Uzbekistan and Ashkhabad in southern Turkmenistan. Under Soviet rule (1920–1991) there was an intensive development of residential housing throughout Central Asia, along with public buildings (theaters, museums, educational and recreational facilities). After independence in 1991, new official buildings were constructed, particularly in Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, with the intention of developing an infrastructure for tourism. Pavel Dolukhanov Further Reading Bernard, P. N. (1982) “An Ancient Greek City in Central Asia.” Scientific American 246: 126–135. Gippenreiter, Vadim Evgenevich, and Robin Magowan. (1989) Fabled Cities of Central Asia: Samarkand, Bukhara, Khiva. New York: Abbeville Press. Golombek, Lisa, and Donald Wilber. (1988) The Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Herder, Klaus. (1990) Formal Structure in Islamic Architecture of Iran and Turkistan. Pref. by Oleg Grabar. New York: Rizzoli. Knobloch, Edgar. (1972) Beyond the Oxus: Archaeology, Art, and Architecture of Central Asia. London: Ernst Benn.

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———. (2001) Monuments of Central Asia: A Guide to the Archaeology, Art, and Architecture of Turkestan. London and New York: I. B. Tauris. Pugachenkova, Galina Anatolevna. (1983) Srednyaya Aziya: Spravochnik-putevoditel’ (Middle Asia: Dictionary-Guide). Moscow: Iskusstvo. Stavisskii, Boris Iakovlevich. (1974) Iskusstvo Srednei Azii (Art of Middle Asia). Moscow: Iskusstvo.

ARCHITECTURE—CHINA Since earliest times, Chinese aboveground construction has been dominated by wood. The timber frame is China’s major technological contribution to world architecture, and its wooden architectural design is unparalleled in its flexibility, adaptability, versatility, and ability to withstand earthquakes. The wooden support system can be traced through more than four millennia of Chinese building history, from the Neolithic period in the fourth and third centuries BCE into the twenty-first century CE. Other features of Chinese architecture with a multimillennial history include the foundation platform and the decorative roof. The part of the Chinese wooden structure in which change can most readily be seen is the bracket set, the group of wooden interlocking components that attach to pillars to help support the roof without the use of abrasives or other aids in joinery. Chinese building styles evolved over time, but the developments often do not correspond to the change in dynasties. The Chinese most often define their architectural tradition according to early, middle, and late periods. Early structures are those from the beginnings of the Chinese building system in Neolithic times through the Bronze Age (last two millennia BCE), the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), and the period of disunion known as the Three Kingdoms and Northern and Southern dynasties (220–589 CE). The middle period begins with reunification under the Sui dynasty (581–618 CE) in the 580s and continues through the Tang dynasty (618–907) and the Song period (960–1279). Architectural historians do not agree on the break between the middle and late periods. Most understand the period of Mongolian rule (the Yuan dynasty, 1267–1368) as transitional, with later, or premodern architecture, defined as the fourteenth through nineteenth centuries. In this evolution, the years 1103 and 1734 are benchmarks. Those are the dates of issue of the two complete and extant court-sponsored building manuals, the Yingzao fashi (Building Standards) and Gongbu gongcheng zuofa zeli (Engineering Manual for the Board of Works). From these writings, it is known that even though general principles of Chinese construction seem to change little over long periods of

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time, at any given time the differences between important, or high-ranking, architecture and more humble construction are always apparent. Three other features distinguish the Chinese building tradition from those of most other parts of the world. First, to a Chinese, the word architecture means not only buildings such as pagodas or temples, but cities, gardens, and tombs. Second, a Chinese building is almost always part of a complex of structures, joined to one another and interrelated physically by covered walkways or spatially by construction around courtyards. Third, rarely is the name of an architect associated with a building in China. Designs for palaces and cities and for imperial monasteries and imperial gardens were produced at court, the pay scale and allotments of materials for building construction were standardized, builders were craftsmen, and an overriding modular system made it possible for a group of craftsman-builders to erect a timber frame based on proportional units. Early Architecture Most of our knowledge of Chinese architecture before the first millennium CE has come from excavation. Some of the sites such as the Shang (c. 1700–1100 BCE) capital at Anyang (c. 1300–1050 BCE) have been studied for nearly eighty years. Others have been discovered and opened within the last decade. Most impressive about the Neolithic sites such as Banpo in Shaanxi, Chengziyai in Shandong, Hemudu in Zhejiang, and Niuhuliang in Liaoning is that although a different Neolithic culture is represented at each of them, each had four-sided structures defined by exterior columns, each had a great hall or temple, each shows evidence of platforms or walls made by the terre-pise method (also known as the rammedearth method), and probably each was enclosed by an outer wall. Anyang was preceded by six Shang capitals, two others also in Henan. From the three sites, we know that Shang cities were enclosed by walls as long as seven kilometers in perimeter, that large structures may have been palaces, that residential architecture was raised on building foundations, and that tombs of immense proportions were dug underground and were faced with wooden walls. It is also known that buildings, presumably funerary shrines or temples, stood above ground on top of the burial chambers. Our first evidence of gardens is from the Zhou dynasty (1045–256 BCE). So far, information about gardens and pleasure palaces is known only through literary sources. Zhou was an extremely important pe-

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riod in the history of Chinese urbanism. Each of the hundred-plus rulers of cities or states had a walled capital. Among them were many with a wall-enclosed palace-city inside the outer wall. This feature was to become a trademark of Chinese imperial planning, preserved even in the last great capital, Beijing, and its Forbidden City. Among the plans of Zhou cities were three distinct ones: the palace area could be near the center of the outer wall, in the north center, or it could be adjacent to the outer city. Sometimes this last type is known as a double-city and sometimes the two walls reflect more than one building period. Finally, from the Zhou we have texts that describe the ideal ruler’s city and ritual halls. The earliest remains of imperial ritual halls, so far, are from the Han dynasty. From the period of unification of the Chinese states by the man known as the First Emperor (Qin Shi Huangdi, c. 259–210 BCE) in 221 BCE until the fall of the subsequent dynasty, the Han, in 220 CE, we have both aboveground building remains and extensive information about funerary architecture. The most impressive architectural achievement of the age was the Great Wall, the idea for which was promulgated by the First Emperor and construction of which occurred off and on from the Qin dynasty up through the sixteenth century. Inside the walls of the Qin capital at Xianyang and the Han capitals at Chang’an and Luoyang, palace complexes extended for miles. Most of the freestanding architecture of the Han period is of a form known as que, a gate tower. These multistory, narrow structures stood in pairs at the entrance to tombs and on either side of gateways to cities and palace complexes and were mimicked in structures atop the corners of walls that enclosed palaces and cities. Additional evidence for the que form is preserved in countless relief sculptures that once lined the walls of Han tombs, especially in the provinces of Sichuan, Henan, and Shandong and in murals in tombs from almost every part of China. The actual burial chambers of the First Emperor and emperors and empresses of the Han remain unopened, but hundreds of Han tombs have been excavated. From them, it is known that while common people were buried in simple pits, wealthy citizens, aristocrats, and members of the royal family built tombs with as many as nine or ten rooms, the large ones connected along a line and joined to smaller side chambers by corridors. Made of permanent materials, primarily brick and stone, for eternal residence in the afterlife, these underground palaces were believed to have followed the forms of residential architecture above ground that were built in perishable wood. From the tombs and replicas of architectural forms, it is known that by the Han pe-

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riod, bracket sets, ceramic-tile roofs, and vaulted ceilings were in widespread use. The last period that represents early architecture in China was one in which Buddhism, brought to China from India and other Western regions, was the main religion. A capital city like Luoyang had more than 1,300 Buddhist monasteries in the period of Northern Wei rule (493–534). Only foundations remain from any of those temple complexes. Buddhist architecture of the third through sixth centuries survives in the form of pagodas and in interior construction and decoration of worship caves. The earliest dated pagoda in China, from 523, stands at Songyue Monastery on Mt. Song in Henan Province. Its dodecagonal shape and fifteen tiers of densely spaced eaves are unique. The single-story, four-sided pagoda at Shentong Monastery in Licheng, Sichuan, was built in 544. In general, Chinese pagodas were four-sided in plan through the early years of the Tang dynasty, but in profile they could be of uniform exterior dimension, such as was the case at Shentong Monastery, or they could diminish in perimeter from base to roof. Made of either brick or stone, the exteriors were decorated with columns, bracket sets, and roof eaves in imitation of wooden architecture. Pagodas of both shapes are found inside Buddhist caves known as central-pillar caves. Middle Period The oldest extant wooden architecture in China is a hall dated to 782 of the Tang dynasty (618–907) at the Nanchan Monastery on the sacred Buddhist peak Mt. Wutai in Shanxi. The other three extant wooden buildings from the Tang period are also in Shanxi, a second on Mt. Wutai and two in the southern part of the province. The timber frame had reached full maturity at this time. No palace building survives from the Tang, but excavation at the capital city, Chang’an, largest city in the world in the eighth century, with a population of more than 1 million, has been so extensive and textual descriptions are so excellent, that the placement of every building in every Tang palace complex is known. Many have been reconstructed on paper. The sites of the tomb of each emperor and empress of the Tang period are also known, and the monumental sculptures that lined the approaches to those tombs survive at several of them. Scores of tombs of Tang princes and princesses have been excavated; many of these are satellites to the tombs of the emperors and empresses. Finally, the earliest open-spandrel bridge in the world, Anji Bridge in Zhao county, Hebei, survives from the

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first decade of the seventh century, just before the founding of the Tang empire. About fifty wooden buildings survive from the two centuries following Tang, including several of the most extraordinary wooden structures ever built in China. In far North China, in Inner Mongolia, the non-Chinese Liao dynasty (947–1125) commissioned pavilions and pagodas in wood that used more varieties of bracket sets than ever before in a single structure. The 67.31-meter pagoda of Fogong Monastery in Ying county, Shanxi, tallest wooden structure in the world, has fifty-four different types of bracketing. It also exhibits a second feature characteristic of Liao wooden buildings, concealed interior stories that do not correspond to those visible outside. The pagoda has five exterior stories plus a sixth set of roof eaves, and four additional mezzanine levels inside. In masonry construction, the Liao built four varieties of pagodas, some with base, shaft, and densely placed eaves like the pagoda dated to 523 on Mt. Song and others with a shaft and roof for each story. Most pagodas of Liao and Northern Song (960–1126), the Chinese dynasty to Liao’s south, were octagonal in plan. Octagons and hexagons also became widespread in the shapes of underground rooms of both Liao and Song tombs. Later Architecture The modern period of Chinese architecture was ushered in by Mongolian rule. In spite of the ethnic background of the imperial family, most construction during the period known as the Yuan dynasty (1267– 1368) followed Chinese building standards. More than 250 wooden buildings remain from the Yuan period. Among the most famous are a gate and three halls at Yongle Daoist Monastery in southern Shanxi. The Forbidden City is the architectural masterpiece of China’s last great age, the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) dynasties. First and foremost, the Forbidden City was the home of Chinese emperors and the center of their universe. Its plan embodies the 2,000 years of architectural history leading up to it. The focus of the Forbidden City is the Three Great Halls, elevated together on a triple-layer marble platform. The capital-I shape of the platform was reserved for China’s most eminent architectural arrangements. It is replicated directly behind, in the Three Back Halls, where the emperor and empress slept and where the empress held audiences. Surrounding are an array of palaces, where every aspect of life from the education of the princes to preparation of food to intrigues was enacted. Today, most of the Forbidden City is used for public exhibition halls

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for former imperial treasures and offices of the Palace Museum. Directly in front, on ground once restricted from public passage, is Tiananmen Square. Many of China’s other architectural masterpieces of the Ming and Qing dynasties are in Beijing or its suburbs. Most important are the Ming Tombs, where thirteen emperors and their empresses are buried underneath circular mounds with ceremonial halls in front of them. Some of the ceremonial halls are raised on three-tier marble platforms like the one under the Three Great Halls, and the individual halls follow the forms of the principal halls of the Forbidden City. Surrounding the Forbidden City were the suburban altars, epitomized by the Altar of Heaven complex. Its three main halls along a north-south line were the locus of annual imperial supplications to heaven on behalf of the Chinese state. Circular in plan but surrounded by a four-sided enclosure, the Hall for Prayer for a Prosperous Year is the only Chinese structure with a three-tier conical roof. Qing imperial architecture extended beyond Beijing to include five summer palaces north of the Forbidden City; The Eastern and Western Imperial Tombs in Hebei; a palace and tombs in Shenyang, Liaoning; and a Summer Palace in Chengde, Hebei. The last periods of premodern Chinese history were also times of architectural accomplishment outside the imperial sphere. Private gardens of wealthy citizens, especially in southeastern cities like Suzhou and Yangzhou, have attracted international attention. Contrasting with the poetics of landscape architecture are the residential styles of China’s populations on the fringes of the empire—flat-roofed houses designed for mountainous settings in Tibet, tents of the Mongolian grasslands, houses raised on stilts in the humid swamplands of the south, circular houses of the Hakka in Fujian, and two-story houses with skywells in the center in Anhui, for example. It was finally in the Qing period that ethnicity became apparent in Chinese architecture. Until modern architecture was imposed by city ordinances or national laws in the last half of the twentieth century, Chinese architecture resisted modernization. Chinese-style roofs still cap schools, hospitals, and government offices otherwise made of reinforced concrete. Public buildings retain courtyards at their entrances. Hotels and restaurants relinquish precious space for miniature replicas of Ming gardens. And the Forbidden City has remained the immutable focus of Beijing and symbol of all of China. Nancy S. Steinhardt

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See also: Architecture, Vernacular—China; Courtyards; Great Wall; Imperial Palace

Further Reading Liang Ssu-ch’eng. (1984) A Pictorial History of Chinese Architecture. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Steinhardt, Nancy S. (1984) Chinese Traditional Architecture. New York: China Institute. ———. (1990) Chinese Imperial City Planning. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press.

ARCHITECTURE—INDIA The architecture of India, from all periods in its history, presents a complex picture for the casual observer for several reasons. First, the country’s continuous tradition of settled culture, from the fourth century BCE until the early 2000s, is punctuated by numerous political, social, religious, and cultural changes, affecting its built environment in significant ways. Second, the immense variety of formal treatments and spatial arrangements within Indian architecture have made any straightforward categorization extremely difficult. Scholarly research has, therefore, concentrated on particular periods or phases, rather than attempting a holistic treatment. Third, variations in Indian architecture (at least in its ancient and medieval phases), and particularly those dealing with stylistic and iconographic issues, were neither culture-specific nor region-specific. In the Indian context, styles of architecture over history were not necessarily limited by geographical, cultural or political constraints. Therefore, not only were there large variations and similarities in the architecture of different regions within a larger empire, but also in the architecture of successive dynasties. Architectural developments in India are classified into four chronological phases, which, while being stylistically distinct, incorporated several common formal, spatial, and compositional characteristics. The first extended from the fourth century BCE to the fifth century CE. The second spanned the fifth to the thirteenth centuries. Building activity between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries constituted the third, while the fourth phase began with the colonial period and continues in the twenty-first century. Fourth Century BCE through Fifth Century CE Documented remains from the earliest period of Indian architecture were brought to light in 1920s, through the excavation of Mohenjo Daro and Harappa, two cities in the Indus plain. Although more than four hundred miles apart, both were apparently organized on a rectangular plan, and had largely iden-

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tical urban layouts—evidence that they were part of an extensive culture that once flourished over a large region. That culture reached its peak in the first quarter of the second millennium BCE. Beyond this, glimpses of ancient Indian settlements and building types may be gained from the enormous corpus of ancient literature, including great epics such as the Mahabharata and Ramayana; collations of folk legends, such as the Jatakas; or the shastras—all of which contain descriptions of ancient cities and buildings. Corroborating relief and fresco cycles seen at Sanchi, Bharhut, Amaravati, and Ajanta describe a great deal more, showing exactly what kinds of buildings were constructed in this era, and how they varied in size, function, complexity, and context. Also apparent are conventions that defined the physical layouts of structures (mainly sacred sites), settlements, military camps, and large cities. Within this vast gamut, two specific kinds of buildings still survive for us to examine in more detail. These are the stupa (burial mound), and the rock-cut sanctuary, both structures serving the needs of the two predominant religions of the time, Buddhism and Jainism. From early versions constructed from impacted mud and clay, and serving as a simple demarcation of the deceased’s remains, the stupa developed its typical hemispherical form, fixed at the cardinal points by formal gates or toranas. At the Mahastupa at Sanchi, this mound was enlarged to nearly twice its original size over a high drum-like plinth and clad in brick and stone. A double-ramp led to a terrace that ran around the drum, and was itself contained within an elaborately carved railing. The Mahabodhi temple at Gaya followed similar principles, although the vertical attenuation of the temple-tower, unusual for a stupa, resembled a temple shikhara. The Sanchi complex also has substantial remains of sanctuaries or monasteries. Organized either as rooms around a building courtyard or around centralized, enclosed spaces such as those in rock-cut chaitya halls, they served as hostels for traveling monks. Within the architectural details of the stupa and sanctuary, possibly the most striking feature is the rendition of timber details in stone, strongly suggesting that similar structures had existed in the past, constructed of wood. In several examples, fake stone beams and overhanging eaves seemingly supported barrel-vaulted, rock-cut halls. The Lomas Rishi Hall, for instance, was given a facade representing a timber structure with inclined posts, purlins, rafters, friezes, and bowed roof and pot finial, all carved out of solid rock. Similar discoveries have been made at Bhaja, Nasik, Junnar, Bedsa, Karle, Kanheri, Kondane, Pitalkhora, Aurangabad, Ellora and Ajanta.

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Fifth through Thirteenth Centuries Historically one of the most complex for developments in Indian architecture, this period was characterized by the growing popularity of Hinduism in large parts of the Indian subcontinent. The expansion of Hinduism coincided with an elaboration of the physical structure of the temple itself, which began to be controlled by a system of proportions and metaphysical rhythms in plan and elevation contained within the science of Vastushastra. Early freestanding structures, such as Temple Seventeen at Sanchi and the Mahadeva Temple at Udayapur, were relatively simple, consisting of a portico connected to a flat-roofed square cella. In later constructions, in addition to an elaborate, stepped plinth that served to position the building, an upper shrine chamber was introduced above the cella. At the Durga and Meguti Temples at Aihole, a further preoccupation with the apsidal form of temple buildings occurred, allowing for two separate zones of ambulation—one within the cella, and the other outside. Meanwhile, extensive experimentation had also modified the temple structure, as demonstrated in the richly decorated shikhara of the Lakshmana Temple at Sirpur. Rock-cut sanctuaries of the earlier period were elaborated upon in a similar manner. The relatively simple, apsidal, primarily residential chaitya-griha was modified into an elaborate rectangular hall with surrounding cells and portico, based to some extent on the nine-square formula that was also adopted for the layouts of freestanding temples. This was to be the characteristic feature of most of the major constructions at Ajanta, Ellora, and Elephanta. Finally, there were also points when temple construction and rockcut sanctuaries merged. Perhaps inspired by the elaborate, gigantic rock-excavated constructions, there was a significant move towards building colossal structures, which served as physical evocations of the omnipotent sublime. The rathas, carved from solid rock at Mahabalipuram, the Virupaksha Temple at Pattadakal, and the Kailasa Temple at Ellora, are important in this respect. Equally awe-inspiring for their size and grandeur are the temple complexes at Tiruvarur, Chidambaram, Darasuram, and Tanjavur. Thirteenth through Eighteenth Centuries Spanning the thirteenth through the eighteenth centuries, the third phase of developments comprised two separate trends: the activities of the Delhi sultanate (1192–1526), and architectural patronage under the Mughal empire (1526–1857). For both trends, the city of Delhi (the capital of present-day India) was a

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primary center of activity and retained its status as the imperial capital, although the actual site of the city or settlement changed substantially, giving rise to the celebrated legend of seven cities comprising Delhi. The Delhi sultanate began with the Ghurid and Ghaznavid invasions of northern India, especially Delhi, between 940 and 1150. Within the occupied city of Delhi, the general Qutb-ud-din Aibak built the Quwwat-ul-Islam Masjid (the Might of Islam Mosque) in 1192. Incorporated within its construction were large parts and remains of older Hindu and Jain buildings; at a deeper level, however, it expanded on the formal, spatial, and iconographic vocabulary prevalent in pre-Sultanate-period constructions. Consequently, local masons employed for its construction, and for the several other monuments completed in this early period, were able to recycle older building elements (columns, capitals, beams, corbeled brackets, and domes) to create new ensembles following their own decorative and structural traditions. In effect, monuments such as the Quwwat-ul-Islam Masjid and the Ahrai-din-ja Jhompra at Ajmer, while being improvised versions of the hypostyle prayer-hall (prayer halls whose roofs were supported by rows of columns) prototypes typical in Iran and Central Asia, were evidence of an emerging aesthetic in the making. Stucco and tile were replaced by extensive stone carvings of vegetal motifs. Experimentation with the indigenous system employing columns (posts), beams, and corbels replaced the shell and vault constructions prevalent in large parts of Iran and Central Asia. There was also a great deal of innovation, particularly as Islamic building conventions blended with Indian traditions. Significant examples include the facade of five-corbeled ogee arches screening the Quwwat-ul-Islam Masjid’s prayer hall; the red sandstone, gray quartzite, and white-marbled circular and acute-angled projections on the Qutb Minar; Iltutmish’s richly carved, domed mausoleum; and the Sultan Ghari monument—a novel combination of an octagonal, subterranean tomb and mosque. In addition to buildings, several new urban foundations in and around Delhi were established in this period: Siri, with its legendary Hazar Sutun (thousandpillared) palace, founded by Ala-ud-din Khalji (1296– 1316); the impregnable city of Tughlaqabad, built for Ghiyas-ud-din Tughluq out of massive masonry; the royal seat of Muhammad Tughluq (1325–1351) at Jahanpanah with the Begumpuri Mosque; and Kotla Firoz Shah, the fort palace of Firoz Shah. Additionally, other areas of the Indian subcontinent came under Muslim (Arabo-Persian) influence. These included Gujarat, where a spectacular capital and necropolis

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were created at Ahmedabad (1411–1442) and Sarkhej (1442–1451) respectively, both arrayed with superb mosques, wavs (public wells), and rauzas (mortuary complexes). In Bengal, the city of Gaur was established at Lakhnauti. Architectural innovations introduced there included an enormous iwan (arch) at Adina Masjid, the mosque of Sikandar Shah (1358–1389) at Hazrat Pandua, and the doubly curved bangaldar (bowor boat-shaped) roof in the Eklakhi Mausoleum—elements that would reoccur in Mughal architecture in the centuries to come. At Jaunpur, established by Malik Sarwar, the Tughlaq viceroy, the extraordinary Atala Masjid with its massive, pylonlike iwan frontispieces came closest to the architecture of BibiKhanum Mosque, completed in 1394 at Samarqand for Timur (1336–1405). Some of the Hindu kingdoms that successfully halted the onslaught of the Muslims also produced important architecture. The kingdom of Vijaynagara (1397–1565) was first among these, and its capital city (Hampi) was embellished with a royal complex and four magnificent temples. Other examples were the Rajput capital at Chittor under Rana Kumbha (1433–1468), the ancient hill-fort of Gwalior, and the great palaces of Orcha and Datia built between 1501 and 1627. Few trends in Sultanate-period architecture, however, prefigure the elaborate developments of the Mughal period. The empire’s Turko-Mongol lineage from the Timurids of Central Asia provided a unique stylistic element to their experiments in architecture and urban planning. From the time of Babur (1483– 1530), an evident obsession with elaborate gardens, running water, and impressive pavilions is observed. Babur’s successor, Humayun (1508–1556), witnessed the first of the architectural hybrids created by this process. A huge Mughal citadel, with the octagonal Sher Mandal (a miniature derivative of the Persian hasht behisht), dominated his capital at Dinpanah, itself based on a nine-square, urban maxigrid scheme. The other important structure from this period, though Afghan and not Mughal in its patronage, was the mausoleum of Sher Shah at Sasaram (1545). An octagonal structure, it was positioned at the center of a square pool of water. The hybrid style was furthered by Akbar (1556– 1605), who provided a substantial degree of imperial patronage during his long reign. Consequently, urban foundations at Agra, Lahore, Fatehpur Sikri, and Burhanpur developed very much on the lines of the great Timurid capitals in Central Asia, while retaining a distinct local character in buildings and urban ensembles. The Jahangiri Mahal in the Agra Fort was exemplary in drawing its inspiration from the Man

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Mandir at Gwalior, Timur’s Aq Saray at Sharisyabz, and the great caliphate tradition of palace planning. Experimentation with local building techniques, materials, and craftsmen was also demonstrated at the Fatehpur Sikri complex. Here a complex arrangement of courtyards, open and closed spaces, and service and private areas effectively intermeshed to produce an urban environment with new building prototypes, which were emulated over the next few centuries. Akbar’s grandson, Shah Jahan (1628–1658), improved on these achievements, creating some of the most important architectural masterpieces of the Mughal period. The planned city of Shahjahanabad, with its grand bazaars, urban squares, mosques, caravanserais, baths, and impressive citadel, was completed between 1639 and 1648. Substantial additions to the urban structures at Agra and Lahore followed. In addition to cities, Shah Jahan’s reign was characterized by a great refinement in the design of several important buildings, particularly mosques and mausoleums. While the Jami Masjid (Friday Mosque) at Shahjahanabad (1650–1656) was grand and large, being an imperial institution meant to serve the urban population, those at Lahore and Agra—the Mothi and Nagina Masjids (1645 and 1654)—were small and gem-like and meant for private prayer. Among mausoleums, the Taj Mahal (1632–1643), built for Shah Jahan’s wife, has achieved lasting worldwide renown. In addition to building funded by royal patronage, in many parts of the empire ancient traditions of temple architecture still survived, as did regional vestiges of older Indo-Islamic styles. Curious hybrids, drawing on provincial Mughal, Indo-Muslim, and traditional forms flourished in areas away from the Mughal court, especially as the empire declined in the eighteenth century. Colonial Period to the Early 2000s The arrival of Europeans in the eighteenth century infused Indian architecture with fresh elements, although older practices and traditions were not entirely discarded. British colonial architecture created through this interaction was termed the Indo-Saracenic. It was either a random mix of elements, or a complex hybrid that effectively combined foreign and indigenous styles. While its evolution depended partially on the fancy of the individual architects, it embodied above all a vision the British had of themselves as the rulers of India, linked directly to the Mughals, and hence to India’s glorious past. Within this process, the most significant colonial structures were built at Calcutta, Mumbai (Bombay), Madras, and Bangalore, and at the imperial capital at New Delhi. In addition to churches, numerous minor structures were built across the country in

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a blander, standardized style, termed the Public Works Department (PWD) style. Two distinct phases have characterized modern Indian architecture since the country’s independence in 1947. The first, between 1947 and the early 1980s, relied more on trends of the international style prevalent in Europe and the United States to meet the growing needs of building design and construction in the country. The government buildings built at Chandigarh by French architect Le Corbusier (1887– 1965) exemplified this trend. The second stage, stretching between the 1980s and into the 2000s, evolved to include more complex issues such as modernity, tradition, the vernacular, and new interpretations of institutions. The growing demand for new architecture, and consequently more architects, is reflected by the proliferation of architectural schools across the country, with those at Ahmedabad, Delhi, and Mumbai earning international acclaim. Some of the most important Indian architects today include B. V. Doshi, Anant Raje, and Charles Correa. Manu P. Sobti See also: Taj Mahal

Further Reading Batley, Claude. (1973) The Design Development of Indian Architecture. 3d ed. New York: St. Martin’s. Bhatt, Vikram, and Peter Scriver. (1990) After the Masters. Ahmedabad, India: Mapin. Brown, Percy. (1942) Indian Architecture: Buddhist and Hindu Periods, The Islamic Period. 2 vols. Mumbai, India: D. B. Taraporevala. Herdeg, Klaus Walter. (1967) Formal Structure in Indian Architecture. Ithaca, NY: Rizzoli. Koch, Ebba. (1991) Mughal Architecture. Munich: Prestel. Kramrisch, Stella. (1954) The Art of India: Traditions of Indian Sculpture, Painting, and Architecture. New York: Phaidon. Metcalf, Thomas R. (1989) An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and Britain’s Raj. Boston: Faber & Faber. Michel, George, and Philip Davies (1989). The Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India. New York: Viking. Tadgell, Christopher. (1994) The History of Architecture in India. London: Phaidon. Tillotson, G. H. R. (1989) The Tradition of Indian Architecture: Continuity, Controversy, and Change Since 1850. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Volwahsen, Andreas. (1969) Living Architecture: Indian. Trans. by Ann E. Keep. New York: Grosset & Dunlap.

ARCHITECTURE, ISLAMIC—WEST ASIA To understand Islamic architecture in the region comprising present-day Iran, Iraq, and Turkey, one must first understand its roots. The builders of Islamic cities

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that arose in the desert where no city existed before used architectural styles that they knew from other places. Nevertheless, they adapted these older styles to express new ideas about the meaning of Islam, its values, and its power. Older cities enveloped into Islam contained older structures that were reused and readapted to suit the new rulers. Symbolism in Islamic architecture is often conveyed by the use of simple everyday geometrical forms in special ways. The dome placed over a cubic space is sometimes simply a convenient means of roofing and sometimes an awe-inspiring symbol of the heavens above the earth, which carries the further message of the all-powerful oneness of God. The arch may be used to indicate the direction in which one is to pray, but it may also be used in colonnades at a palace or as windows in a city house. Vernacular architecture (the architecture of the common people as opposed to sacred or civic architecture) shared many of the architectural elements found in sacred buildings such as mosques and madrasahs (religious schools). The Kaba The first Islamic building was the Kaba, a sacred monument that was the center of pagan pilgrimage and worship in Mecca, the “House of God,” that, according to Muhammad’s revelations, was built by Abraham and Ishmael to demonstrate their faith in the One God. The Kaba is a rectangular stone building approximately 14 meters high. The sacred black stone built into one of the walls had been venerated by Arabs since before Islam and was a site for pilgrimage and worship. All Muslims face the black stone in the Kaba when they pray, and all mosques face the Kaba. The Grand Mosque of Mecca that surrounds the Kaba has been built and rebuilt many times over the centuries and is not in itself a notable example of Islamic architecture. Development of the Mosque Although the first mosque no longer stands, essentially it was simply an empty rectilinear enclosure of some fifty-six square meters. Nine small rooms along the outside of one of the walls served as humble quarters for Muhammad’s family. A shaded space facing the black stone contained in the Kaba in Mecca was constructed of a double row of palm trunks covered with a roof of palm leaves plastered with mud, and another shaded space was constructed to protect the poor from the blazing sun of the Hijaz. Its size and flexible character indicates that the courtyard was meant for communal worship. In addition, the first mosque was used for public gatherings and as a place to make an-

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nouncements, adjudicate legal cases, and lodge visitors, and served as the center of the emergent state. At some point a mihrab (prayer niche) was added in the qibla (the wall indicating the direction of prayer) to mark the place where Muhammad had led prayers. In Islam, prayers are said five times a day, and the way that Muhammad conducted these prayers would set the pattern for Muslims throughout history. The architectural history of Islamic history has its roots in these patterns. About a century following the death of Muhammad, two distinct types of mosque emerged. One, the masjid, was a place for worship, and often came to be constructed as part of a complex including fortified garrisons housing the soldiers of an expanding empire, and theological schools meant to train the faithful in the Islamic sciences. A second type of mosque, called the Congregational, Friday, or Cathedral Mosque ( jami), was designed for large-scale public worship on Fridays. Rather than having enough space for hundreds of worshippers, it could contain thousands. Sometime following the death of Muhammad, during the expansion of the Islamic empire, Muslims began to add minarets to their mosques. From this high point, the muezzin would chant the call to prayer. This combination of the human voice and the lofty position of the muezzin differentiated the Islamic call to prayer from the Christians, who used bells or wooden clappers, and Jews, who used the shofar (a ram’s horn trumpet) in their worship. The Dome of the Rock The caliph (leader of the Islamic faithful) Abd alMalik (646–705) ordered the construction of the Dome of the Rock on the Herodian platform of the Jewish Temple in Jerusalem, which was known to Muslims as the Haram al-Sharif, or Noble Sanctuary. It was completed in 691 CE, making it the earliest surviving Islamic monument. It was also the first major artistic achievement of the earliest of the Islamic empires, the Umayyad (661–750). The methods of design and decoration were drawn directly from the Sasanian and Byzantine traditions, but the architecture of the Dome of the Rock achieved a distinct expression of Islamic faith and triumph. The Dome of the Rock was designed as a pilgrimage site and invites comparison to the Kaba, with its own sacred rock (from which Muhammad ascended into heaven, and which bears his footprint) and tradition of worship. With its doors opening to the four points of the compass, the idea of pilgrimage is strongly suggested. The decoration of the building’s

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interior with mosaics depicting Byzantine and Sasanian crowns and jewels, vegetal motifs suggestive of paradise, and Qur’anic inscriptions asserting the victory of Islam over Christianity and its completion of God’s revelation to man emphasize the triumphant stance of the Umayyads in the former stronghold and birthplace of Christianity. The unusual plan of the building makes it unique in world architecture. The octagonal form crowned by a dome was used in Byzantine architecture to indicate where a special event had occurred. The Dome of the Rock is not a mosque, but a mashhad, a place of witness, marking the site of Muhammad’s ascension to heaven after his miraculous journey on al-Buraq. Its gilded central dome rests upon a drum pierced with sixteen windows, which in turn rest upon a circular arcade of four piers and sixteen marble columns. Around this is an octagonal arcade of eight piers and sixteen columns. The octagonal exterior was finished with marble, but during the Ottoman period this was replaced with magnificent ceramic tiles. The lavish mosaics depict no animals or human beings. One of the most striking aspects of the Dome of the Rock is that the diameter of its dome is equal to its height, making for a perfect interior space. Decorated in reds and golds, the Dome of the Rock glows with an atmosphere of sanctity. Abbasid Architecture in Iraq When the administrative center of the Islamic empire shifted from Damascus to Iraq, economic development and Islamic culture became extremely rich. The growth in trade and agriculture was sustained by the enormous geographical sweep of the Abbasid empire (749–1258). Perhaps the most outstanding feature of Abbasid architecture was the city of Baghdad itself. Over the years its original plan has been obscured, but written descriptions give us a fairly detailed view of what the city may have looked like. Baghdad was founded in 762 by the caliph al-Mansur (reigned 754–775). It was built in the shape of a circle to symbolize the navel of the universe. The outer ring of the city was made up of shops and houses with stout walls made for defense. This circle was divided into quadrants by four long streets covered with barrel vaults. Each street opened to the outside with a magnificent two-story gate and a complex of vaults and bridges over moats. On the top story of each great gate was a domed reception hall where travelers could be met and interviewed before being allowed to pass into the city. These gates were more symbolic than military, however, reflecting the great sense of security felt by the early Abbasids.

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The large central area of the city was mostly empty, focusing attention upon the mosque and palace at the very heart of the circle. The mosque was joined to the palace and large enough to contain all the inhabitants of the city. The Great Mosque at Samarra (north central Iraq), built by al-Mutawakkil (reigned 847–861) is the largest known in the Muslim world. Its outstanding feature is the unusual spiral minaret outside its walls. A second Samarra mosque is Abu Dalaf, which resembles the Great Mosque but is not quite as large. The Shiite tombs at Kufa, Najaf, and Karbala are original structures but they have generally been inaccessible for scholarly study. The Great Mosque of Mosul, built between 1120 and 1122, is a notable structure, as are the Congregational Mosque of Dunaysir and the Mosque of Diyarbakr, also built in the twelfth centuries. Abbasid Architecture in Iran The emigration of Turkic tribes from the east into the Islamic world had an enormous influence upon urban society. The architectural styles that they brought with them eventually melded with Islamic designs as the soldiers and tribespeople became Islamicized, leading to the construction of notable mosques and tombs decorated with ornately carved stucco applied to brick constructions and elaborate brick structures in which the design is integrated into the structure itself. One of the most striking of these mosques was at Nayin (east of Esfahan) and dates to the tenth century. A Samanid tomb built around 914 in Bukhara is another remarkable structure dating from this period; there brick is used in a most elaborate way, fulfilling both structural and ornamental functions simultaneously. The influence of Turkic brick towers and stucco ornamentation on the minarets of Damghan and Jam in Iraq, as well as in locations in Central Asia, is readily appreciated. The Great Mosque (Masjid-i Jumah) of Esfahan is one of the most celebrated of Islamic monuments. Built by the famed Seljuk vizier Nizam al-Mulk (1018–1092) between 1072 and 1092, it is a vast complex of buildings with 476 vaults, most of them topped by domes, which has been altered and added on to many times through the centuries. It contains a large rectangular courtyard, but also features an important new design element: the iwan. The iwan is a vaulted or flat-roofed hall that is open at one end. This mosque has four iwans facing the inner courtyard and the entire composition is formal and elegant. Each of the iwans frames a pishtaq, a lofty arch which marks a monumental entrance.

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Architecture in Iran after the Mongol Invasions Following the Mongol invasions of 1253–1258, the architecture of Iran was enriched by vibrant tiles that were used to decorate the exterior surfaces of buildings. One of the earliest buildings to survive from the Il-Khanid period (1256–1355) in Iran is the Tomb of Uljaytu, an enormous octagon topped by a dome, which had been part of an large citadel complex housing many structures, including a mosque, madrasah, hospice, hospital, and guesthouse. At Natanz in central Iran, the shrine of Abd al-Samad (1307) has a magnificent brick dome that masterfully uses vaulting made up of individual cells or small niches to bridge the transition between dome and pedestal, a technique first used in Egypt and North Africa in the twelfth century. When Timur destroyed Damascus in 1401, he deported many of the engineers and artisans of that city to his capital, Samarqand (in present-day Uzbekistan), where they would work on Timurid projects. Khorasan also became a center for architectural innovation, as evidenced by the renovation of the shrine of Imam Riza (1416–1418) at Mashhad. The architect Qavam al-Din Shirazi developed a new kind of interior vaulting known as squinch-net vaulting, which allowed the weight of the roof to be distributed onto intersecting points of the vaults themselves, allowing the piercing of the walls by windows to let in light. This kind of vaulting dispensed with the need for piers, opening the rooms up and allowing for other ways to divide interior spaces. The Complex of Gauhar Shad in Mashhad (1417–1438) is a good example of this kind of design. The color and technical proficiency of the superb turquoise blue tiles that decorate the Blue Mosque of Tabriz (1465) in northwestern Iran have never been surpassed. Although many Timurid buildings have been lost, their influence upon the later Islamic architecture was enormous. The Safavid, Ottoman, and Mughal dynasties all incorporated Timurid ideals into their art and architecture. Islamic Architecture in Anatolia (Turkey) The first Ottoman capital of Bursa boasts some of the finest early examples of Ottoman architecture. In 1339 Orhan Gazi (c. 1288–c. 1360), the second Ottoman emperor, built a palace in the citadel, a public soup kitchen, a bath, a caravansary (resting place for caravans), and several mosques. Like the Mamluks (who ruled Egypt and Syria from 1250 to 1517), Ottoman rulers built public works as both a service to their subjects and as a way to legitimize their authority. Other Turkic principalities in Anatolia built notable structures during the fourteenth century. Among

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these were the Menteshids (ruled southwestern Anatolia from the eighth century to 1421, when they were conquered by the Ottomans), who built the Mosque of Firuz Beg at Milas in 1394 and the Mosque of Ilyas Beg in Balat in 1404. These buildings are noteworthy for their elaborate and fine stone carvings. The Qaramanids, a Turkish dynasty that ruled the area around Konya and Nigde from 1262 to 1475, built the Ak Madrasah at Nigde in 1409. This mosque was modeled after a Seljuk hospital built in the fourteenth century in Amasya: it had an open courtyard with two iwans flanked by rooms on two stories. It also has beautiful masonry typical of the Qaramanids. In contention with the Christian Byzantine Empire, the Ottoman sultans also had to demonstrate the vitality and superiority of Islam over the defeated Christian authorities. This desire found expression in their architecture. Following the plan of an early Ottoman building in Iznik (Nicaea), they created mosques with a central dome, a domed vestibule, and a five-bay porch. These buildings also featured iwans, and the structure was designed to shelter the Muslim-warrior brotherhoods responsible for the expansion of the Ottoman state. The Ottoman ruler Bayezid I (c. 1360–1403) also built a large congregational mosque in Bursa’s central commercial district in 1399–1400 with booty from one of his victories over the Hungarians. This mosque featured multiple domed bays, a characteristic that increasingly became a mark of Ottoman style. In the fifteenth century the newly resurgent Ottoman state again built impressive monuments. One of the first of these, and certainly among the most important Ottoman buildings, was the Yeshil Jami, or Green Mosque, begun by Mehmed I (reigned 1412– 1421) at Bursa in 1412 and completed in 1424. The complex included a madrasah, soup kitchen, baths, and tombs. This mosque also featured the beautiful tiles made in a process known as cuerda seca, or dry cord. This technique, revived by the Ottomans but developed earlier, allows for the firing of numerous glazes on one tile, separated by a thin line of greasy manganese that, when fired, leaves a matte black line, giving the tile an effect similar to stained glass. Sultan Mehmed II (1432–1481) was known as the Conquerer for his conquest of the Byzantine capital of Constantinople (1453). In addition to his military successes, he is known for his patronage of the arts and his interest in learning from Turkish, Persian, and European scholars, artists, and writers who eagerly came to Istanbul to assist in his many building projects, perhaps the most famous of which is the Top-

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kapi Palace. This enormous complex overlooks two seas and two continents. It took over a decade to complete and has been repaired and remodeled many times. Its arrangement appears haphazard, with kiosks, pavilions, halls, gardens, kitchens, and stables arranged in no particular way, but in fact the buildings were placed to take advantage of the views and the breezes. The name of the palace, which means “cannon gate,” and the symbolic location overlooking the Dardanelle Straits reflect the security and confidence of a world power at the height of its military successes. Today, the palace is a treasure trove of great works of all periods of Islamic art. The beautiful tile work there—especially the famed Iznik tiles, with their deep red glaze, brilliant white slip, and glowing turquoise hues that have never been reproduced—is stunning. In this palace one can appreciate the enormity of the jobs undertaken by the sultan in providing food for his entourage and for the city of Istanbul: the massive kitchens and workrooms in the palace could provide food for thousands at a time. The palace had barracks and stables for a large military contingent, musical bands, and other officials responsible for the financial records and the massive reports written by palace bureaucrats concerning their far-flung empire. Within one of the palace buildings the sultan could sit unseen behind a wooden grate to hear the petitions of his subjects. Palace schools trained the sultan’s servants in the ways of the bureaucracy, as well as in courtly manners, the Islamic sciences, history, literature, and art. This was the administrative and artistic center of one of the greatest empires in human history. Another of Mehmed’s great building projects was the Fatih (Conqueror’s) Complex, erected between 1463 and 1471. It was built in accordance with the Ottoman imperial mosques in Bursa, and was influenced by the Hagia Sophia Church. A central mosque dominates the symmetrical complex, which unlike the Topkapi palace does not take the landscape or views into account at all. Here the focus is upon the mosque, surrounded by imperial tombs, a primary school, a library, madrasahs, baths, residences, latrines, a hospital, a hospice, a soup kitchen, a caravansary, military barracks, a covered market, and an open-air market for horses, stable workers, and equestrian trades. It was during the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent (1494–1566) that Ottoman architecture reached its peak. The most important of all Suleyman’s many buildings was the Suleymaniye Complex in Istanbul, built from 1550 to 1557 by the famous architect Sinan Pasha (1489–1588). The Suleymaniye Complex emulated the Mehmed Fatih Complex. It includes a great

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congregational mosque, two mausoleums, a hospital, six madrasahs, a children’s school, a bath, a hospital, a hospice, a public kitchen, a caravansary, rows of small shops to provide rental income for the complex, and a small zawiya (warriors’ lodge). In the endowment deed, Suleyman specified that this complex was to become the center for religious law in the Ottoman empire. The entire complex seems to be a mountain, its summit an enormous dome. The enormous interior space of the mosque, uninterrupted by any columns or piers, is a truly awe-inspiring sight. The four slim minarets, with their strong Turkish character, are elegant counterpoints to the mass of domes ascending to the topmost dome. The calligraphic decorations are one of the most remarkable features of the mosque. Suleyman is buried behind the mosque in a tomb that was modeled after the Dome of the Rock. Iranian Architecture in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries In Iran the Safavid dynasty (1501–1722/36) regained its strength under Shah Abbas (1571–1629), who established a new capital in Esfahan in the 1590s, and in the process developed a new style of architecture. The new capital in Esfahan featured an enormous square (maidan) for sports, promenades, and processions. Four monumental entrances face the maidan, one leading to the bazaar, one leading to the Mosque of Shaykh Luftallah, one leading to the Masjid-i Shah (Mosque of the Shah), and one leading to the royal palace. A magnificent boulevard was built, lined with the fine mansions of Safavid notables. One section of the boulevard was reserved for animals and carts, while the other was reserved for pedestrians. Surrounding the maidan, and housed in the elegant arched facades, were the stalls and shops of skilled craftsmen and merchants of valuable commodities. A special caravansary for textile merchants, goldsmiths, jewelers, and engravers was housed close to the royal mint. The overall appearance of the ceremonial square surrounded by the hubbub of the market enchanted European visitors to the royal city. Fifty thousand ceramic lamps suspended from long wooden poles illuminated the square at night. There was a music pavilion where the royal band would play during the day. Each of the individual buildings in this massive complex was richly ornamented with tiles, carved wooden screens, and all of the traditional elements of Islamic architecture: iwans, muqarnas (the units used to create the typically Islamic honeycomb or stalactite vaulting), vaults, domes, and arches. In Esfahan these elements

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achieve a marvelous balance, so that the rich ornamentation creates an atmosphere of tranquility and repose. Judith Mendelsohn Rood Further Reading Aslanapa, O. (1971) Turkish Art and Architecture. London: Faber & Faber. Atil, Esin. (1987) The Age of Suleyman the Magnificent. Washington, DC: National Gallery of Art. Blair, Shiela S., and Jonathan M. Bloom. (1995) The Art and Architecture of Islam 1250–1800. Yale University Pelican History of Art Series. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Ettinghausen, Richard. (1972) From Byzantium to Sasanian Iran and the Islamic World. Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. Ettinghausen, Richard, and Oleg Grabar. (1989) The Art and Architecture of Islam: 650–1250. Yale University Pelican History of Art Series. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Golombek, Lisa, and Donald Wilbur. (1988) The Timurid Architecture of Iran and Turan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Goodwin, Godfrey. (1971) A History of Ottoman Architecture. London: Thames & Hudson. Grabar, Oleg. (1990) The Great Mosque of Isfahan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hillenbrand, Richard. (1994) The Art of the Seljuqs in Iran and Anatolia. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda. ———. (1994) Islamic Architecture. New York: Columbia University Press. Hoag, John D. (1977) Islamic Architecture. New York: Abrams. Kuran, Aptullah. (1968) The Mosque in Early Ottoman Architecture. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Michell, George, ed. (1978) Architecture of the Islamic World. London: Thames & Hudson. Necipoglu, Gulru. (1991) Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. O’Kane, Bernard. (1987) Timurid Architecture in Khurasan. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda. Rosen-Ayalon, Myriam. (1996) “Art and Architecture in Jerusalem in the Early Islamic Period.” In The History of Jerusalem: The Early Islamic Period 638–1099, edited by Joshua Prawer and Haggai Ben-Shammai. New York: New York University Press, 386–412.

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Japan’s architectural achievements, both secular and sacred, reflect the foreign and native influences that shaped Japanese culture as a whole. The Early Period The Jomon culture (10,000–300 BCE) offers the first evidence of architecture in Japan. Archaeological remains tell of square pit-dwellings, so named because their floor was approximately a half meter below

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9 THE VARIETY OF JAPANESE ARCHITECTURE This late nineteenth century description of Japanese homes makes clear the considerable diversity that existed at the time while also noting that the untrained Westerner might easily miss the diversity. Whatever may be said regarding the architecture of Japan, the foreigner, at least, finds it difficult to recognize any distinct differences among the houses, or to distinguish any radical differences in the various types of dwellings he sees in his travels throughout the country. It may be possible that these exist, for one soon gets to recognize the differences between the ancient and modern house. There are also marked differences between the compact house of the merchant in the city and the country house; but as for special types of architecture that would parallel the different styles found in our country, there are none. Everywhere one notices minor details of finish and ornament which he sees more fully developed in the temple architecture, and which is evidently derived from this source; and if it can be shown, as it unquestionably can, that these features were brought into the country by the priests who brought one of the two great religions, then we can trace many features of architectural detail to their home, and to the avenues through which they came. Source: Edward S. Morse. ([1896] 1961) Japanese Homes and Their Surroundings; New York: Dover, 47.

ground level. A thatched roof supported by posts and beams leaned into the middle of the structure, with one post at the very center. The more advanced Yayoi culture (300 BCE–300 CE) saw the advent of rice cultivation, and new buildings were developed for grain storage. Constructed of wooden boards with a thatched roof, the rectangular granary was raised off the ground and had a stepped plank leading into it. This style of building would have an influence on the shrines of later periods. Important early evidence concerning architecture in Japan, however, comes from earthenware figurines known as haniwa (literally, “clay cylinder”) that were placed around tomb mounds in the Kofun period (300–710 CE). The haniwa depicted buildings of different types, including single-story homes and twostory granaries. They show a main home conjoined by smaller secondary structures with hipped roofs covered in thatch; some had ridge-crossing cylinders, likely used for holding the rafters in place. Whatever their function, these striking architectural elements

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later became a mark of both imperial buildings and Shinto shrines. Two examples of early Shinto architecture may be found at the Ise and Izumo shrines, which date to the third and fourth centuries. Their simple style and elevated floor recall the Yayoi granaries. The distinctive features are the extensions of the outermost rafters (chigi) that extend up like horns forming a large V, and the row of weight-blocks (katsuogi) set along the ridge at right angles to it. Buddhist Influence The arrival of Buddhism in the sixth century had a tremendous influence on Japanese architecture, particularly the building of temple complexes. Based on Chinese models, early temples consisted of an entrance gate (chumon) that was part of a roofed enclosure encircling the main precinct, the pagoda, and the golden hall (kondo), as in the Horyuji temple near Nara, Japan’s earliest surviving temple, which dates from the late seventh century. The buildings in Horyuji are the

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world’s oldest wooden structures. The kondo, following Chinese precedents, is set on a platform and utilizes post-and-lintel construction whereby the roof is supported by a system of brackets. The mid-eighthcentury Todaiji complex, also at Nara, reflects the grand style of Chinese Buddhist architecture of the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE). The magnificent Daibutsuden (Great Buddha Hall) is approximately 47 meters high, 87 meters long, and 47 meters deep, making it the world’s largest wooden building. The grand style of the Nara period (710–794), however, is best seen at Toshodaiji. The building is low and long, imparting a feeling of stability; the hipped roof with its extended eaves is supported by a three-tiered set of wooden brackets. With the importation of esoteric Buddhism from China in the Heian period (794–1185), temples were located in mountainous areas away from the main centers of Nara and Kyoto. The temple complex of Muroji, of the late eighth or early ninth centuries, exemplifies this mountain-temple architectural style. The buildings are scaled down and set into the terrain, and they make use of rustic materials such as cypress-bark for roofing (in contrast to the tiled roofs of the earlier temple buildings). This influence is also seen in shinden zukuri, the Heian-period secular mansion favored by court nobles, consisting of a complex of buildings within an expansive garden. The main hall, shinden, was the master’s residence and was surrounded on three sides by secondary living quarters. The garden was located to the south and contained a

A Japanese man in his garden. (HORACE BRISTOL/CORBIS)

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9 HIMEJI—WORLD HERITAGE SITE A pristine sixteenth-century Japanese castle, Himeji’s labyrinthine eighty-three buildings and defense architecture still evoke Japan’s classic Shogun feudal period. Himeji-jo was designated by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site in 1993.

large artificial pond. Covered verandah corridors connected the buildings to the garden, emphasizing the importance of this natural setting. The Kamakura period (1185–1333) is known for both old and new architectural styles. The rebuilding of the Daibutsuden of the Todaiji, which was destroyed by fire in 1180, was a major project in the early years. Ties with China at this time are evident in the style known as daibutsuyo (Great Buddha style), in which brackets project at right angles from the wall in six increasing levels, with two more levels to support the roof. The other main architectural style during this period, also imported from China, was that of the Zen temple, which followed conventions of strict symmetry on a central axis. This architectural style was known as karayo (Chinese style). By contrast, the older styles came to be known as wayo (Japanese style). Karayo used decorative details such as bell-shaped windows, wooden latticework on transom windows, and complicated patterns of brackets. The support columns tapered at the top and were set upon stone bases. Momoyama and Tokugawa Periods The next major architectural innovation occurred in the Momoyama period (1573–1600) and was influenced by the interests of the samurai class. One type of building to develop was a distinctly Japanese form of castle. Constructed in the first half of the sixteenth century, the Japanese castle reached the height of its form in the early seventeenth century. Designed as a place to live, conduct business, and enjoy cultural activities, it was a testimony to the superior status of its occupants. The most beautiful castle in Japan is Himeji, also known as the White Heron Castle (1601–1609). Because Himeji was added to by a series of successive owners, the complex consists of a number of interlocking buildings placed in a mazelike arrangement. These include the five-story main building, several three-story structures, and watchtowers. The white buildings and hip-gabled roofs with Chinese-style up-

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turned eaves give the impression of a large and graceful white heron. The other innovation of this period was the shoin zukuri, a grand residence characterized by its asymmetry and use of sliding doors (fusuma) and folding screens (byobu) to delineate interior space. The main room consisted of two levels, the upper level reserved for the highest-ranking samurai. Attached to this room was a study (shoin) and a number of other rooms, depending on the needs of the owner. During the Edo or Tokugawa period (1600/1603– 1868), the new shogunate refurbished and rebuilt older structures and erected new ones. Among the types of buildings constructed at this time was the Confucian temple, the need for which was underscored by the growing emphasis of Tokugawa shogunate policy on the study and practice of Confucianism by the samurai class. However, the next major innovation in architecture occurred in the Meiji period (1868–1912), when Japan began to adopt Western architectural styles. Architects from abroad introduced new materials and techniques to the Japanese. The most influential architect in shaping Japan’s vision of Western buildings was Josiah Conder (1852–1920), an Englishman responsible for such structures as the Ueno Imperial Museum and the Rokumeikan (Deer Cry Pavilion), neither of which is extant. Conder’s chief legacy may be found in the work of his students, who continued Conder’s vision into the early twentieth century. Catherine Pagani

period (6000–1000 BCE), it was not until the Bronze Age (1000–300 BCE), when inhabitants of the Korean Peninsula started to become sedentary, that significant signs of architecture appeared. The structured society of that time, with its dominant and dominated classes, gave birth to different types of houses and also to other constructions like dolmen (which needed a significant amount of labor) or ramparts to protect human settlements. Early Sources of Characteristics Apart from the few archeological traces of these remote periods, including remains of ancient Korea (also known as “Old Choson,” or Ko Choson), the traditional Korean architecture that can be seen today dates mostly from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. There are two reasons for this: the fragility of the building material, wood, which needs frequent restoration and reconstruction because of natural alterations as well as accidental ones like fires; and the recurrent and devastating invasions, first by the Mongols, then by the Japanese, and last by the Manchu (the last not ending until 1636). Despite these invasions and more benignly introduced influences (especially from China), Korean architecture has its own characteristics. Temples, civil buildings like academies, and even palaces are of small scale and sober in style compared with those of Korea’s neighbors. With the flourishing of Buddhism on the Korean Peninsula, especially during the Unified

See also: Architecture—Modern Japan

Further Reading Alex, William. (1963) Japanese Architecture. New York: George Braziller. Hashimoto Fumio. (1981) Architecture in the Shoin Style. Trans. and adapted by H. Mack Horton. New York: Kodansha. Kirby, John B. (1962) From Castle to Teahouse. Rutland, VT: Charles E. Tuttle. Paine, Robert Treat, and Alexander Soper. (1981) The Art and Architecture of Japan. 3d ed. New Haven, CT and London: Yale University Press. Watanabe Yasutada. (1974) Shinto Art: Ise and Izumo Shrines. Trans. by Robert Ricketts. New York: Weatherhill.

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Early forms of construction in Korea, in the form of shelters made of animal hides strung from posts and covered by branches, go back to the Upper Paleolithic period (40,000–10,000 BCE). Although these constructions evolved in shape and materials during the Neolithic

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A Buddhist pagoda in Keosong, North Korea, dating back to the twelfth century. (WERNER FORMAN/CORBIS)

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Shilla period (668–935 CE), architecture of great quality appeared, with religious constructions such as the Sokkuram grotto or the Pulguk temple in the Kyongju area. The first of these, the only existing Buddhist grotto in Korea, is artificially constructed of granite blocks and covered with an earthen mound, so as to look like a natural element in its environment. A statue of Buddha stands in the middle of the circular main hall, whose carved walls reproduce the figures of bodhisattvas and guardian deities. The Pulguk temple is famous for its elegant stone stairways leading to the terrace where the temple stands, as well as for its two stone pagodas symbolizing Buddhism’s contemplation of and detachment from the world. Later, when Confucianism became Korea’s official doctrine (under the Choson dynasty, 1392–1910 CE), the construction of temples declined while the construction of Confucian shrines and academic buildings notably increased. The architecture of this period expressed the principles of Confucianism, with its rigor, symmetry, and hierarchy, well demonstrated in the Chongmyo Palace in Seoul. Geomancy (building structures in accordance with cosmological principles), which became popular in Korea through the monk Toson (early tenth century CE), led to a sound integration of constructions and landscape, as the relationship of the building to the site was guided by the idea of cosmological balance. Last but not least, the hypocaust, or floor heating system (ondol ), found in housing is unique in Asia and goes back to the Iron Age (200 BCE–200 CE), with prototypes developed a couple of centuries earlier. Construction Techniques From a technical point of view, buildings are structured vertically and horizontally. A construction usually rises from a stone subfoundation to a curved roof covered with tiles, held by a console structure and supported on posts; walls are made of earth (adobe) or are sometimes totally composed of movable wooden doors. Architecture is built according to the k’an unit, the distance between two posts (about 3.7 meters), and is designed so that there is always a transitional space between the “inside” and the “outside.” The console, or bracket structure, is a specific architectonic element that has been designed in various ways through time. If the simple bracket system was already in use under the Koguryo kingdom (37 BCE– 668 CE)—in palaces in P’yongyang, for instance—a curved version, with brackets placed only on the column heads of the building, was elaborated during the early Koryo dynasty (918–1392). The Amita Hall of the Pusok temple in Antong is a good example. Later

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on (from the mid-Koryo period to the early Choson dynasty), a multiple-bracket system, or an intercolumnar-bracket set system, was developed under the influence of China’s Yuan dynasty (1279–1368). In this system, the consoles were also placed on the transverse horizontal beams. Seoul’s Namtaemun Gate—Korea’s foremost national treasure—is perhaps the most symbolic example of this type of structure. In the mid-Choson period, the winglike bracket form appeared (one example is the Yongnyongjon Hall of Chongmyo, Seoul), which, according to some authors, better suited the peninsula’s poor economic situation that resulted from repetitive invasions. Only in buildings of importance like palaces or sometimes temples (Tongtosa, for instance) were the multicluster brackets still used. Confucianism also led to more sober and simple solutions. Temple Styles Different styles of temples also arose in each period or culture. During the Three Kingdom period (Koguryo, Paekche, and Shilla; 57 BCE–668 CE), the “one-pagoda” style prevailed, in which only one pagoda was erected in a temple’s hall. Sometimes, however, variations occurred: the Koguryo kingdom is famous for its “three-hall, one-pagoda” style (that is, one pagoda standing in the central hall). Among the temples of the Paekche period (18 BCE–663 CE), Miruksa is well known for its arrangement of three pagodas, each in front of one hall, along an east-west axis, giving the impression of three separate temples. During the Unified Shilla period, the “two-pagodas” style was favored, while during the Koryo period, both the one- and two-pagoda styles almost disappeared as specific shrines were added to temples. Other Construction Korea also has a rich architectural heritage of tombs and town-wall construction. The brick tomb of King Muryong (501–523 CE) is remarkable for its vaulted ceiling and arch construction. The most famous town walls are those of Seoul and Suwon. The capital’s stone wall, constructed in 1396 and rebuilt in 1422, was sixteen kilometers long (only traces remain today) and had eight gates (including Namtaemun, the South Gate); Suwon’s town wall, completed in 1796, was a model of construction methods in Asia at that time, as it benefited from Western influence and techniques. Modern Architecture Modern architecture in Korea has been ruled by the political context until very recently. During Korea’s

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Houses on South Korea’s Cheju-do Island in 1986 showing the distinctive house shape and roof style. (MICHAEL S. YAMASHITA/CORBIS)

colonization (1910–1945), the Japanese introduced Western-style architecture (mainly made of stone, bricks, and concrete). After the Korean War (1950– 1953), North Korean architecture followed a monumental Stalinist style, whereas South Korean architecture has been influenced by the so-called (Western) International style. Nevertheless, following the examples of innovative local architects such as Kim Sugun (1931–1986), who was a student of the Japanese architect Kenzo Tange, and Kim Chung-op (1922– 1988), a disciple of the modernist Swiss architect Le Corbusier, today’s young South Korean architects are developing a language of their own, aware of worldwide theoretical and aesthetic architectural debates, and are attempting to construct a more specifically Korean contemporary architecture. Marie-Hélène Fabre-Faustino Further Reading Clément, Sophie, Pierre Clement, and Yong-hak Shin. (1987) Architecture du paysage en Extrême-Orient. Paris: École nationale supérieure des Beaux-Arts. Eckert, Carter, Ki-baik Lee, Young Ick Lee, Michael Robinson, and Edward W. Wagner. (1990) Korea Old and New: A History. Seoul: Ilchokak. Fabre, André. (2000) Histoire de la Corée. Paris: L’Asiathèque. Macouin, Francis. (1998) Pavillons et monastères de la Corée ancienne. Paris: Findakly. Park, Tae-soon. (1991) Ch’oga (The Ch’oga, Straw-Roofed Korean Cottages). Seoul: Youl Hwa Dang.

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In the mid-nineteenth century, the profession of architecture was introduced to Japan from abroad, and the first architects were trained to use Western historical

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styles in their work. At the beginning of the twentieth century, however, the architect and architectural historian Ito Chuta (1867–1954) undertook to develop a modern local architecture, defining Asian traditions stylistically and through proportion. Ito remained tied to historical eclecticism. He moved comfortably between quasi-Japanese forms, illustrated by his Earthquake Memorial Hall (1930), and European styles, exemplified by his neo-Renaissance Kanematsu Lecture Hall at Hitotsubashi University (1927). However, his greatest impact was in encouraging the architects who followed him to draw on Japan’s traditions; the most successful invariably blended these with Western abstraction and technology. Emerging Japanese Approaches to Architecture It was particularly in the 1920s and the early half of the 1930s that Japan’s architects struggled to build a local architecture while also engaging in discourse with their peers abroad. For some, the solution was to marry a heavy roof, inspired by Japanese temples, to buildings that were essentially contemporary in their structure and building materials. This “Imperial Roof Style” persisted until the end of World War II. By contrast, Japan’s first intellectual movement, the 1920s Bunri-ha (Secessionist School), advocated an architecture based in personal expression, linked more to the fine arts than to history. As architects attempted to develop more nuanced fusions of Japanese and Western architectural practices, many turned to the sukiya style, associated with Japanese teahouses, emphasizing rich materials within a simple, structured organization. Teahouses also drew on the rustic beauty of Japan’s vernacular architecture, neatly coinciding with the Arts and Crafts influences in European modern movements. The remarkable promise of this period, however, was cut short by a series of historical events. By 1927, Japan was in a recession that was followed by the Great Depression. Subsequently, Japan initiated a war with China that led to World War II; construction materials, especially steel, were diverted for military use. Sutemi Horiguchi (1895–1984), arguably one of the most skilled designers of the prewar period, completed only eighteen buildings between 1920 and 1945, and most of these were houses. Junzo Sakakura (1901–1969) designed the Japan Pavilion for the 1937 Paris Exposition. It received international acclaim, but Sakakura had few other opportunities to build during the war. The period from 1937 to 1947 saw little construction. The profession of architecture survived through the publication of competitions and the construction of institutional buildings in Japan’s colonies. There

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9 JAPANESE INFLUENCES IN THE WEST The Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) in New York City is an unlikely setting for a house designed in the style of a sixteenth-century Japanese villa, but in 1954 and 1955, just such a house was exhibited in the MOMA courtyard. Japan’s influence on individual architects is often controversial, but most scholars agree that some effect can be seen in the work of designers as diverse as Charles Renee Mackintosh (1868– 1928) and Margaret MacDonald (1865–1933), the Austrian émigré Rudolph Schindler (1887–1953), and the California residential designers Charles Greene (1868–1957) and Henry Greene (1870– 1954). Particularly important, though, is the impact of Japan on Frank Lloyd Wright and its exploitation by Modernists. Frank Lloyd Wright (1867–1959) minimized the effect of Japanese architecture in his work, in favor of his enthusiasm for Japanese woodblock prints. His exposure to both came quite early, with the Hooden and a smaller Japanese “teahouse” at the 1893 World’s Colombian Exposition in Chicago. Historians relate Japanese architecture to Wright’s heavy roofs, open planning, spatial horizontality, and even the colors used in his “Prairie School” architecture. Ultimately, his passion for woodblock prints and later opportunities for work resulted in Wright making four trips to Japan. During his last, longest trip, he designed the Imperial Hotel in Tokyo (1922) and several minor buildings. Wright made no effort to influence the direction of Japanese architecture. By contrast, Bruno Taut (1880–1938) significantly affected which buildings Japanese and Western architects considered important while in Japan in the 1903s. Taut rejected the popularity of Nikko’s Toshogu (1636) in favor of the understated character of Katsura Rikyu (1625), an unknown villa in Kyoto,

was a division between theory and building; virtually none of the competitions led to construction and little of the colonial work demanded sophistication. Consequently, few architects were able to nurture their ability to execute work that was both intellectu-

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and published his convictions in English, German, and Japanese. It is not surprising that Taut favored Katsura’s restraint. The German Modernists promoted standardization and modularity, simplicity, and the articulation of a clear structural frame; there were marked similarities between their work and Japan’s shoin-inspired residences. However, there seems to have been no attempt to promote these connections until Walter Gropius (1883–1969), a former director of the German Bauhaus, emigrated to the United States. Americans resisted the aridity of Modernism, and intellectuals countered by drawing attention to Modernism’s resemblance to Japan’s traditional homes. Gropius made a highly publicized trip to Japan in 1954. Writing about that trip in Katsura: Tradition and Creation in Japanese Architecture (a celebrated English-language book on Katsura published in 1960), Gropius noted, “I had found . . . that the old handmade Japanese house had all the essential features required today for a modern, prefabricated house.” (This was hardly a discovery, as Gropius’s first contact with Japanese architects occurred over thirty years earlier.) It was at this time that the Japanese house was built in MOMA’s courtyard. MOMA’s curator Arthur Drexler (1925–1986) also published a book on Japan’s architecture, arguing that the endurance of residential styles confirmed the timelessness of Modernist architecture. Ironically, just as the West set about idealizing traditional Japanese houses, the Japanese people were more and more likely to move into contemporary concrete apartment buildings, contradicting the similarities promoted by Western theorists. Dana Buntrock

ally refined and well crafted. Kunio Maekawa (1905– 1986) was one exception. The rupture caused by economic depression and the later collapse of construction destroyed the careers of many promising architects. Most had difficulty reviv-

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ing their practices after the war. Even some of the notable landmarks of the immediate postwar period, such as Sakakura’s Museum of Modern Art (1952) or Antonin Raymond’s (1888–1976) Reader’s Digest Building (1951), were isolated anomalies. Only Maekawa produced work appreciated for both its theoretical and commercial strengths. He received accolades around the world for his Harumi Apartments (1959) and the spatially complex Tokyo Metropolitan Festival Hall (1961). The Japan Industrial Bank of Tokyo (1974) demonstrates Maekawa’s continued prowess. Architects in Postwar Japan Few architects were trained during World War II. Into the breach stepped Kenzo Tange (b. 1913). His compelling design for the Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park was completed in 1955, and he subsequently went on to produce virtually all of the major works symbolizing Japan’s international hopes (the Olympic Stadium complex of 1964), technical optimism (the 1960 plan for 10 million people to be housed over Tokyo Bay), and a critical political shift to local governance (for example, the Kagawa Prefectural Offices of 1958). Tange also responded to the influence of pre-war theorists by developing a modern architecture that drew on specific Japanese icons, especially Ise Shrine and Katsura Imperial Villa. Many of the leading architects of the next generation were Tange’s students, including Fumihiko Maki (b. 1928), Kiyonori Kikutake (b. 1928), Arata Isozaki (b. 1931), and Kisho Kurokawa (b. 1934). They published a manifesto in 1960 calling for an entirely new movement to rise from the ashes of the war. Eschewing tradition, the “Metabolists,” as they were known, proposed an architecture that celebrated the nation’s new technological prowess. One of the best-known works of this period was the Nakagin Capsule Hotel (1972) by Kurokawa; with unusual precision, tiny sleeping units made from shipping containers were attached to the side of a concrete core holding vertical transportation and building services. Gloomier representations, such as Isozaki’s drawing entitled “Destruction of the Future City” (1968), presaged the collapse of Metabolism following the critical failure of the Osaka Exposition (1970). Isozaki and Kurokawa have stood as weathervanes of subsequent architectural trends. As Kurokawa moved to the simple graphic style of his Rikyu period, named for the sixteenth-century tea master Sen no Rikyu, Isozaki adopted pop abstraction and the iconography of Marilyn Monroe. These architects, distracted by their attempts to develop coherent theoretical constructs, are better known for shaping the

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Tokyo City Hall in the Shinjuku District. It was designed by Kenzo Tange and is the tallest building in the city. (MICHAEL S. YAMASHITA/CORBIS)

practice of architecture than they are for their body of work. However, Isozaki produced the Gumma Prefectural Art Museum (1974), which ranks among the finest buildings of the period. By contrast, their colleague Fumihiko Maki concentrated on construction. His best works, such as the Hillside Terrace complex (1969–1992) and the Spiral Building (1985), demonstrate an interest in urban form, spatial experience, and materials, although he has sometimes been dismissed as too decorative in his approach. Although architects in the 1950s and 1960s were expected to perform internationally, two leading designers, Kiyonori Kikutake (b. 1928) and Kazuo Shinohara (b. 1925), advocated a more individual approach. Their influence became clear as the architects they educated and trained emerged, including Toyo Ito (b. 1941) and Itsuko Hasegawa (b. 1941). The architect and critic Hajime Yatsuka (b. 1948) has referred to this group as the Superficial Generation; their early work, mostly residential, explored a detached architectural language

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unrelated to trends at home or abroad and intended to be derived from personal conceits rather than professional concerns. As these architects matured, however, they struggled to find a more public role for their buildings. Hasegawa’s Shonandai Culture Center (1991) and Hara’s Yamato Building (1987) both did so through explicit references to village life and nature. As a foil to the personal disposition of most architects of his generation, the pugnacious Tadao Ando (b. 1941) developed an austere minimalist style utilizing an uncompromising concrete construction. Less well recognized is the way Ando defined carefully modulated spatial progressions and shifts from a human to monumental scale. His work was recognized internationally at an early stage, and along with Maki, Ando is one of the few Japanese architects to have received the prestigious Pritzker Prize, the equivalent of a Nobel Prize for architecture. In the 1990s, as Japan’s economy again entered a prolonged recession, architects returned to a dignified modernism. Yoshio Taniguchi (b. 1937, Yoshiro Taniguchi’s son) and Riken Yamamoto (b. 1945) have surpassed their more flamboyant cohorts in this setting. Taniguchi’s crisp exactitude is best seen in his Kasai Rinkai Park Visitor’s Center (1996) and in the Gallery of Horyuji Treasures (1999). Yamamoto came into his own with his Saitama University campus (1999). Younger architects working in a similar vein include the partnership Kazuyo Sejima (b. 1956) and Ryue Nishizawa (b. 1966), and Kengo Kuma (b. 1954). While clearly designing in an international style, their attention to detail, sensitivity to the use of light and translucent materials, and overlapping spatial zones remain rooted in earlier efforts to draw upon Japanese traditions as well. Dana Buntrock See also: Architecture—Japan

Further Reading Bognar, Botond. (1985) Contemporary Japanese Architecture: Its Development and Challenge. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Kultermann, Udo. (1960). New Japanese Architecture. New York: Praeger. Reynolds, Jonathan. (2001) Maekawa Kunio and the Emergence of a Japanese Modernist Architecture. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Stewart, David B. (1987) The Making of a Modern Japanese Architecture: 1868 to the Present. Tokyo and New York: Kodansha. Suzuki Hiroyuki, et al. (1985) Contemporary Architecture in Japan, 1958–1984. New York: Rizzoli. Tempel, Egon. (1969) New Japanese Architecture. New York and Washington, DC: Praeger.

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By nature the architecture of Southeast Asia is always hybrid and eclectic, as open as its geographical context, and as receptive as its people’s way of life. Located at the crossroads of world trading routes, Southeast Asia has been very open toward various influences from outside: Indian, Arab, Chinese, European, Japanese, and from the rest of the world. All of those influences were absorbed and adopted into local culture, then expressed in unique architectural forms and styles. Diversity, eclecticism, fusion, acculturation, and adaptation can perhaps describe the nature of Southeast Asian architecture and urbanism. Vernacular Tradition Vernacular architecture in Southeast Asia is largely made of wood and other perishable building materials. Post-and-beam frames, raised living floors, and dominant and elaborate roof forms are identifying characteristics. There is a strong indication that the vernacular stilt house in the Southeast Asia and Pacific regions, which has some basic similarities, developed out of the ricegrowing culture in the tropics. It appears to have originated from granary architecture and developed into a dwelling place. The attic under the roof is the place for gods and valuables, the middle space is the living area, and the underneath space between the floor and the ground is for utilities. For symbolic protection the roof was decorated with sharp objects, horns, dragons, or other animals. The saddle roof type is often interpreted as an imitation of the ancestral boats. Indian Legacy Around the first century CE Indian cosmology began to influence the formal and spatial ordering principles of Southeast Asian architecture and settlements. Hinduism and Buddhism were spreading from India northeastward to Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam and southeastward to Sumatra, Java, and Bali. From the fertile Mekong delta region, the source of the rice culture of Southeast Asia, the first kingdom of Funan was established in the Mekong delta around 100–600 CE, followed by the Chenla (600–790 CE), Pagan (849–1287), and Khmer (790–1431) kingdoms. To the east and northeast, the Champa kingdom flourished from 192 to 1471. The wet-rice culture, river systems, and international trade links with India and China that these kingdoms maintained influenced the architecture and settlement patterns of the Chams, Khmer, and Siamese. There are still marvelous artifacts from this period in the stone temples of Angkor

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9 ASIAN COSMOLOGY AND ORDERING PRINCIPLES Humanity occupies the middle position between the two poles of the universal order (good and evil, upper and lower, mountain and sea, north and south; or between sunrise and sunset, east and west, and so forth). The hierarchy of these three cosmological divisions serves as a metaphor for parts of the human body: the head, the torso, and the feet. It is also the metaphor for elements of the universe: the sky, the surface of the earth, and the ground underneath. Traditional settlements across Southeast Asia follow this cosmological pattern, by situating a village in between a mountain and the sea or a river. The most important building or site (temple of origin, chief’s house, ancestor’s grave) is placed on the highest point of the village or to the direction of the mountain. The objects or functions associated with death or impurity (temple of death, dirt, waste disposal) were placed down near the waterfront. In many cases the rice barns—essential in a rice-growing community—were situated on the east side of the village facing the sunrise. This indigenous cosmology was then elaborated further by the Indian mandala principle. (A mandala is a graphic symbol of the universe.) In a geometrical sense, a mandala can be drawn as a square subdivided into nine subsquares. It can be perceived as two superimposed hierarchies of space (upper and lower) facing towards the North and the East (the two primary orientations). The middle space is the neutral, the navel, the womb, or the center. The upper-right corner space is the head, the inner sanctum, or the most respected place. The lower-left corner space is the feet, the lowest, the dirtiest, or the threshold to the impure outside world. A city, a village, a house, or a room can be arranged according to this hierarchy of values and meanings. This basic spatial pattern can be found in Indian cities and temples, Balinese villages and houses, Chinese courthouses, and even in Japanese tearooms. Johannes Widodo

in Cambodia and the brick temples of Champa in southern and central Vietnam. The decline of those inland rice-growing kingdoms was soon followed by the rise of the Srivijaya empire of the Malay archipelago (600–1290), which took effective control of the main trading routes of the Malacca Strait and the Java Sea. The physical remains of this great cultural, political, and military Buddhist kingdom have almost vanished, due to the use of nondurable clay brick and timber materials, except for some archaeological sites and several rounded temples, such as Muara Takus temple in southern Sumatra. In Java many Buddhist and Hindu stone temples from around the eighth century still survive. The Mandalay palace complex in Myanmar (Burma) and the Angkor

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temple complex near Siemreab in Cambodia exemplify the transformation of basic Hindu design principles in Buddhist architecture. The enormous Buddhist stupas of Borobudur and the articulated Hindu portion of the Prambanan temple in central Java are the best artifacts from this period. Palaces and ordinary buildings from this period have not survived, but archaeological findings suggest that the layouts of the royal capitals from this period (such as Ayutthaya near Bangkok and Majapahit in eastern Java) clearly show the underlying ordering principle of the Indian mandala. The same clear and strong spatial hierarchy, axiality, and orientation of structures still characterize contemporary Balinese dwellings and village architecture; the shrines and

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temples of Myanmar, Thailand, and Cambodia; and Javanese houses and palaces. The vernacular tradition has internalized Indian cosmology. Buddhism spread from India northeastward to Nepal, Bhutan, Tibet, China, Korea, and Japan, eastward to Myanmar, Siam, Sumatra, and Java, and southward to Ceylon, generating unique forms of stupa architecture (temples, monasteries, and palaces). The best examples of this kind of architecture in Southeast Asia can be found in Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. The simple rounded dome shape of stupa architecture in India and Ceylon became highly elaborate and complex in Southeast Asia. The largest Buddhist stone architecture in the world is Borobudur temple in central Java, Indonesia. Even though Buddhist rituals and symbolism determined its shape, the temple incorporated various Hindu ornaments and spatial patterns as well. Islamic Legacy Islam entered and spread throughout Southeast Asia along two main routes. The first one was through China along the Silk Road, and then by the voyages of the Ming-dynasty admiral Zheng He (1371?–1435) from southern China to the northern coast of Java, then to Melaka and throughout the Indonesian archipelago. The second route was through India, and was taken by Gujarat and Tamil traders to the Malay peninsula, to the west coast of Sumatra, and finally to the northern coast of Java and the entire Indonesian archipelago. Arab and Persian traders also opened direct trading routes to Southeast Asia, connecting Europe with Asia. Islam introduced a new orientation (the qiblat or praying orientation toward Mecca) and new typology in architecture and urban space (sultans’ palaces, mosques, urban central open space) into the vocabulary of Southeast Asian architecture and urban planning. Again the fusion process is clearly evident. The transition and transformation processes took place peacefully and naturally at such sites as Demak (the first Islamic sultanate in Java and the primary Islamic mission in Southeast Asia), Kudus, and Cirebon (both early Islamic cities on the northern coast of Java). The Javanese mosque typology, with three layers of pyramid roof, also existed in Melaka on the Malay Peninsula, in old Singapore, and in different parts of the Indonesian archipelago. It represented a blend of Hindu-Javanese architecture with Indian, Chinese, Malay, and even Greek and Persian architectural elements. In the British Straits Settlements of the Malay Peninsula, mosques erected by the Muslim commu-

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nity from southern India—also in eclectic architectural style—can be found in Melaka and Singapore. Located in the middle of Chinatown, in the same row as other religious buildings (Chinese temples, Hindu shrines), these southern Indian mosques reflected the cosmopolitan and tolerant nature of Southeast Asian urban culture in embracing and incorporating new foreign elements. Craftspeople from different racial and cultural groups worked together and blended their artistry and skill to create a new and unique building tradition and architectural totality. Chinese Legacy The Chinese dominated northern Vietnam from the second century BCE to the tenth century CE. Thang Long (the origin of Hanoi) was built as a new capital in 1010, following the traditional Chinese model for a capital city. A Chinese spatial order was superimposed on the previous vernacular organic settlement structure. Thang Long was dominated by Buddhist, Taoist, and Confucian primary elements (temples, pagodas, monasteries, public buildings, palaces). This ancient urban tissue persists especially in the Thirty-Sixth Street district of Hanoi, around the Citadel, where several temples and pagodas can be found scattered around the old quarter. The voyages of Zheng He left traces along the coastal regions of Southeast Asia in the form of early southern Chinese trading posts and colonies. Many of these colonies were situated near river estuaries beside the preexisting native villages. Some of these early settlements then grew into flourishing entrepots (for example, Pattani, Melaka, Palembang) because of international maritime trading activities. The main features from this period were the Chinese temple dedicated to Mazu (goddess of the sea, protector of sailors), the fish market in front of the temple near the harbor, and the early typology of shop houses. The Chinese architectural elements blended with local vernacular design patterns and features and created numerous variations of fusion building styles. One good example is the typical trader’s house in Palembang, south Sumatra. The building plan and some of its construction methods are those used for the southern Chinese courthouse, but the saddle roofs, open verandah, timber material, and raised floor are definitely local. The waves of Chinese immigrants from southern China in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries further enhanced the development of unique architecture and the particular pattern of the cities within this region. More temples with different functions and

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different gods were erected, along with the construction of new generations of shop houses, community halls, and clusters of urban row houses for clan members. During this time, the Chinese played a strategic economic role as middlemen between the European colonialists and the local populations, and became prosperous. Their prosperity was expressed in the adoption of European design features into their architecture. The kind of architecture developed by the Chinese in Southeast Asia diverged from architecture in mainland China, reflecting instead the architecture of their adopted places. European Legacy The Europeans implemented their hegemonic ambitions beginning in the late fifteenth century, starting with the Portuguese (in India, Melaka, Java, eastern Indonesia, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Japan), followed by the Dutch (in India, Melaka, Indonesia, Taiwan, and Japan), the British (in India, the Malaya peninsula, Bengkulu, Java, and China), the Spanish (in the Philippines), the French (in Indochina and China), and the Germans (in China). Although Thailand remained an independent kingdom, it too absorbed influences from Europe. The Europeans came first as traders and missionaries and stayed as colonizers supported by military power, gradually and effectively penetrating and dominating the whole of Southeast Asia for almost five centuries. The Europeans introduced such new architectural elements as boulevards, streetscapes, and façades, along with new building techniques and new types of buildings (military establishments, public buildings, churches, urban squares and plazas, markets, railroads, stations, plantation houses, and many more). The image of Paris was transplanted to Indochina in such cities as Phnom Penh, Vientiane, Hanoi, Saigon, and Danang in the form of wide boulevards and urban parks, multistory apartment blocks, monumental public buildings, villas and bungalows, and so forth. The Dutch transplanted the canals of Amsterdam and its row houses and elite villas into the old city of Batavia (present-day Jakarta). The British built esplanades and cricket fields in the Straits Settlements (Malaysia, Singapore). The Portuguese and Spanish created plazas, churches, and cathedrals in eastern Timor and the Philippines. At first European design was directly applied in tropical Southeast Asia with only minor modifications. But then more responsive design solutions were invented, to adapt building and urban design to local climatic, aesthetic, and social-cultural conditions. There are European-style buildings with deep verandas and ventilation holes, for example, and gradually Chinese,

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Indian, Malay, Arab, and other influences made themselves felt. As had happened with earlier influences, the European influences were naturally and openly accepted into the vocabulary of Southeast Asian architecture and urbanism. The Legacy of Modernism The ideas of modernism were brought into Southeast Asia by European-educated architects in the early twentieth century. They developed a new generation of modern buildings in various architectural styles including Orientalism (a mixture of all stylistic elements of the East) and modern-European-indigenous eclectic styles. In the 1920s and 1930s garden-city concepts— modified to suit local climates and environments—were implemented in major cities in Java, Sumatra, the Malay peninsula, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam. To create order and healthier and safer cities, building codes and regulations were implemented. Jack roofs, light wells, and sufficient openings in buildings were required in order to provide enough ventilation. Service areas were located in the backyard, connected to the back alley. Party walls were built between dwelling units to prevent the spread of fire, and a 1.5meter arcade, known as a five-foot way, was provided between rows of shops to protect pedestrians from tropical rain and heat, particularly in the Straits Settlements (Malaysia, Singapore) and some cities in Indonesia. Density and zoning regulations were implemented to control urban growth. New modern regional styles adapted to local environmental and cultural contexts gave a strong sense of identity to Southeast Asian architecture and cities until the Great Depression of the 1930s and the outbreak of World War II. The Depression and the war destroyed many parts of Southeast Asia’s cities and ended a creative period of unique modern architectural discourse. Soon after the war, a totally new kind of modernism—the International Style—appeared everywhere. In Hanoi a strong and rigid Soviet socialist utopian model of urban planning and architectural style changed the cityscapes. A huge mausoleum and vast parade ground were erected in the civic center, eliminating the previous colonial palace axis. Standardized public housing replaced older styles of dwelling. In the newly independent nations of Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, and Myanmar, the International Style was used as a symbol of departure from the past. Japanese war reparation money and aid played an important role in the implementation and realization of these nationalistic ambitions in some Southeast Asian countries.

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In Search of Identity In Southeast Asia, diversity and harmonious unity are traditions, passed from generation to generation. All sorts of outside cultural influences have been considered as positive inputs and have enriched individuals, families, tribes, clans, peoples, and even nations. This has been expressed clearly in all levels of architecture, from ornaments and furniture to buildings, settlements, and cities. The immense economic growth in Southeast Asia within the last two decades has changed the course of its architecture and urbanism dramatically. The models developed in America and Europe have been broadly and carelessly applied to Southeast Asian countries, creating conflicts, tensions, confusion, and loss of identity. New architectural styles, used for corporate office towers, commercial superblocks, and housing clusters for the newly rich, stand beside vast slum areas and shantytowns. Amid these contradictions, Southeast Asia’s own architects are creating many excellent designs. New and unprecedented discourses on Southeast Asian architecture and urban studies are flourishing across the region in architectural schools and the architectural profession. With its long history of plurality and creativity, and its long experience of blending everything harmoniously, Southeast Asian architecture has very promising prospects of finding its own identity. Johannes Widodo See also: Angkor Wat; Borobudur; Mandalay Palace

Further Reading Dumarcay, Jacques. (1991) The Palaces of South-East Asia: Architecture and Customs. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Dumarcay, Jacques, and Michael Smithies. (1998) Cultural Sites of Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. Hall, Kenneth R. (1985) Maritime Trade and State Development in Early Southeast Asia. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Khan, Hasan-Uddin. (1995) Contemporary Asian Architects. Cologne, Germany: Taschen. Major, Andrew. (2000) The Living Past: History of Ancient India, China, and Southeast Asia. Singapore: MPH. Smith, Bardwell, and Holly Baker Reynolds, eds. (1987) The City as a Sacred Center: Essays on Six Asian Contexts. Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J. Brill. Waterson, Roxana. (1998). The Architecture of South-East Asia through Travellers’ Eyes. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press. ———. (1990) The Living House: An Anthropology of Architecture in South-East Asia. London: Thames & Hudson.

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Widodo, Johannes. (1998) “The Urban History of the Southeast Asian Coastal Cities.” Ph.D. diss. University of Tokyo.

ARCHITECTURE, VERNACULAR— CHINA China has a variety of climates and landforms as well as fifty-six diverse ethnic groups in an area nearly equal to that of the United States. Consequently China’s vernacular architecture appears at first glance bewildering in variety. However, a closer examination reveals remarkably similar elements in layout and materials across space and through time. The ubiquitous, simple I-shaped dwellings are complemented by strikingly distinctive buildings of great complexity. Structures include extraordinarily beautiful centuries-old dwelling complexes built for merchants, quadrangular residences in the Beijing area, massive multistoried fortresses in the hilly south, and unique below-ground cave-like dwellings in the north, as well as tents and pile dwellings occupied by minority populations in remote areas of the country. Divisions of Space Throughout China, houses exhibit a limited range of conventional spatial forms in their plan and general layout. These fundamental building elements are rooted deeply in Chinese building traditions, and they have influenced the spatial conceptualization and building traditions of Japan and Korea as well. Chinese builders are attentive not only to structures—that is, enclosures with a roof—but also to open spaces for living, working, and leisure activities. The common denominator of any Chinese building, whether opulent palace or humble home, is a modular unit known as jian, a fundamental measure of width, the span between two lateral columns that constitutes a bay. Jian also represent the twodimensional floor space between four columns and the volumetric measure of the void defined by the floor and the walls. Sometimes jian form a room, although quite often a room is made up of several structural jian. As a modular form, jian can be created and linked relatively easily as a family’s circumstances and resources change over several generations. Most Chinese dwellings consist of at least three jian linked laterally along a transverse line to create horizontal, I-shaped structures. In northern China jian range between 3.3 and 3.6 meters in width, while in southern China they are typically between 3.6 and 3.9 meters. The bays are usually deeper in southern China, reaching as much as 6.6 meters, while those in the north rarely exceed 4.8 meters. Jian generally are clustered in odd multiples, such as three, five, or seven,

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since the Chinese believe that odd-numbered units provide balance and symmetry. The traditional Chinese sumptuary regulations contributed to the standardization and modularization of Chinese houses by dictating the dimensions of timber. Decorative details and colors along the roof ridge, under the eaves, and on the gate, which indicated positions in the social hierarchy, were also written into sumptuary regulations. The central jian of a three- or five-bay rectangular dwelling typically is wider than the flanking jian, since the central jian is usually the principal ceremonial or utility room in the dwelling. Symbolic of unity and continuity, this space often is accentuated by the traditional placement of a long, narrow table facing the door. That table holds ancestral tablets, images of gods and goddesses, family mementos, and ceremonial paraphernalia. Uncovered open areas of various dimensions, often referred to as courtyards, are critical divisions of exterior space in any fully formed Chinese dwelling. While open spaces are axiomatic elements of Chinese domestic spaces, their scales differ to such a degree that neither the common term “courtyard” nor its Chineselanguage equivalents describe them clearly. From northeast to southeast China, the proportion of open space to enclosed space diminishes significantly. While courtyards may be expansive in northern China, in southern China they are usually condensed, so the Chinese term tianjing, translated as “skywell,” catches their essence. The quintessential Chinese courtyard in the northeast is in the Beijing siheyuan, an open space and the surrounding quadrangle of low buildings, whose traditions go back to the eleventh century BCE. The courtyard of a siheyuan represents about 40 percent of the total area of the dwelling. The back walls of the siheyuan lack windows and doors, and they are oriented to the cardinal directions. Further common characteristics of siheyuan include axiality (balanced side-to-side symmetry), a hierarchical organization of space, and a south- or southeast-facing main hall (south is considered the most auspicious direction in geomancy [feng shui]). Skywells in southern China are rectangular open spaces or voids that are so small and compact that they do not qualify as true courtyards. Ingenious sunken interior cavities whose scale restricts their openness to the sky, skywells are well designed for the hot and humid conditions of southern China as they catch passing breezes and release interior heat. Southern dwellings often have multiple skywells, each an atriumlike enclosed vertical space. The size, shape, and number of skywells vary according to the scale of the residence. Although dwellings with skywells are found

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throughout southern China, perhaps the most distinctive are those in the multistoried dwellings that survive from the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) in Anhui, Jiangxi, and Zhejiang provinces. Unlike northern structures that emphasize horizontality and openness to the sky, these southern dwellings resemble squat boxes or elongated loaves with solid walls and limited windows. While their building materials appear modest from the outside, the brick walls and expensive woods on the inside are ornamental as well as structural. The courtyard evolved over thousands of years to meet changing environmental and social conditions. In both its expansive and its condensed forms, it remains an adaptable component of the spatial composition of Chinese residences throughout the country. Building Materials and Structural Systems Chinese houses generally incorporate a conventional set of elementary building parts (foundations, walls, and roofs) and commonly available structural materials (wood, earth, and stone). The walls of Chinese dwellings sometimes do not directly support the weight of the roof above but rather serve as curtains between complicated wooden frameworks. These wooden frameworks lift the roof and are independent of the walls, creating a kind of osseous structure, which Liang Sicheng, China’s preeminent architectural historian of the twentieth century, characterized as analogous to the human skeleton. Two basic types of timber framework are employed widely, heavy pillars and beams in the north and pillars and transverse tie beams involving mortise and tenon joinery in the south. The latter is important in areas where earthquakes are common. Traditional Chinese dwellings are built directly on compacted earth or are raised slightly on a solid podium of earth, stone, or brick to carry the substantial weight of a building safely to the ground without allowing it to become deformed. Basements are extremely rare. Fully developed structures, whether dwellings or palaces, always include a wooden skeleton of structural pillars and beams to lift the roof rather than relying on the walls to perform this task. Some houses have a relatively simple framework, but others are elaborate structural ensembles. For any Chinese house, the framework is the most costly and difficult building component to replace, while walls are reconstructed fairly easily from inexpensive local materials. Because a wooden skeleton of structural pillars and beams lifts the roof, the surrounding walls provide only enclosure and are not load-bearing components. Many types of materials, including tamped

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earth, adobe brick, fired brick, stone, wooden logs or planks, bamboo, and wattle and daub, may be added to the timber framing to enclose and protect the interior space. The profile of a house constructed with a pillarand-beam framework appears roughly similar to that of a house in the West constructed with roof trusses. However, the cross section of a Chinese pillar-andbeam structure, unlike that of the rigid triangular roof truss system, allows a degree of functional and aesthetic curvature in the roofline. The southern framing system of pillars and transverse beams permits more curvature than the northern system of pillars and beams. Traditional wooden frameworks rarely are secured with metal fittings, such as nails and clamps, but use dowels and wedges to ensure a snug fit. Walls that enclose and surround space also protect and divide it. Walls either encircle the wooden skeleton or simply fill the gaps between the pillars. In southern China non-load-bearing walls are often relatively weak, composed of grasses, grain stalks, and cob (sand mixed with straw) that cannot support more than their own weight. However, some walls include sawed timber and bamboo and are quite strong. Sturdy, load-bearing walls, which are far more common in the construction of Chinese dwellings than is generally acknowledged, are made of a variety of natural materials that are tamped, formed, or hewn. Mixtures of clay-textured soils and amalgamations of other substances are tamped. Blocks of clay are molded into bricks that are either sun-dried or kiln-fired. Hewn stone or timber must be shaped with tools. Load-bearing walls often combine these formed materials with naturally occurring materials, such as rocks, which have not been altered. Tamping or pounding clay soil or other materials into solid walls, called the hangtu method of construction, has been used for much of Chinese history to erect houses and other buildings, to enclose compounds and open areas, and to fortify villages and cities. In the third century BCE the Qin emperor supervised the construction of an immense tamped earthen wall, the precursor of China’s legendary Great Wall. Firing bricks was common by the third century BCE but did not become economical and widely available for housing construction until the fourteenth century CE. The Chinese invest much effort in technique and symbolism when devising the form of the roof, unlike Western builders, who usually stress a building’s facade. Distinctive roof profiles exhibiting a powerful elegance in their curvatures and coverings are more

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common in the residences of people with means than in humble dwellings. Unprecedented rural prosperity during the last twenty-five years of the twentieth century led to the indiscriminate destruction of much of China’s architectural patrimony in spite of efforts to preserve the residences of important historical personages. New styles of vernacular architecture in rural, urban, and suburban areas use materials and plans that differ significantly from traditional patterns. Builders now accept the use of reinforced concrete columns and beams where wood once was used exclusively, a compelling need in a country still plagued by a shortage of timber. New rural dwellings are all too often relatively nondescript blockish structures that have imposed a monotonous rhythm to villages. Public apathy, lack of coordination of conservation energies, and inadequate financial incentives for conservation frustrate efforts to preserve China’s vernacular architectural heritage. Ronald G. Knapp See also: Architecture—China; Courtyards; Feng Shui; Great Wall

Further Reading Blaser, Werner. (1995) Courtyard House in China: Tradition and Present/Hofhaus in China: Tradition und Gegenwart. Bilingual ed. Basel, Switzerland, and Boston: Birkhäuser Verlag. Bray, Francesca. (1997) Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Ho Puay-peng. (1995) The Living Building: Vernacular Environments of South China/Gucheng jinxi: Zhongguo minjian shenghuofangshi. Bilingual ed. Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, Department of Architecture. Knapp, Ronald G. (1999) China’s Living Houses: Folk Beliefs, Symbols, and Household Ornamentation. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. ———. (2000) China’s Old Dwellings. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. ———. (1989) China’s Vernacular Architecture: House Form and Culture. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Lo Kai-Yin, and Ho Puay-peng, eds. (1999) Living Heritage: Vernacular Environment in China. Bilingual ed. Hong Kong: Yungmingtang. Lung, David. (1991) Chinese Traditional Vernacular Architecture. Bilingual ed. Hong Kong: Regional Council. Ruitenbeek, Klaas. (1993) Building and Carpentry in Late Imperial China: A Study of the Fifteenth-Century Carpenter’s Manual “Lu Ban Jing.” Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill.

ARCHITECTURE—WEST ASIA

The West Asian nations of Iran, Turkey, and Iraq have a rich and varied architectural heritage dating back thousands of

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years. Many civilizations have left their mark on this region, and architecture has always been important to this region. In fact, many buildings of West Asia have played an important role in the development of world architecture. The history of architecture in West Asia can be broadly divided into three periods: architecture produced before the introduction of Islam to the region in the mid-seventh century CE, architecture produced after the introduction of Islam, and modern architecture (produced after 1850). This article discusses modern architecture. Even though the architecture of these three nations does not have a prominent position internationally, in the past century many of their important structures have helped shape the identity of these countries throughout the modern period. Iran The beginning of modern architecture in Iran goes back to the period from 1921 to 1941, as exemplified in such works as the Museum of Ancient Iran, designed by foreign architects hired by the government. During this period many Iranian cities were transformed to include such new building types as office buildings, factories, banks, and railway stations. These buildings were originally designed by foreign architects, but eventually foreign-educated Iranians and then, with the establishment of the first school of architecture in Iran in the early 1940s, Iranian-educated architects joined this group. In most of the architecture of this period, elements taken mostly from buildings from pre-Islamic Iranian architecture were mixed with new European elements. The second period in modern Iranian architecture was from 1941 to the late 1960s. During this period, most architectural projects were carried out by a few Iranian architects. In these projects, greater attention was paid to the past architecture of Iran, especially. the geometrical patterns that are characteristic of Islamic Iranian architecture. One of the most prominent works of this period is the mausoleum of the Islamic scientist and philosopher Ibn Sina (Avicenna, 980– 1037) in Hamedaan, by Hooshang Seyhoon. The third period was from the late 1960s until the early years after the Islamic Revolution of 1980. During this period, the trend of infusing modern concrete buildings with elements from pre-Islamic and Islamic Iran was continued. The 1970s were characterized by the works of such architects as Nader Ardalan and Kamran Diba, who sought to preserve Iranian architecture by restoring several projects throughout Iran. The fourth period, which started just after the revolution and continues today, is characterized by such

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works as the National Museum of Water by Seyyed Haadi Mirmiran, the National Iranian Library by Kaamraan Safaabakhsh, and the Academies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The architecture of this period relies heavily upon the inclusion of Islamic motifs, such as geometric patterns and arches, in its design and decoration. Turkey The beginning of modern architecture in Turkey can be traced to the nineteenth century when the Balyan family of architects introduced into the architecture of Istanbul (then the capital of the Ottoman empire) motifs inspired by contemporary European architecture. European architects were also commissioned. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, European architects were also recruited to teach architecture at the Academy of Fine Arts (founded in 1883) and the College of Civil Engineering (founded 1884). Late Ottoman architecture in Istanbul became dependent on Western funding, technology, and ideas. Most of the buildings that were built in the last decades of the nineteenth century combined elements of neo-classical European architecture with elements from Islamic architecture. This style of architecture continued in the early twentieth century with buildings designed by Turkish architects. This style became known as the First National architectural style. From the late 1920s, under the Republican government, new styles emerged, inspired by European Modernism. A number of European architects worked in Ankara, the new capital of Turkey, and influenced its architectural appearance. In 1931 the first Turkish architectural journal, Mimar, was founded, and it described works in the modern style by Turkish architects. During the 1930s, with the encouragement of the Republican government, monumental buildings inspired by German and Italian architecture were commissioned. From the late 1930s, however, there was a shift in emphasis‚ known as the Second National architectural style‚ in which architects began to express in their work an awareness of a vernacular Turkish architecture but without a total rejection of Modernism. One of the most influential architects of this movement was Sedad Eldem, who defended local styles over international ones and included local features in his architecture. The main building of this period, the mausoleum of the soldier and statesman Kemal Ataturk (1881–1938) in Ankara (1944), by the architects Emin Onat and Orhan Arda, also expressed the preoccupation with this new style.

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In the 1950s American and European architectural influences became important in Turkey. The Hilton Hotel (1952) in Istanbul, by the American architectural firm Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill with the collaboration of Eldem, was influential as an example of the International style (a movement in modern European and American architecture, famous for its use of glass, steel, and reinforced concrete and for its preoccupation with unornamented plane surfaces). The 1950s also brought industrial development and urban growth, especially in the cities of Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir. Skyscrapers were introduced into city centers, and unplanned neighborhoods grew around the various cities. From the 1960s onward, new materials, such as exposed concrete, and new construction techniques have become increasingly common in Turkish architecture. Other prevalent trends in modern Turkish architecture include the integration of older architectural forms into modern buildings, as well as renovation and restoration of older buildings, especially in Istanbul. Iraq The mid-twentieth century marks the beginning of modern architecture in Iraq. It was introduced by foreign architects and later taken up by Iraqi architects such as Mohamad Makiya, Mahmoud al-Ali, and Rifat Chaderji. In 1959, Mohamad Makiya (who designed many residential and commercial buildings in Iraq) founded the first department of architecture in Iraq at Baghdad University. One of the first expressions of modern architecture in Iraq was manifested in urban renewal projects in the capital of Baghdad, where many traditional neighborhoods were destroyed to make way for new commercial buildings and a new civic center (completed in 1986). The civic center includes the Municipality Building by Hisham Munir, the Income Tax Building by Mahdi al-Hassani, and the Water Board Building by Mahmoud al-Ali. Until the 1970s, much of the modern architecture of Iraq relied heavily upon Western styles. However, some architects (most prominently Rifat Chaderji) became concerned with the disappearance of traditional Iraqi architecture and set out to combine principles of traditional architecture with modern technologies. This attempt to preserve traditional Iraqi architecture also led to a project (headed by Chaderji, the Iraqi firm Mahmoud al-Ali and Partners, and the Architecture and Planning Partnership) to conserve and restore some residential neighborhoods and important Islamic shrines around Baghdad (their work stopped in 1984, and the project was not completed).

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Since the mid-1980s, the majority of Iraqi architecture has been state-sponsored monumental architecture aimed at promoting and validating the rule of Saddam Hussein (b. 1937), Iraq’s current leader. Lara G. Tohme Further Reading Beazley, Elisabeth, and Michael Harverson. (1982) Living with the Desert: Working Buildings of the Iranian Plateau. Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips. Bozdogan, Sibel. (2001) Modernism and Nation Building: Turkish Architectural Culture in the Early Republic. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. Fethi, Ihsan, and John Warren. (1982) Traditional Houses in Baghdad. Horsham, UK: Coach.

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(2000 est. pop. 500,000). A city in Iran’s mountainous northwest and a provincial capital since the 1993 formation of Ardabil Province, Ardabil (Ardebil) was previously the most northeastern city of Iran’s East Azerbaijan province. The vast majority of the population are Azeri Turks. Since its genesis, estimated to be at least as early as the fifth century CE, the city has been an overland junction. This was especially true when the silk trade flourished, during several centuries when Ardabil was capital of the Azerbaijan region of Persia. Close today to Iran’s Caspian province of Gilan and to the international border between Iran and Azerbaijan, Ardabil continues to be a significant overland point in the region. In historic terms, Ardabil is known as the hearth of the Safavid dynasty. Its most significant landmark is a circular, domed tower known as the shrine and mausoleum of the Persian saint Safi-od-Din (1252–1334), for whom the dynasty is named. In addition to his tomb, this mausoleum is also the resting place of his sons and other notables, including Shah Ismail I. Nonetheless, by the early-sixteenth century, Tabriz had eclipsed Ardabil as the center of the Azerbaijan region. Yet Ardabil should also be noted for its capacity to resurrect itself. Razed by Mongol armies in 1220, the city has been devastated numerous times throughout its history by earthquakes. The late-ninthcentury earthquake centered on Ardabil accounted for roughly 150,000 deaths, making it one of the top ten most destructive earthquakes in recorded history. Kyle Evered Further Reading

Chehabi, H. E. (1997) “Ardabil Becomes a Province: Center-Periphery Relations in Iran.” International Journal of Middle East Studies 29, 2: 235–253.

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Morton, A. H. (1974, 1975) “The Ardabil Shrine in the Reign of Shah Tahmasp I.” Iran 12: 31–64; 13: 39–58. Zarinebaf-Shahr, Fariba. (1998) “Economic Activities of Safavid Women in the Shrine-City of Ardabil.” Iranian Studies 31, 2: 247–261.

ARIQ WATER SYSTEM The traditional method of distributing irrigation water to fields in preSoviet Central Asia, ariq in Uzbek simply means irrigation canal. This distribution system was arranged around the Islamic premise that water, like other natural goods, was the gift of God and could not be owned. Equitable distribution of water to fields was therefore a communal responsibility, although one which in the Emirate of Bukhara was regulated by the state. Canals were constructed and maintained by hand as part of a communal enterprise, which it was incumbent on all men in a community to perform on pain of losing their field holdings. Before the Soviet takeover, Central Asians (in what would be the republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) held water as a common good to be distributed according to need, with water theoretically being supplied on an equitable basis according to size of holding, fertility, or other considerations. The construction of canals was overseen by an usta (expert) who used no surveying equipment beyond eye, thumb (to estimate elevation), and toe (to mark eventual course). Consequently, canals were often needlessly long, and suffered from evaporation and leakage. Channels were also prone to silting. Twice a year (at the end of February for major canals, March for minor ones) they were cleaned communally and the silt used as fertilizer. At the village level, water supply was controlled by a mirab (literally “water controller”) who channeled water to each holding by turn, judging the quantity needed by eye. Channels to individual fields were maintained by the farmer, but the system as a whole was supervised by an aqsaqal (authority) responsible for cleaning and maintenance and elected by all the villages using a main canal. In theory this prevented upstream villages taking more than their share of water, but in practice the system was open to abuse at both aqsaqal and mirab level. By the time of the Soviet takeover this system had fallen into considerable infrastructural decay, and it was replaced by more modern techniques. Will Myer Further Reading Rumer, B. (1989) Soviet Central Asia. Boston: Unwin-Hyman.

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Prokhorov, A. M., ed. (1973–1983) Great Soviet Encyclopedia. Translation of Bol´shaia sovetskaia entsiklopediia. New York: Macmillan.

ARJA Arja, which developed from gambuh, Balinese dance, is a form of Balinese musical comedy incorporating song, dance, drama, comedy, and pantomime. It is commonly accompanied by a gamelan (Indonesian percussion instrument) gong orchestra, although early versions apparently had all-male casts and no gamelan accompaniment. A version with all-women casts also apparently existed at one time, but modern casts are mixed, albeit with comic female roles often played by men. Over the years, the comic elements have grown considerably in proportion to the dramatic action. The main difference between gambuh and arja is that the latter places a much greater emphasis on drama and song rather than on dance and music, and arja’s representation of dramatic action is considerably more flexible than that of the older genre. The musical accompaniment of arja is not continuous, allowing long passages of dialogue, often comic. The plots tend to be stereotyped romantic or sentimental narratives but also include stories from the medieval Javanese Panji romances, the Mahabharata epic, and Chinese sources. As in other Balinese genres, the clown servants Punta and Wijil serve the function of interpreting the action from the speech forms of classical theater into the vernacular. Tim Byard-Jones Further Reading Eiseman, Fred B., Jr. (1990) Bali: Sekala and Niskala, Vol. 1: Essays on Religion, Ritual, and Art. Hong Kong: Periplus. Yousouf, Ghulam-Sarwar. (1994) Dictionary of Traditional South-East Asian Theatre. Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Oxford University Press.

ARMENIANS The Armenians emerged as a people in about 600 BCE, occupying a rugged region in the Transcaucasus in western Asia. Although at various times the Armenians created an independent state, which under the ruler Tigranes the Great (c. 140– c. 55 BCE) extended from the Caspian to the Mediterranean, the strategic importance of the Transcaucasus and Caucasus ensured that foreign powers continually struggled to control the region. Thus the Achaemenid Persians, Romans, Byzantines, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, Mongols, Ottomans, and Russians, among others, successively controlled the Armenian peoples, and the

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Armenians, severely treated by the various foreign invaders, again and again emigrated to avoid persecution. Although Armenians are thought to have descended from both native Transcaucasian populations and foreign invaders, the Armenian language is IndoEuropean, written with a unique thirty-eight-letter alphabet. The Armenian Apostolic (Orthodox) Church is one of the oldest Christian churches, having been established in the region two decades before Constantine made Christianity the official religion of the Roman empire (c. 313). Early Armenia and Persian Dominance Present-day Armenia, located in the Transcaucasus, occupies but a fraction of the territory of ancient Armenia, then known as eastern Armenia. Most of the land of the ancient kingdom (western Armenia) is now located in eastern Turkey. A small part of Georgia, another Transcaucasian country, falls within the region once occupied by ancient Armenia. Of all the foreign powers that controlled the Armenians, the Persians were the most influential until

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the third century CE. Persian dominance was weakened, however, by the conversion of the Armenians to Christianity and the conquest of Persia (Iran) by the Arabs, Seljuk Turks, and Mongols. In the eleventh century, the Seljuk occupation of Armenia drove many Armenians into Iran. Ottoman Rule The Ottomans began their penetration into Armenia in the sixteenth century, about three centuries after the Ottoman empire was established, and during numerous wars in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Ottomans conquered and annexed parts of the Armenian land now located in eastern Turkey. These wars led to the forcible relocation of many Armenians, who moved to Iran; other areas of the Transcaucasus, including the current Armenia and Azerbaijan; and parts of the Ottoman empire. As the neighbor of Armenia, Iran became the home to the largest Armenian diaspora, concentrated in the current provinces of Isfahan, Tehran, and western and eastern Azerbaijan. Much smaller communities were

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A tenth-century Armenian church in western Turkey. (O. ALAMANY & E. VICENS/CORBIS)

created in present-day Turkey, especially in the areas close to the Transcaucasus and in Istanbul. In 1639, the Treaty of Zuhab partitioned Armenia between the Ottomans and the Iranians. The former took western Armenia (now part of eastern Turkey), and the latter took eastern Armenia (present-day Armenia). Turkey has kept its part to this date. The persecution of the Armenians in the Ottoman empire and their forcible relocation in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries led to the migration of many Armenians from western Armenia to Iran.

Bolshevik Revolution gave rise to a short period of independence for Armenia, which emerged in 1918 as the independent republic of Armenia.

Struggles with Russia The fall of the Iranian Safavid empire in the early eighteenth century allowed the Russian empire to extend its influence to the Caucasus. This also encouraged the Ottoman empire to conquer the entire region. Consequently, the Caucasus and Transcaucasus, including Armenia, became the scene of wars and rivalry between Russia, the Ottomans who wanted to expand their territories, and the Iranians who wanted to regain their lost lands. For most of a century until 1828, the Armenians were ruled by three empires whose territories in the region expanded and contracted several times.

Armenians Today At the present time, the Armenians live in Armenia and many other countries. Their voluntary and involuntary migrations have created large Armenian diasporas throughout the world. The population of Armenia is about 3.5 million, but between 800,000 and 1.5 million Armenians have migrated to other countries since independence in 1991 because of economic reasons, political instability, or both. About 1 million Armenians live in the countries of the former Soviet Union, and there are about 4 million Armenians in large communities in Iran, India, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Western Europe.

Two long series of wars between Iran and Russia led to the Turkmenchai Treaty of 1828. This confirmed Russia’s annexation of the Caucasus and Transcaucasus, including present-day Armenia. The

The relations between the Armenians and the Turks have been particularly hostile. The Ottomans’ persecution and the forcible migration of the Armenians living in western Armenia have been two major

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After crushing the Armenian republican forces, the Soviet Union regained control over Armenia in November 1920 and incorporated the Armenians into the Soviet Union as part of the Transcaucasian federation, which also included the Azerbaijanis and the Georgians. In 1936, Armenia became a full republic of the Soviet Union. It regained full independence only after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

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factors in this hostility. The Armenian diaspora continues to press the Turkish republic to accept responsibility for the genocide of 1915, estimated at costing 500,000 to 1.5 million Armenian lives. Hooman Peimani Further Reading Country Profile 2000: Georgia-Armenia. (2000) London: Economist Intelligence Unit. Hovannisian, Richard G. (1997) The Armenian People from Ancient to Modern Times. 2 vols. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

ARMY OF THE REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM On 26 October 1955, when Ngo Dinh Diem proclaimed the Republic of Vietnam (RVN) with himself as president, all of the RVN’s army units became known collectively as the Army of the Republic of Vietnam, or ARVN. The ARVN, successor to the Frenchled Vietnamese National Army of the First Indochina War, had an initial strength of 150,000 troops and eventually grew to almost one million at the time of its demise in 1975. Organized in the mid-1950s by Lieutenant-Generals John W. O’Daniel and Samuel T. Williams, successive heads of the U.S. Military Assistance Advisory Group, modeled after the U.S. Army, and designed to meet a People’s Army of Vietnam (PAVN) attack across the demilitarized zone (the DMZ: established 22 July 1954 along the seventeenth parallel in Vietnam), the ARVN initially was made up of four field divisions and six light divisions with thirteen territorial regiments for regional security. Growing as the U.S. military presence in South Vietnam grew, the ARVN was beset by multiple problems, such as corruption, low morale, and poor leadership, which severely limited its effectiveness as a fighting force. The ARVN lacked officers, especially in the higher ranks, and many officers were appointed according to social rank and political favor rather than ability and integrity. The result was an almost entirely Catholic officer corps that led a fighting force that was more than 60 percent Buddhist. Logistics and technical services were crippled by senior officers’ corruption. Many officers operated their units for financial gain by overreporting personnel numbers and pocketing the surplus pay, sharing the unit’s confiscated materials with others who often sold the goods on the black market, and smuggling drugs. Perhaps the most serious problem with the ARVN was that it was modeled on the U.S. Army and, like the U.S. Army, gauged to fight a conventional war in an unconventional war milieu, largely ignoring the

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counterinsurgency nature of the conflict. In addition, the ARVN grew to depend on the American military’s assistance in everything from command and control to logistics and material support. Such dependence weakened the ARVN to the point that it could not stand up to PAVN assault without substantial American assistance. In 1975, during the final operation to liberate South Vietnam, PAVN easily crushed the ARVN forces, with the exception of elite airborne and ranger units, and reunited the two Vietnams. Richard B. Verrone Further Reading Spector, Ronald H. (1983) Advice and Support: The Early Years, 1941–1960. Washington, DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History. Tucker, Spencer C. (1999) Vietnam. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky. ———, ed. (1998) Encyclopedia of the Vietnam War. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

ARNIS Arnis is a Filipino martial art and the national sport of the Philippines. It is based on the ancient Filipino martial art of kali, the traditional martial art of eskrima, other Asian martial arts, and Westernstyle boxing. Arnis emerged after World War II as a distinctive Filipino martial art, with training and ritual requirements resembling other Asian martial arts and competitions similar to boxing matches. Arnis competitors use 76-centimeter-long rattan sticks and score points by cleanly striking or disarming the opponent. Competitors wear a helmet and body padding to minimize injury. Although the sport remains popular only in the Philippines, the International Arnis Federation promotes the sport in some thirty nations. David Levinson Further Reading Wiley, Mark. (1998) Martial Culture of the Philippines. Tokyo: Tuttle.

ARUNACHAL PRADESH (2001 est. pop. 1.1 million). “The land of the dawn-lit mountains,” Arunachal Pradesh became a state in northeastern India in 1987. From 1947 to 1972 it was known as the North East Frontier Agency (NEFA), then in 1972 it became a union territory. Arunachal Pradesh stretches north to the main crest of the eastern Himalayas and east to an irregular line that passes through a series of lofty peaks that were known as “the Hump” during

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A narrow suspension foot bridge crosses over the forest in Arunachal Pradesh. (LINDSAY HEBBERD/CORBIS)

World War II, when supplies to China were airlifted over it. Arunachal Pradesh borders China and Tibet to the north and Bhutan to the west with verdant mountain ranges sloping down to the plains of Assam, India, to the south.

in Arunachal Pradesh. The region has at least fifteen distinct tribal groups known collectively to outsiders as the Abor. Among the principal tribes, whose beliefs blend Buddhism and traditional religions, are the Apa Tanis, Aka, Dafla, and the Sherdukpen.

According to legend, Parasurama, the sixth of the ten incarnations of the Hindu god Vishnu, created a passage through the hills for the Brahmaputra River with a stroke of his axe at Brahma Kund (in eastern Arunachal Pradesh), now a popular pilgrimage destination. Arunachal Pradesh’s recorded history dates only from the sixteenth century, when the Ahom kings began their rule in Assam. By 1826 the British had made Assam part of British India, and in 1882 a political adviser was appointed to bring the area under British administrative control. In general the indigenous peoples of the region, labeled “hill tribes,” were left to themselves until World War II. After Independence, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru (1889– 1964) supported efforts to prepare the tribes for the impact of the modern world. Developments toward village democracy increased after China invaded Tawang (in western Arunachal Pradesh) in 1962. The river valleys, separated by forbidding north-south ridges, have enabled distinct microcultures to flourish

Arunachal Pradesh, one of the last wilderness areas in India, exhibits great biodiversity in flora and fauna, including over five hundred species of orchids, in settings ranging from glacial terrain to alpine meadows and subtropical rain forests. Namdapha National Park is home to the rare hoolock gibbon, the legendary snow leopard, tigers, bears, pandas, and elephants. The capital, Itanagar, features the Jawaharlal Nehru State Museum and a Buddhist temple consecrated by the Dalai Lama.

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C. Roger Davis Further Reading Bhattacharjee, Tarun Kumar. (1992) Enticing Frontiers. New Delhi: Omsans. Elwin, Verrier. (1965) Democracy in NEFA. Shillong, Meghalaya, India: North-East Frontier Agency. Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph von. (1962) The Apa Tanis and Their Neighbours. New York: Free Press of Glencoe.

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Mishra, Kiran. (1992) Women in a Tribal Community: A Study of Arunachal Pradesh. New Delhi: Vikas.

named Ashkhabad. From 1924 to 1991 the city was the capital of the Turkmen Soviet Socialist Republic, part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

ARYAN The Aryans, far from being a “race,” were

Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ashgabat has been the capital of the republic of Turkmenistan. In October 1948 the city was leveled by a powerful earthquake, which killed 110,000 people (two-thirds of the population). Present-day Ashgabat is Turkmenistan’s biggest industrial, administrative, and cultural center.

speakers of Vedic Sanskrit in India, the earliest form of that classical Indo-European language. These people entered India from the northwest about 1500 BCE, and their descendants today form most of the population of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and northern India, although these people do not identify themselves primarily as Aryans. The term arya in Sanskrit means “noble” and doubtless refers to these people’s high position in the Iron Age society they established. This term has been used, and largely misused, by European writers since 1835 and has fallen into disfavor among scholars because of the Nazi propagandists’ assumptions that a community of speakers was equivalent to a biological race and that the mixed populations of northern and central Europe were the purest representatives of an “Aryan race.” Aryan speakers were certainly a major civilizing force in India (as they were in Iran), though not the first. They built the cities of the north from about 700 BCE and laid the foundation for the liturgy and theology of Hinduism, the caste organization of Indian society, and the flowering of the first among many Indian literatures. Their mark has been indelible. Paul Hockings Further Reading Burrow, Thomas. (1975) “The Early Aryans.” In A Cultural History of India, edited by A. L. Basham. Oxford: Clarendon, 20–29. Childe, Vere Gordon. ([1926] 1987) The Aryans: A Study of Indo-European Origins. Reprint ed. New York: Dorset.

ASHGABAT (1999 est. pop. 606,700). Ashgabat is the capital and largest city of the republic of Turkmenistan, a Central Asian state. It is situated at the northern foot of the Kopet-Dag mountains, on the edge of the Kara-Kum (“black sand”) desert, only 19 kilometers from the country’s southern border with Iran. The city was founded in 1881 as a Russian military fort and was named Ashkabad after a nearby Turkmen settlement. It became the administrative center of Russia’s Zakaspiiskaia oblast (Transcaspian province), formed in 1881. In 1919 when Soviet power was established in this province, the city was renamed Poltoratsk, after the Russian revolutionary Pavel Poltoratsky (1888–1918). In 1927 Poltoratsk was re-

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Natalya Yu. Khan Further Reading Roy, Oliver. (2000) The New Central Asia: The Creation of Nations. New York: New York University Press.

ASIAN DEVELOPMENT BANK The Asian Development Bank is a developmental financial institution that provides loans, equity investments, and technical assistance to its member owners. Those owners are various nation-states with commercial interests in Asia. They refer to themselves as Developing Member Countries (DMCs), although several, most prominently the United States and Japan, are among the world’s most advanced economies. The bank opened for business in 1966 and must be understood within the context of world politics at that time. The motivating force was the United States, deeply involved in Asia through various antiCommunist military alliances but also, and more importantly, through its military adventure in Vietnam. That conflict made Asia the major foreign-policy concern for the presidential administration of Lyndon Johnson. That administration was severely criticized, at home and abroad, for its determination to seek a military solution to the various armed conflicts then raging in Southeast Asia. There was especial concern that little was being done to improve the life of the then-impoverished masses of Asians and, furthermore, that this oversight could only strengthen the appeal of Communist ideology in East Asia. A financial institution dedicated to Asian economic progress thus offered several advantages to U.S. policymakers. It would demonstrate that the administration had a positive policy toward Asia and did not just rely on military solutions. This might placate domestic criticism of U.S. policy, while it could also entice various Asian nations to throw their lot with the West in the Cold War. Real economic progress in Asia would, it was believed, make that region of the world

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resistant to Communist penetration. Finally, there was a component of humanitarianism, a longtime staple of U.S. foreign policy, which genuinely looked to improve the common lot in East Asia. This somewhat awkwardly mixed collection of motives often prompted the charge that the bank was founded merely as a cat’s-paw for U.S. foreign policy or that it was implicitly designed to expedite U.S. commercial penetration in Asia. History Twenty-one countries, operating under auspices of the United Nations, founded the bank during a conference in Manila (where its headquarters remains to this day). It was initially capitalized at $1 billion, with the United States subscribing to some 20 percent of that amount. No Communist countries participated. The bank was to be autonomous in nature, with governance similar to that of the International Monetary Fund. When the bank was established, Asia, with the sole exception of Japan, was mired in millennia-old poverty. When compared with European and North American countries, nations such as Thailand, Malaysia, Taiwan, and Korean were largely rural, technologically backward, undereducated, and unindustrialized. Little more than a generation later these same states counted among the most advanced economies on the planet, although many factors besides the bank brought this about. As an institution dedicated to Asian development, the bank took a broad view of its mission and sought to provide financing for projects that might stimulate long-term economic growth. It was not established to provide humanitarian aid as such, this being the provenance of international aid organizations or other foreign aid. As one bank publication put it, “The sheer numbers of the poor in Asian countries is sufficient reason for believing that a program consisting of a few welfare projects would have no perceptible impact on poverty” (Asian Development Bank 1978: 215). The bank, therefore, directed its attention away from the ordinary credit ventures associated with private lending and toward underwriting those things that might fundamentally ameliorate the inequitable distribution of wealth or, even better, create new sources of wealth. Agriculture, for instance, was a prime concern of the bank from its earliest days. The bank looked to encourage land reform in those societies where agricultural property was concentrated in a few, often inefficient, hands. Furthermore, it was especially interested in funding enterprises that would alter the traditional subsistence or local market economy farming of much of Asia. This included such areas as fer-

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tilizer production and genetic research. Finally, the bank was attentive to the credit needs of small farmers who could likely greatly increase yield if modest capital was made available to secure even a low level of mechanization and other improvements. Thus, the bank’s lending was in some instances directed toward a restructuring of traditional societies. Role in the Asian Financial Crisis The bank has also performed some of the functions of a central bank, either by itself or in conjunction with other lending institutions. This includes assisting in currency stabilization, debt management, and emergency loans to sovereign states. Its involvement in the severe Asian financial crisis of the late 1990s was a premier example of this. Working with the International Monetary Fund and various national banks, the bank underwrote loans to, among various countries, Indonesia, Korea, and Taiwan. These loans relieved the liquidity crisis and assisted in stemming the precipitous drop in value of certain Asian currencies. The bank also acted as a sometime “policeman” to monitor national compliance with bailout plans put together by various financial institutions acting in concert. By the early twenty-first century, the bank has grown substantially from its modest beginnings to become a significant factor for economic advancement and stabilization in Asia. Its membership has grown to nearly sixty nations, and it maintains offices in fourteen countries. Its employees number more than two thousand, some of whom are distributed in local liaison offices that supplement the formal branch structure of the bank. Its annual loans approach $6 billion, most of which has been lent to public entities in Asia for various projects aimed at alleviating poverty or promoting sustainable growth in new or existing industries that might benefit large sectors of the population. This sum is relatively modest when compared with capital made available from private lenders but still far from insignificant. In addition, the bank acts as a resource for sociological and financial scholarship on problems and opportunities among member companies. Its publishing house is a prime source for information on contemporary trends in Asian economies. Robert K. Whalen Further Reading Asian Development Bank. (1978) Rural Asia: Challenge and Opportunity. New York: Praeger. Chow, C. Y., and Bates Gills, eds. (2000) Weathering the Storm: Taiwan, Its Neighbors, and the Asian Financial Crisis. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press.

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Dutt, Nitish K. (1997) “The United States and the Asian Development Bank.” Journal of Contemporary Asia 97: 71–84. McLeod, Ross H., and Ross Garnaut, eds. (1998) East Asia in Crisis: From Being a Miracle to Needing One? London: Routledge.

of hiding the losses of major customers. The ripple effect ultimately spread to Brazil and threatened to take Latin America down like a house of cards, too. If it had fallen, the United States might well have been pulled down as well.

ASIAN DIASPORA. See Chinese, Overseas; Koreans, Overseas; Refugees—South Asia

Identifying the Causes The causes of the debacle are many and disputed. Clearly Thailand was an economic catastrophe waiting to happen with an economy that was little more than a bubble fueled by “hot money,” that is, shortterm capital flow that is expensive and often highly conditioned (for quick profit), and with more and more required as the size of the bubble grew. Much the same can be said of Malaysia, although Malaysia had better political leadership, and Indonesia, with the added complication of what has been called “crony capitalism.” Development money went in a largely uncontrolled manner to certain people only, not particularly the best suited or most efficient, but those closest to the centers of power. In Korea, in the haste to build great, Japanese-style conglomerates to take on the world, Koreans forgot that the purpose of capital investment in a business is ultimately to ensure a return and profitability. The great Korean conglomerates, more or less completely controlled by the government, simply absorbed more and more capital and never looked back.

ASIAN ECONOMIC CRISIS OF 1997 By “Asian currencies” one normally means those of Japan and of the former Asian “tiger” countries—Korea (won), China (yuan), Hong Kong (dollar), Taiwan (dollar), the Philippines (peso), Thailand (baht), Malaysia (ringgit), Singapore (dollar), and Indonesia (rupiah)—all of which have been strongly impacted by the profound currency and banking crisis that has gripped Asia and much of the world since 1997. It began in the summer of that year with the decision of a desperate Thai government to float the baht after exhaustive efforts to support it in the face of a severe financial overextension that was in part real-estate driven. It sank like a rock and took Thailand with it. At the time Thailand had acquired a burden of foreign debt that made the country effectively bankrupt even before the collapse of its currency. The drastically reduced import earnings that resulted from the forced devaluation then made a quick or even medium-term recovery impossible without strenuous international intervention. From Thailand, contagion quickly spread south, all but closing down the Indonesian economy and severely impacting the Malaysian. In Indonesia, which was particularly hard it, it resulted in the 1998 fall of Indonesia’s Suharto, whose power had once seemed a permanent fixture. Also severely impacted, once the contagion turned north, was Korea, which suffered a financial meltdown comparable to those of Thailand and Indonesia. In Hong Kong, which had the dubious benefit of a stable currency pegged to the dollar and the support of China, the currency and banking system survived but at the cost of a major recession. In the Philippines growth dropped to virtually zero in 1998. Only Singapore and Taiwan proved relatively insulated from the shock, but both suffered serious hits in passing, the former more so due to its size and geographical location between Malaysia and Indonesia. Even before the crisis, Japan had been in a state of profound recession due to a highly inefficient banking system laboring under mountains of bad debt, much of which up to that point had been relatively invisible because of the established Japanese banking practice

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Other factors were globalization, in this case, the spread of American- and European-style capitalism to the entire world after the end of the Cold War, whether the world was ready for it or not, and economic shifts that have made much of the traditional Asian approach to business obsolete. One such shift has been the move to merchandising in which the consumer, not the producer, determines the product, contrary to recent Japanese and Korean practice. Another longer-term influence has been the changing relationship between the United States and Japan, with the United States no longer openly supporting the highly artificial trade environment and exchange rates that governed economic relations between the two countries for almost four decades after World War II. International Response Such was the scope and the severity of the collapses involved that outside intervention, considered by the Malaysians, among others, as a new kind of colonialism, became urgently needed. Since the countries melting down were among not only the richest in their region, but in the world, and since hundreds of billions of dollars were at stake, any response to the crisis had to be cooperative and international, in this case

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through the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF created a series of bailout packages for the most affected economies, tying the packages to reforms that were intended to make the restored Asian currency, banking, and financial systems as much like those of the United States and Europe as possible. Above all, capital had to be administered democratically in the future, with no favored parties receiving funds by preference. There had to be adequate government controls set up to supervise all financial activities, ones that were to be independent, in theory, of private interest. Insolvent institutions had to be closed, and insolvency itself had to be clearly defined. In short, exactly the same kinds of financial institutions found in the United States and Europe had to be created in Indonesia, Korea, and elsewhere, as a price for IMF support. In addition, financial systems had to become “transparent,” that is, provide the kind of reliable financial information used in the West to make sound financial decisions. No more massive losses under the table, as in Japan, or loans off the books. Although such reforms were, in most cases, long needed, the countries most involved—Korea, Thailand, and Indonesia—have ended up undergoing an almost complete political and financial restructuring. They have suffered permanent currency devaluations, massive numbers of bankruptcies, collapses of whole sectors of once-booming economies, real estate busts, high unemployment, and social unrest. Even the Philippines, which came through the storm less damaged than other economies, has also had to suffer severe IMF intervention, while Malaysia has walled itself off from the world and gone its own way (only Singapore, with its rigid control system, and China and Hong Kong, isolated from the turmoil by the controls of the Chinese currency system, have come through the storm relatively unaffected). For most of the countries involved, IMF intervention has been a bitter pill for which the international agency has been roundly criticized and a bitter pill that may or may not result in the regional renewal the IMF expects. Assessment The story of Asian currencies recently has been the story of the decline and fall or near-fall of the Asian “tigers,” but their problems are by no means unique to them, and the recent crisis may be just the first of many. The United States, for example, has had its own financial bubble fueled by consumer debt and overpriced stocks (although the rapid depreciation of many stock values recently has now reduced this danger), and a U.S. meltdown could involve many of the recovering Asian states (especially Korea) in a new round

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of collapse, including, this time, some that were relatively spared by the last crisis. This specter was raised again after 11 September 2001, when the economic ripples of the shock and U.S. recession were felt as far afield as Mongolia. China, which kept itself above the fray in 1997 and 1998, depends heavily on trade with the United States and suffers from enormous financial weaknesses, including a primitive and inefficient banking system with too many bad loans, leaving aside the issue of a public sector that is just too big and too inefficient. Another cause of contagion may be Russia, which has absorbed masses of aid funds, including gigantic IMF loans. Although economic growth has resumed again under Putin, the economy remains fragile, and a Russian meltdown would take much of Europe with it— and Europe, with the United States, is a major funder of the IMF. Deprived of most of its funds, the IMF would then be unable to intervene in even a minor Asian state with currency or other financial problems. Paul D. Buell Further Reading International Monetary Fund. (2001) “The International Monetary Fund Homepage.” Retrieved 17 December 2001, from: http://www.imf.org/external/index.htm. Noland, Markus, Li-gang Liu, Sherman Robinson, and Zhi Wang. (1998) Global Economic Effects of the Asian Currency Devaluations. Policy Analyses in International Economics, no. 56. Washington, DC: Institute for International Economics. Pempel, T. J. (1999) The Politics of the Asian Economic Crisis. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Ries, Philippe. (2000) The Asian Storm: Asia’s Economic Crisis Examined. Trans. by Peter Starr. Boston: Tuttle.

ASIAN GAMES The Asian Games are the major Pan-Asian sports festival in which athletes from nearly all Asian nations are allowed to compete. Beginning in 1954 with the second Games, the Games have been held every four years, in the year midway between the Summer Olympics. The Games were established at India’s suggestion after World War II. The first Games were held in the Indian capital of New Delhi in 1951, with only eleven nations sending athletes and only six events (all Western in origin): Japan was the major contender. Since then, Western sports have dominated the program, although attempts have been made to add indigenous Asian sports including martial arts and the Indian pursuit sport of kabbadi. Japan won the most medals from the first festival, a success that continued until 1982 when China emerged as the major regional sports power. The Thirteenth Asian

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Games were held from 6 to 20 December 1998 in Bangkok, Thailand. They were the largest Games to date, with 9,469 athletes and officials from over fortyone nations. Unlike many earlier Games, they were free of major political problems in the spirit of its motto: Friendship Beyond Frontiers. In their current form, the Asian Games are the major Olympic “tuneup” festival, with most world-class athletes competing in preparation for the Olympics. A defining feature of the Games for much of their history has been the effect of political conflicts across and beyond the region that have often resulted in some nations being excluded or refusing to participate in the Games. For example, Israel has often been excluded because of its ties to the West; Taiwan suffered the same fate in 1962. Mainland Chinese athletes did not compete until 1974, and Iraq was barred in 1990. The Games have also been used by political leaders in the host nation to build national pride and to enhance their own and their nation’s power in Asia and beyond. In 1962, President Sukarno of Indonesia used the Jakarta Games to assert Indonesian leadership in the

9 INDIGENOUS SPORTS AT THE ASIAN GAMES Promoting Asian culture is one of the goals of the Asian Games and toward that end an effort is made to include indigenous sports. One such sport is sepak takraw (known as footbag in the west), described below as it was played in Burmese villages in the late 1800s. A very common amusement amongst Burmans, rarer amongst Talaing and still rarer amongst Kareng, is a game of ball called khyee-loon. The ball is made of open wickerwork and is struck with the sole of the foot, the elbow or any part of the body except the toes and hands. There are no sides but half a dozen lads or men join and standing in a ring endeavor to keep the ball off the ground, any one near whom it descends striking it upwards. Source: Gazetteer of Burma. (1983) New Delhi: Cultural Publishing House, 394.

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9 HOST CITIES OF THE ASIAN GAMES 1951—New Delhi (India) 1954—Manila (Philippines) 1958—Tokyo (Japan) 1962—Jakarta (Indonesia) 1966—Bangkok (Thailand) 1970—Bangkok (Thailand) 1974—Teheran (Iran) 1978—Bangkok (Thailand) 1982—New Delhi (India) 1986—Seoul (Korea) 1990—Beijing (China) 1994—Hiroshima (Japan) 1998—Bangkok (Thailand) 2002—Puson (South Korea)

Third World, and angered both rival India and the International Olympic Committee as a result. His response was to found “The Games of the Newly Emerging Forces,” which foundered after his political demise in 1965. Similarly, for the 1982 Games, which India hosted, Indira Gandhi spent nearly $1 billion to construct new sports facilities, and the South Korean government created a government ministry for sports when it hosted the 1988 Games. That action helped to make South Korea a legitimate power in several sports. At the same time, Korea was criticized for its repression of student protestors during the Games. In addition to the Asian Games, there are several other major regional sports festivals in Asia. The largest is the Southeast Asian Games, a biannual festival for the nations of Southeast Asia. The first eight festivals (up to and including 1975) were called the Southeast Asian Peninsula Games. Since 1977, nations from outside the peninsula have participated as well. Also important are the East Asian Games and the recently inaugurated West Asian Games, which were first held in Tehran, Iran, in November of 1997. As with the Asian Games, most sports are Western Olympic sports and the festivals are now more about preparing athletes for international competition than nation building. David Levinson Further Reading Trevithick, Alan. (1996) “Asian Games.” In Encyclopedia of World Sport: From Ancient Times to the Present, edited by David Levinson and Karen Christensen. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 56–59.

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Wagner, Eric A. (1989) Sport in Asia and Africa: A Comparative Handbook. New York: Greenwood.

ASIAN–CHRISTIAN RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE For centuries Christianity and the religions of Asia existed with little or no mutual contact or genuine dialogue. There was not even a desire for dialogue, if by “dialogue” is meant a respectful, empathetic conversation aimed at understanding the other religion as it understands itself. Such dialogue would even permit participants to be changed by what they learned. Until recently contacts between religions were more monologic than dialogic, more aimed at conversion or debating than mutual understanding. Some early contacts did take place. Jesuit missionaries from Europe, such as de Nobili, Ricci, and Francis Xavier, brought the Christian message to India, China, and Japan. They respected the traditional cultures they encountered and sought to interpret Christian theology through the lens of local religious traditions. More commonly, however, Christian missionaries dismissed the cultures and religions they encountered, proclaiming that Christian beliefs should be understood in the context of European culture— an approach inimical to authentic dialogue. The Asian religions of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Taoism are inherently tolerant of a variety of religions, tending not to claim that any one is the sole path to truth, salvation, or liberation. Christianity is different; it is a religion of orthodoxy (right belief) emphasizing the precise propositional expression of theological truths. Islam, which is an Eastern religion in that most of its adherents live in the Middle East and Asia, is also a religion of orthodoxy, but Christian-Muslim dialogue will not be discussed in this article. In East and South Asia, boundaries between religions could be crossed, allowing participation in the beliefs and practices of more than one religion. In the West, however, the boundaries around a particular religion tend to preclude participation in any other. European proselytizing in Asia actually converted very few, and Christianity remains a statistically small presence there to this day. Asian religions are, however, growing rapidly in the West through immigration and conversion, although adherents of Asian religions still make up a small percentage of the population. Prelude to Dialogue Dialogue between East and South Asian religions and Christianity formally began at the 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago with the World’s

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Parliament of Religion. While most participants were from the West, Asian religious traditions were represented. It was radical for the times and gave new social and intellectual respectability to all religions involved. Many events and individuals in the nineteenth century made the Parliament intellectually possible. Western colonialism and the opening of Japan exposed the West to the histories, cultures, and religions of Asia. Faster travel and communication augmented East-West contacts, as did a certain amount of immigration, particularly from East to West, fueled by growing Western economies, especially that of the United States. More fundamentally, the United States saw the emergence of religious and intellectual movements either influenced by or compatible with aspects of Asian thought. As disseminated by Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803–1882) and Henry David Thoreau (1817–1862), Transcendentalism claimed association with ancient ideas connected with Hinduism and Buddhism, ideas such as the divinity or infinitude of each person. Although primarily a philosophical and literary reaction to the perceived limitations of the Enlightenment with its rational and empirical bias, Transcendentalism was deeply influenced by newly translated Asian religious texts. Other American movements also contributed to a climate favoring dialogue. Theosophy (divine wisdom)—associated with Helena Blavatsky (1831–1891), Henry Steel Olcott (1832–1907), and the founding of the Theosophical Society in New York City in 1875— taught that the divine must be directly experienced to be knowable. Behind Theosophy lay a range of historical, philosophical, mystical, and religious influences, at the heart of which was the spiritual heritage of India as found in the early Vedas, the Upanishads, and later writings. Buddhism and Taoism also contributed to the content of Theosophy. New Thought, proposed by Phineas Quimby (1802–1866), likewise taught the infinitude of the individual, but maintained that evil and illness were manifestations of wrong thinking and a lack of spiritual insight. While influenced by Platonism, Swedenborgianism, philosophical idealism, and American Transcendentalism, a main source of New Thought was ancient Hinduism, especially its monistic understanding of ultimate reality. The new availability of Asian religious texts in translation allowed Asian religions to have an influence. A prime source of such texts was the work of the German Orientalist and philologist Max Müller (1823–1900). Müller published translations of important Vedic texts and between 1879 and 1904 edited a fifty-one-volume series entitled The Sacred Books of

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the East. The English scholar T. W. Rhys Davids (1843–1922) and his Pali Text Society made Theravada Buddhist texts available to complement available Mahayana Buddhist texts. Two further scholarly developments were also vital: biblical criticism and the new field of comparative study of religion. Biblical criticism took various modern critical methodologies that were applied to ancient texts and used them in studying the Bible as historical and literary writing. This approach treated the Bible and Asian religious texts alike as objects of academic investigation, seeking similarities and differences between them in context, purpose, use, and meaning. The academic study of religion emerged in the nineteenth century as an interdisciplinary means for intercultural study of the intentions, meanings, structures, and ideas of religion. This included a search for the origins both of religion and of the range of myths found in all religions—starting points for discussion between Asian and Western religions. The rapid and overwhelming success of science and technology in the nineteenth century was also a factor uniting different religions. All faiths were challenged by issues such as the nature of the cosmos, the source of knowledge and the means of knowing reality, human values and the significance of the individual, and the worth of ancient religious wisdom. Toward the end of the century the ecumenical movement arose within Protestantism to attempt to reverse denominational splintering and seek cooperation and even reunification among different churches. In the twentieth century ecumenism expanded to involve Roman Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy. This ecumenical disposition affected how and why dialogue arose between Asian and Western religions. Dialogue Begins The 1893 World’s Parliament of Religion—recognized as epochal at the time—was possible only because of earlier historical, cultural, and intellectual developments in the nineteenth century. At the opening, Swami Vivekananda (1863–1902), a Hindu from India, hailed the spirit of tolerance and pluralism embodied in the gathering. Rabbi Emil Hirsch of Sinai Temple, Chicago, and the high priest of the Shinto religion in Japan, the Rt. Rev. R. Shibata, both praised the results of the Parliament. Professor Max Müller regretted missing the Parliament. Jabez Sunderland (1842–1936), a Unitarian Universalist who attended the Parliament, noted its significance. Twentieth-century commentators on the Parliament continued to see it as pivotal in East-West

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dialogue. The Western scholar Carl Jackson said that after Emerson spoke highly of Eastern religions, a series of events and movements gave Asian religions a growing prominence in the West that reached a pinnacle at the 1893 Parliament. World War I shattered the nineteenth-century belief in inevitable social evolution powered by scientific and technological progress. Just as the postwar vision of a League of Nations faltered, so did the call of the religion scholar Rudolph Otto (1869–1937) for an Inter-Religious League. Nevertheless, the World Congress of Faiths started in the 1930s, and there was a World Alliance of Religions in the 1950s. The genocide of European Jewry during World War II made it obvious that in spite of modern scientific advances, religious hatred could still be used to justify statesanctioned murder. The ecumenical movement intensified, and the Roman Catholic Church’s Vatican Council II expressed a positive attitude toward Asian religions and the need for dialogue and understanding between Western religions and those of the East. Key individuals heightened the desire for interreligious dialogue. Mohandas (Mahatma) Gandhi (1869– 1948), a devout Hindu who practiced nonviolent opposition to the British rule of India, was deeply drawn to elements of the Christian gospels, especially Jesus’ Sermon on the Mount. He said that there would not really be peace in the world until there was peace among the religions. D. T. Suzuki (1870–1966), a Japanese Buddhist, worked for years to introduce Buddhism—particularly Zen—to the West. The faith of the American Christian monk Thomas Merton (1915– 1968) was profoundly affected by his developing understanding of Asian religions, especially Buddhism. While on the trip to Asia during which he unexpectedly died, Merton had a transformative religious experience at a Buddhist shrine in Sri Lanka and had warm meetings with the Dalai Lama, the leader of Tibetan Buddhism. The Dalai Lama has advocated East–West dialogue for decades and is one of the few universal voices of compassion and moral vision listened to in both Asia and the West. Main Topics of the Dialogue A main purpose of the dialogue has been to find ways for religions collectively to promote peace, justice, and reduction of human suffering. The dialogue has also addressed intellectual and theological topics, from the meaning of the Ultimate/God, the true self, ethical values, and salvation/liberation, to mystical experience and the understanding of the sacred in a secular, scientific age.

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While Hinduism’s view of the Ultimate has been thought of as incorporating aspects of both polytheism and monotheism, it actually tends more toward monism, or belief in a singular, all-pervading reality called Brahma. Hinduism says that Brahma is really beyond all human categories of thought and is ineffable. The individual self, called atman, is seen as one with Brahma, and human life is the passage beyond ignorance of one’s true identity as divine. The reincarnation cycle is based upon karma, or action—a universal moral law based upon one’s quality of virtue and insight in seeking liberation from the cycle of birth and death. This cycle ends with the full realization of one’s divinity (moksa). Buddhism developed out of Hinduism and came to see that there is no enduring, separate self (teaching of the no-self, or anatta). Awareness of this, or awakening, frees one from the cycle of suffering that belief in a permanent self makes inevitable. This freedom is called nirvana or the extinguishing of cravings, especially the craving to be an autonomous self. As in Hinduism, religious experience and meditation are vital to spiritual growth, along with compassion and devotion to the sacredness of existence. Taoism, with its emphasis upon the Way of nature (the Tao), simplicity, harmony with the natural world, nonactive action (wuwei), and spontaneity, has attracted the attention of the West, but has not explicitly participated in interreligious dialogue other than to give new perspectives upon wisdom for living. The very different views of Hinduism, Buddhism, and Taoism on the one hand and Christianity on the other make for interesting dialogue. Christianity rejects the notion of reincarnation in favor of a theistic interpretation of the Ultimate as a creator God. While being the creative source of human life and the self, God and the human self remain distinct entities. A human self is thought to endure; salvation is the action of God in freeing people to be fully themselves in the divine presence. More generally, the interreligious dialogue has had to grapple with the difference between the East and South Asian focus on nothingness and emptiness as significant aspects of reality and the Western focus on being and fullness as central. Are the differences real or apparent? Dialogue makes clear which differences cannot be glossed over and where there are commonalities. Perspectives and Prospects The Asian-Christian interreligious dialogue has highlighted various attitudes toward religion itself and its claims. Exclusivism holds that one’s own religion,

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or only one religion, is valid and is the path to truth. Inclusivism tends to advocate syncretism—the development of a universal religion shaped by all individual religions—or to claim that one’s own religion is expansive enough to assimilate or constructively accept other religious paths. A third perspective is religious pluralism, which maintains the value of other religions without diminishing either the centrality or historical, theological uniqueness of one’s own. One respects other religions and seeks to learn from and understand them empathetically. The centennial of the World’s Parliament of Religion was observed in 1993, again in Chicago, to mark the sometimes-dramatic developments in AsianChristian interreligious dialogue that took place during the twentieth century. As Hinduism, Buddhism, and Taoism gain influence in the West, the West will learn not only other ways of seeing, but new ways to understand itself. And Asian religions can learn from Christianity not only different understandings of the nature of the cosmos and time, but also how to reinterpret themselves in the contemporary world. Alan Altany Further Reading Coward, Harold. (1990) Hindu-Christian Dialogue: Perspectives and Encounters. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Kasimow, Harold, and Byron Sherwin, eds. (1999) John Paul II and Interreligious Dialogue. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Kornfeld, Jack, et al., eds. (1998) Buddhism in the West: Spiritual Wisdom for the Twenty-first Century. Carlsbad, CA: Hay House. Kung, Hans, and Karl-Josef Kuschel, eds. (1993) A Global Ethic: The Declaration of the Parliament of the World’s Religions. New York: Continuum. Kung, Hans, Heinz Bechert, Josef Van Ess, and Heinrich Von Stietencron, eds. (1993) Christianity and World Religions: Paths of Dialogue with Islam, Hinduism, and Buddhism. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. The Origin Web Network. (1996) “The Dialogue Decalogue.” Retrieved 12 November 2001, from: http://www .silcom.com/~origin/sbcr/sbcr265. Smart, Ninian, and B. Srinivasa Murthy, eds. (1996) EastWest Encounters in Philosophy and Religion. Long Beach, CA: Long Beach Publications. Unitarian Universalist Historical Society. (1999) “The World’s Parliament of Religions.” Retrieved 12 November 2001, from: http://www3.edgenet.net/fcarpenter/ parliam.html.

ASIA–PACIFIC ECONOMIC COOPERATION FORUM Today, the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum is commonly referred to pejoratively as “four adjectives in search of

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Singapore Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong, Thailand Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, and U. S. President George W. Bush at the APEC summit in October 2001 in Shanghai, China. The key issues were terrorism and trade. (REUTERS NEWMEDIA INC./CORBIS)

a noun.” Historically, the APEC forum was founded as an informal ministerial meeting of twelve Pacific Rim economies (Australia, Brunei, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand, and the United States) meeting in Canberra, Australia, in November 1989. The Australian prime minister Bob Hawke initiated the call to create the framework for the APEC. In light of the increasing pace of regional economic interdependence, the ministers acknowledged a need for more consultations to help strengthen the multilateral trading system, to foster greater opportunities for regional trade and investment, and to identify common economic interests. The ministerial communiqué and the report of the chairman (Gareth Evans, Australian minister for foreign affairs and trade) have provided substantial scope for an ambitious program. Despite significant results in the early meetings of the APEC forum, the prospects for APEC are unclear. Nevertheless, two major developments have completely changed APEC. One was that the former U.S. president Bill Clinton invited all APEC members to a summit in Seattle, Washington, in 1993 to discuss world economic issues, such as the reduction of trade and investment barriers, economic cooperation and interdependence, and the expansion of the world economy and support for an open international trading system. Since then, the APEC summit meeting has been held yearly. The other major development was economic. At the 1994 meeting in Bogor, Indonesia, APEC set itself the ambitious goal of achieving free and open trade and investment among APEC members by 2010 for developed economies and by 2020 for developing members.

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By 2002, APEC membership had grown to twentyone countries (Australia; Brunei Darussalam; Canada; Chile; People’s Republic of China; Hong Kong, China; Indonesia; Japan; Republic of Korea; Malaysia; Mexico; New Zealand; Papua, New Guinea; Peru; Philippines; Russia; Singapore; Chinese Taipei; Thailand; United States; and Vietnam). By the end of the twentieth century, APEC economies had a combined gross domestic product of over $18 trillion, more than half of the total world economy. The APEC Secretariat is located in Singapore and has an official website (www.apecsec.org.sg/body.htm). A number of APEC members have created their own websites, including Canada (www.dfait-maeci.gc.ca/canada-apec), China (www.apec-china.org.cn), New Zealand (www.apec.govt.nz), and the United States (http://usinfo.state.gov/regional/ea/apec/). Although the APEC summit meeting usually focuses on economic issues, at the 17–18 October 2001 meeting in Shanghai the global political agenda, including antiterrorist activities, was also addressed. Despite the events of 11 September 2001 in the United States, the U.S. president George W. Bush attended this summit. APEC’s condemnation of terrorist acts was included in the communiqué of the summit. APEC members, however, have their disagreements. Prime Minister Mahathir of Malaysia, for example, proposed that an East Asia Economic Caucus (EAEC) made up only of East Asian nations meet. The United States strongly objected to this proposal. Moreover, European countries considered their interests unrepresented by APEC. Competition between the two continents (North America and Western Europe) over Asia has escalated. In March 1996, Europe and East Asia inaugurated the ASEM (Asia–Europe Meeting) in Bangkok, Thailand. Both the APEC and the ASEM represent attempts by the state policy-making elites of East Asia to consolidate the channels of economic and political communication with the other two developed regions of the world. Unryu Suganuma Further Reading Abegglen, James. (1994) Sea Change: Pacific Asia as the New World Industrial Center. New York: Free Press. Aggarwal, Vinod K., and Charles Edward Morrison, eds. (1998) Asia Pacific Crossroads: Regime Creation and the Future of APEC. New York: Palgrave. Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Secretariat. (2000) APEC Getting Results for Business. Singapore: APEC.

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Grant, Richard L., Amos A. Jordan, Ernest H. Preeg, and Jusuf Wanandi. (1990) Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation: The Challenge Ahead. Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies. Higgott, Richard. (1998) “The Pacific and Beyond: APEC, ASEM, and Regional Economic Management.” In Economic Dynamism in the Asia-Pacific: The Growth of Integration and Competitiveness, edited by Grahame Thompson. London: Routledge. Lawrence, Robert, Albert Bressand, and Takatoshi Ito. (1996) A Vision for the World Economy: Openness, Diversity, and Cohesion. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution. Ruland, Jurgen, ed. (2002) Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC): The Final Decade. Richmond, U.K.: Curzon.

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF JAPAN Among the various learned societies that sprang up in Asia at the end of the nineteenth and throughout the twentieth century, the most active and prestigious has been the Asiatic Society of Japan. The society was established in Yokohama in 1872 and has continued its work despite financial and other difficulties, overcoming even the ordeal of the Pacific War. In 1997, the society’s 125th anniversary was celebrated in Tokyo in the presence of four princes of the Japanese imperial family.

Nevertheless, it has survived and continues its dedication to academic work. George A. Sioris Further Reading Kenrick, Douglas Moore. (1978) “A Century of Western Studies of Japan.” In Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 3,14: 101–105, 353, 359–361.

ASOKA (d. c. 232

BCE), Maurya emperor. Asoka, or Ashoka (in full, Asokavardhana), third emperor of the Maurya empire (c. 325–180 BCE), ruled in India from about 269 to 232 BCE. He was also the king of Magada. There is much fable about his life, in both Sanskrit and Pali sources, and the Buddhist texts in particular paint his life in glowing images. He was the grandson of the founder of the Mauryan empire, Chandragupta, and only came to the throne himself, it was told in Sri Lankan sources, by first killing off

The society was founded by a group of learned and dedicated foreigners, mainly British. In the course of time, however, membership expanded to include other foreigners as well as several Japanese. The society is now open to all people who are interested in studying and disseminating Japanese culture in connection with other Asian cultures. The society has always had two main pillars of activity: monthly lectures by distinguished speakers followed by discussions, and the publication in English of a widely acclaimed academic journal, Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan. A council, elected by the members every year, various specialized committees, and the board of editors of Transactions are the driving force of the society. A monthly bulletin helps to keep members in Japan and abroad in touch with one another and with the various events and publications. The names of the society’s past presidents read as a kind of who’s who of early Western scholars of Japan: Robert Grant Watson, Jane C. Hepburn, William G. Aston, Basil Hall Chamberlain, Sir Ernest Satow, Sir Charles Eliot, George B. Sansom, Dr. Robert Haus van Gulik, and many others. In the early 2000s, the society faced financial difficulties as donors became scarce; it had to rely on the modest membership fee as the basic source of revenue.

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A worshiper before the Asoka Stupa in Patan, Nepal in 1996. (MACDUFF EVERTON/CORBIS)

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ninety-nine of his brothers and half-brothers in war. He had two or more queens and several sons.

foothills to the north and the hills and plateau of Meghalaya to the south.

His empire covered most of the Indian subcontinent, except the far south, and was marked archaeologically by the creation of several dozen edicts, written in Brahmi script, on rocks and pillars located all over the country, many of which still exist. Two found in Afghanistan are in another local script. These inscriptions give a picture of a caring ruler who wanted to extend the law and the sense of dharma to all his subjects. Although hundreds of thousands had been killed in his early wars with the Kalingas of eastern India, in later life he either became a Buddhist or at least supported their missionary efforts. He did so even to the extent, it is believed, of sending his daughter Sanghamitra and his son Mahendra to introduce Buddhism to Sri Lanka.

The early history of Assam is obscure. The Mahabharata and the Puranas refer to a great kingdom known as Kamarupa in this region, ruled by a legendary king Narakasura. The first reliable description of the kingdom was that of the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang, who in 640 attended the court of Bhaskaravarman, an ally of the Gupta monarch Harsha and a patron of Hinduism. Stone and copperplate inscriptions indicate a succession of Hindu dynasties, but any centralized kingship had collapsed into loose confederacies of Hindu rajas by the early thirteenth century. The Ahom kings from Myanmar (Burma) adopted Hinduism and provided increasing power and prosperity, culminating under King Rudra Singh (1696– 1714), the renowned military strategist and patron of the buranji, or Ahom chronicles, who established an extensive trade with Tibet, repulsed seventeen Mughal invasions, and built the great cities of Nowgong and Rangpur. A Hinduism rejecting the caste system and based on community prayer was spread in monasteries that became centers for dance, music, and manuscript painting. The British eventually drove out the Myanmar invaders and made the area part of British India in 1826.

Asoka’s edicts show much concern for his people, calling for religious tolerance and for respect toward parents, elders, priests, and monks. He established rest houses for travelers and clinics for sick people and animals and had roadways planted with shade trees. He is said to have gone on tours of his realm and to have sent missionaries to foreign lands, even to Syria and Egypt. He made donations not only to Buddhist sects but also to their religious rivals. Asoka is also said to have established the main features of Buddhist pilgrimage by having set up throughout his realm 84,000 stupas (reliquary mounds) in which relics of the Buddha were preserved, and by formulating the basic itinerary of pilgrimage sites. Paul Hockings Further Reading Gokhale, B. G. (1966) Asoka Maurya. New York: Twayne. Strong, John S. (1983) The Legend of King Asoka: A Study and Translation of the Asokavadana. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

ASSAM (2002 est. pop. 27.2 million). With an area of 478,524 square kilometers, Assam is the largest of India’s northeastern states and produces 60 percent of India’s tea. It is connected with the rest of the country by a narrow submountainous corridor between Bhutan and Bangladesh. Named from the Sanskrit Asoma (peerless), Assam offers beauty and a rich legacy of civilization. Home to several different peoples— Austroasiatic, Mongolian, Dravidian, and Aryan—Assam developed a composite culture. The state is dominated by the river Brahamputra, whose lush 700kilometer valley is sandwiched between the Himalayan

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Following Indian independence in 1947, Assam shrank through cessions to Pakistan and the creation of new states and territories—in 1963, Nagaland; in 1972, Meghalaya; in 1986, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram. From the 1960s to the 1990s, Assam was the scene of recurrent riots and violence by minority ethnic groups including the Bodo, Mizo, Nagas, and Tripuri, and by the Assamese against outsiders, such as immigrants from Bangladesh. The United Liberation Front pursues the independence of Assam, and several militant Bodo groups promote a separate state. C. Roger Davis Further Reading Baruah, Sanjib. (1999) India against Itself: Assam and the Politics of Nationality. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Mahanta, Prafulla Kumar. (1986) The Tussle between the Citizens and Foreigners in Assam. New Delhi: Vikas.

ASSAMESE Assamese is similar to the Bengali language and is one of the state languages of India. Assamese speakers occupy the present state of Assam, which lies in the middle valley of the Brahmaputra River in northeastern India. Before the Age of Explo-

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ration the Assamese were the most easterly-dwelling people who spoke an Indo-European language. The population of the state of Assam totals about 22 million; there are about 15 million Assamese (as of 1991), as well as numerous tribal groups and recent immigrants who speak other languages. The original Assamese were Ahoms from the Shan states in eastern Burma who migrated from Myanmar/Burma in the thirteenth century, after which they began to rule over the Brahmaputra valley region. “Assam” and “Aham” are variant names for the country. The Ahoms maintained chronicles of the main events that occurred during the reign of each ruler. In 1822 the region came under British control and remained so until 1947. The majority of Assamese are Hindus, who live in rural settings in multicaste villages. Assamese mostly engage in rice agriculture, although tea is the important crop in the neighboring hills. While polytheistic Hinduism is the dominant religion, there are also egalitarian Hindu sects that are monotheistic and in which membership is by invitation. Here, as in some Protestant churches, people engage in congregational worship, have direct access to scriptural revelation, and believe in salvation through faith and mystical union. Among the Assamese there are also many Muslims and some Buddhists and Christians. Paul Hockings Further Reading Cantlie, Audrey. (1984) The Assamese. London: Curzon.

ASSOCIATION OF SOUTH-EAST ASIAN NATIONS The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 7 August 1967 by Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. The organization’s goals are spelled out in the ASEAN Declaration, adopted on the same date. ASEAN was formed to promote regional collaboration in Southeast Asia and, in so doing, to contribute to peace, development, and prosperity in the region. The relations between the member states are governed by two fundamental documents adopted in 1976: the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC, also known as the Bali Treaty) and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord. The core element of the structure of formal collaboration in ASEAN is the annual ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, which has been organized by member-states on a rotation basis since the establishment of the Association. As collaboration in ASEAN has expanded, the number of meetings has

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considerably increased, and now there are hundreds of meetings each year in various field of cooperation. In 1981, the ASEAN Secretariat was established, and it has assumed a coordinating role. Formation ASEAN was established in 1967, but it was not the first attempt to establish a subregional association in Southeast Asia. In 1961, the Association of Southeast Asia (ASA) was established, bringing together what was then Malaya, the Philippines, and Thailand. In 1963, Indonesia, Malaya, and the Philippines established MAPHILINDO (a term formed from the combined first letters of the member nations’ names) in an attempt to promote cooperation among the three countries. Cooperation within both ASA and MAPHILINDO was seriously hampered by the conflicts between Malaysia and Indonesia and Malaysia and the Philippines, respectively, over the formation of Malaysia in 1963. The decision to create ASEAN grew from the necessity to manage the relations between the five founding members. Development In 1967, ASEAN’s expressed goal was to promote social and economic cooperation among the member states of the association. However, it is generally recognized that ASEAN has achieved more in terms of cooperation in the political and security fields than in the economic field. Through a system of informal and formal meetings between leaders, ministers, and senior officials, the ASEAN states have managed to build confidence, familiarity, and understanding of the positions of one another on different issues. ASEAN is renowned for its decision-making process, which requires that all decisions be reached by consensus. Particular emphasis has been put on promoting and achieving regional resilience—based on the internal resilience of each of the member-states—through economic development. This should result in greater political support for the governments and lead to enhanced political stability. Achieving a high level of interaction, cooperation, and understanding among the original member states of ASEAN was a gradual process influenced by both intra-ASEAN developments and developments in the broader Southeast Asian region. The conflicts in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia and the progress of the leftist forces in the early 1970s leading to total victory by 1975, couple with the gradually diminishing U.S. involvement and then total withdrawal, created a new situation in Southeast Asia, bringing the perceived threat of international Communism to the doorstep of

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ASEAN members, particularly Thailand. The ASEAN countries responded to these developments by issuing the Kuala Lumpur Declaration on 27 November 1971, which called for the creation of a Zone of Peace, Freedom, and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) in Southeast Asia. The next step came on 24 February 1976 with the signing of the TAC (which had been formulated in response to developments in the region) and the Declaration of ASEAN Concord (which grew from the evolving intra-ASEAN collaboration during the socalled formative years of 1967 to 1976), in connection with the first ASEAN Summit in Bali. ASEAN has also achieved a high degree of success in its relations with countries outside the association. The strength obtained from acting together as one political force stems from a collective stand on major foreign policy issues. The most obvious example is ASEAN’s success in gaining widespread international support for its stand on the Cambodian conflict. ASEAN expressed open condemnation of Vietnam’s military intervention in Cambodia, attempted to secure a total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from that country, and supported Cambodian groups opposing the Vietnam presence. In the post-Cambodianconflict era, ASEAN has initiated two major initiatives, one leading to the creation of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the other to the expansion of membership in ASEAN within the Southeast Asian region. The ARF grew out of an increased awareness among the ASEAN states that there was a need for a multilateral forum to discuss security issues within the broader Pacific Asian context as a result of the end of the Cold War and indications of a reduction in the U.S. military presence and of its commitment to East and Southeast Asia. The expansion of membership in ASEAN in the 1990s (Brunei had already joined in 1984) grew out of the rapprochement between ASEAN and the three Indochinese states (Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos) following the settlement of the Cambodian conflict in 1991 and the ASEAN policy of “constructive engagement” toward Myanmar (Burma). These two processes led to the accession to the Bali Treaty by the four states. This was followed by ASEAN observer status and membership in ARF for the four states. Finally, Vietnam (in 1995), Laos and Myanmar (in 1997), and Cambodia (in 1998) acceded to full membership in ASEAN. The integration of the new members is a challenge to ASEAN and is leading to the gradual emergence of a more heterogeneous association. The early 1990s also witnessed a strengthening of economic cooperation within ASEAN through in-

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creased intra-ASEAN trade and investment. In 1992, an agreement was reached on the establishment of an ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) within fifteen years. The member states also signed an agreement on the Common Effective Preferential Tariff, which is the key instrument in the process through which AFTA will be established. Beginning in 1997, the expansion of economic cooperation was considerably slowed down by what came to be called the Asian financial crisis of 1997, which caused a regionwide economic recession. Some ASEAN members have still not recovered from the crisis, which has been a major issue of concern for them. Challenges Some observers argue that ASEAN was a success story up to the mid-1990s but that thereafter its image was tarnished by the challenges brought about by its expanding membership, the impact of that expansion on the association’s coherence, and the impact of the Asian financial crisis that began in 1997. A more balanced picture is that ASEAN was not such a success story by the mid-1990s and that cooperation within ASEAN has not been weakened to the extent argued by its critics. Nevertheless, ASEAN faces many challenges, both interstate (relations among the member states) and intrastate (problems within the member states). Ramses Amer Further Reading Amer, Ramses. (1999) “Conflict Management and Constructive Engagement in ASEAN’s Expansion.” Third World Quarterly. Special Issue on New Regionalisms, 20, 5 (October): 1031–1048. Amer, Ramses, and David Hughes. (1999) “The Asian Crisis and Economic Cooperation: Implications for an Expanded ASEAN.” In Southeast Asian-Centred Economies or Economics? edited by Mason Hoadley. NIAS Report Series, no. 39. Copenhagen, Denmark: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 113–136. Aranal-Sereno, Maria Lourdes, and Joseph Sedfrey S. Santiago, eds. (1997) The ASEAN: Thirty Years and Beyond. Quezon City, Philippines: Institute of International Legal Studies, University of the Philippines Law Center. “Special Issue on ASEAN.” (1997) Asian Journal of Political Science 5, 1 (June).

ASTANA (1999 pop. 319,300). Astana (Akmolinsk until 1961, Tselinograd from 1961 to 1992, and Aqmola from 1992 to 1998) is the capital of Kazakhstan and is located on the Ishim River in north-central Kazakhstan. It is an important transportation entrepot

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ATATURK (1881–1938), founder of the Republic of Turkey. Kemal Ataturk, the father of modern Turkey, was born in Thessaloniki, modern Greece, the son of a minor government official. His given name was Mustafa; the nickname Kemal (perfection) was given him at school. In 1934 he took the epithet Ataturk (father of Turks).

The public square in Astana, the capital of Kazakhstan. (LIBA TAYLOR/CORBIS)

on the Trans-Kazakhstan and South Siberian Railways, and is Kazakhstan’s sixth-largest industrial and commercial center. Akmolinsk was founded in 1830 as a Russian military settlement after Russians acquired the land from local Kazakh tribes, and gradually it became an important entrepot for trade between Turkistan and Russia. In 1868 it became a provincial center. After the delimitation of borders between the Russian Federation and the Kazakh Autonomous Republic in 1925, the city became an administrative center of the Aqmola Province of Kazakhstan. In 1929 to 1931 the strategically important railways were built, connecting the city with Petropavlovsk and Karaganda. Akmolinsk’s importance was enhanced during the Virgin Land Campaign, as it became a center of Tselinnyi Krai and was renamed Tselinograd. It became an industrial and cultural center, with the population growing from 31,000 in 1939 to 180,000 in 1970 and to 222,000 in 1977. After independence in 1991, the city was renamed Aqmola. In 1994 Kazakhstan’s government decided to move the capital from Almaty to Aqmola, and in 1998 it changed the name of the city to Astana. According to various estimates, during the first five years the government invested approximately $2 billion to upgrade infrastructure and to build new government facilities in the city.

Ataturk attended the Second Military School in Thessaloniki from 1893 and was a cadet at the Military Academy at Monastir (now Bitola, Former Yugoslav Republic (FYR) of Macedonia) from 1895 to 1899 before graduating from the Staff College, Istanbul, in 1905. Posted in Damascus, Syria, Ataturk supported the Young Turk revolution of 1908 but failed to make an impact as a politician and returned to the military. He saw action in the Turko-Italian War in 1911–1912, when the Dodecanese were ceded to Italy, and the Second Balkan War of 1913, when Turkey lost virtually all of its European territory, including Thessaloniki and Monastir.

Rafis Abazov Further Reading Cummings, Sally. (2000) Kazakhstan: Centre-Periphery Relations. London: The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Evrazia. (1998) Perenos stolitsy Kazakhstana v zerkale pressy i kommentariakh analitikov. Sbornik statei (The Transfer of the Capital in a Mirror of Mass-Media and Analytical Commentaries). Moscow: Evrazia.

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Ataturk in his military uniform, c. 1900. (HULTON-DEUTSCH COLLECTION/CORBIS)

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Ataturk rose to prominence during World War I, when he defended the Dardanelles (Gallipoli) from a combined Australian–British–New Zealand assault. For this action, he won the honorific Ghazi (Warrior of the Faith). A general at the close of the war, Ataturk refused to accept the peace terms imposed on the Ottoman sultan and established a rival government, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, in Ankara in 1920. After driving out an invading Greek force in 1922, Ataturk abolished the sultanate, although a Turkish Republic was not formally declared until October 1923. In 1923, Ataturk negotiated the Treaty of Lausanne, guaranteeing Turkish integrity inside its present borders, and in 1925 he signed a Treaty of Friendship with the Soviet Union, protecting the nation from Soviet territorial claims on behalf of the Armenians. He was now free to pursue a domestic policy based on six principles, which were enshrined in the Constitution in 1937. These were republicanism, nationalism, secularism, statism, populism, and revolutionism. Ataturk’s aim was to create a European-style secular nation-state. To this end all traces of the past were attacked and expressions of non-Turkish identities suppressed. Ottoman political and religious institutions were abolished and replaced by Western models in law (the Swiss code adopted in 1926), literature (the Latin alphabet introduced in 1928), and dress (European clothing enforced in 1925). In particular, Islam as the basis of traditional Turkish society was attacked, with the abolition of the caliphate, religious courts, and Sufi orders and with the emancipation of women. Secularization in Turkey went further than anywhere outside the USSR. Ataturk’s reforms remain the basis of the Turkish state. Ataturk suffered from kidney disease from 1919. Famed for his love of women, opera, and alcohol, he died of cirrhosis. Described by Yapp as “ruthless, ambitious, ungenerous, intolerant, and given to impulsive rages,” he was nevertheless a man of exceptional determination and intellectual abilities, who salvaged modern Turkey from the wreckage of the Ottoman empire. Will Myer

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Since religion has permeated the fabric of Chinese social life from time immemorial, the rise to power of modern political forces, especially the avowedly atheist Chinese Communist Party (CCP), in 1949 seemed likely to have a profound impact on the state and society. Would the Communist Party state pursue a policy of reckless suppression of religious life, or would it tolerate religion, at least temporarily? Except during the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), the religious policy of the CCP has been guided by practical considerations rather than by its atheist ideology. Atheism as a Modern Concept In the context of this article, atheism will be understood as a concept that rejects any form of religious belief. This definition does not include certain strands of Confucianism and Buddhism that are sometimes labeled as atheist on the grounds that they are not based on the concept of a personal deity. In fact, there is no reason to assume that they are incompatible with other forms of religion, and by and large they did not interfere with sacrifices and other forms of worship. As far as religious policy was concerned, the imperial authorities tried hard to suppress “heterodox” teachings and practices that were regarded as a threat to the state; at the same time, they sought to promote as well as control “orthodox” forms of worship. Atheism as herein defined is a modern concept based on a strictly secular worldview. It entered China around 1900, along with a number of other ideologies imported from the West. Foremost among these were Social Darwinism, nationalism, and socialism/communism. They were based on a specific notion of human progress and pursued a secular goal (a vigorous nation-state or a classless society) that served as a substitute for religious attitudes. Transmission of these ideas was intimately linked to the emergence of a modern Chinese intelligentsia. Young urban intellectuals who were attracted by the new ideological currents became hostile to any form of Chinese religion, including folk religion, Taoism, Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, and, though it is not a religion in the strict sense of the term, Confucianism, which came under fire for its association with the official cult of the state. Since these intellectuals formed the backbone of revolutionary movements and of the emerging political parties, atheism played an important role in the political transformation of China.

Further Reading Shaw, S., and E. Shaw. (1977) History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Yapp, Malcome. (1991) The Near East since the First World War. London: Longman.

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Atheism in the Republican Period Chinese atheism was first and foremost directed against religion’s most “superstitious” form: folk, or popular, religion, which also includes certain elements

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of Buddhism and Taoism. The Republican Revolution of 1911 witnessed the first large-scale campaign against popular religion, in which many temples and shrines were destroyed. Although the provisional constitution of the newly founded Republic of China guaranteed religious freedom, attempts to weaken the institutions associated with popular religion (temples, religious associations, etc.) continued until about 1915. The May Fourth Movement of 1919, a pro-Western intellectual movement, gave rise to the next wave of antireligious activity. In addition to the general critique of religion (which was guided by a belief in modern science), two specific targets were singled out: Confucianism, regarded as the main cause of China’s conservatism and stagnation, and Christianity, by then regarded as an ally of Western imperialism. The Guomindang (GMD), which established a national government in 1925, to some extent succeeded the antireligious movements of the 1920s but was not clearly atheist. The GMD did claim the supremacy of its ideology, the “Three Principles of the People,” over all forms of religion. However, some of its leading members (including Sun Yat-sen, Chiang Kai-shek, and their families) were Christians, and in the 1930s attempts were made to revive Confucian doctrines. This ambiguity notwithstanding, GMD governments at various levels campaigned against “superstition,” though with limited success. Atheism in the People’s Republic of China The CCP took the Marxist view that religion was the opiate of the masses, but that it would ultimately disappear in the process of transition to a classless society. However, the party dealt with religion within the framework of its united front policy, a strategy designed to incorporate noncommunist social forces into the process of revolution and state building. Within this framework, the party could form alliances with religious people despite its disapproval of religious doctrines. The religious policy of the CCP was therefore guided by practical considerations rather than by a narrow ideological approach. Although the party was clearly atheist, the state that it monopolized was not. This is reflected in constitutional law, which binds the state organs, though not the party. The constitution of 1954 granted the citizens “freedom of religious belief” without being very specific about what this exactly meant. The emphasis on belief rather than religious practice gave state and party the opportunity to suppress popular religion. Institutional religions were tolerated but brought under the supervision of the state. For that purpose, a number of so-called patriotic reli-

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9 CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA OF 1982 Article 36 Citizens of the People’s Republic of China enjoy freedom of religious belief. No state organ, public organization or individual may compel citizens to believe in, or not to believe in, any religion; nor may they discriminate against citizens who believe in, or do not believe in, any religion. The state protects normal religious activities. No one may make use of religion to engage in activities that disrupt public order, impair the health of citizens or interfere with the educational system of the state. Religious bodies and religious affairs are not subject to any foreign domination. Source: Kenneth Lieberthal. (1995) Governing China. From Revolution through Reform. New York: Norton, 363.

gious associations were set up to represent the five officially recognized religions: Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Catholicism, and Protestantism (the latter two being regarded as separate religions rather than as different branches of the same religion). The Bureau of Religious Affairs, founded in 1954, served as a link between the state and the patriotic religious associations but was also to guide and control the latter. In spite of the constitutional guarantees, all religious organizations were under heavy pressure from the authorities. This was especially true of those religions suspected of foreign domination, particularly the two Christian ones, even though all Western missionaries had been expelled from China during the Korean War (1950–1953). During the Cultural Revolution, all religions suffered from persecution and destruction. Leaders and activists were determined to eradicate religion, which was viewed as part of the “Four Olds” (old culture, old thinking, old habits, and old customs) that were to be destroyed. At the same time, constitutional law moved into the direction of state atheism. The constitution of 1975 declared that citizens enjoyed “freedom to believe in religion and freedom not to believe in religion and to propagate atheism.” In other words, atheist propaganda was constitutional, while religious propaganda was not.

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In the course of the policy of opening and reform initiated in 1978, the CCP has reassessed its religious policy. Although the party remains convinced that religion will eventually disappear as the result of the transition from socialism to communism and hence forbids its members to have any religious affiliation, it acknowledges that religion will continue to exist for some time. The Constitution of 1982, therefore, not only confirms the right to freedom of religious belief, but also establishes a framework for religious practice. The state protects “normal” religious activities, but it is unconstitutional to use religion to disrupt public order. Of course this provision leaves ample room for the authorities to decide which religious activities are “normal” and which are unlawful. The harsh treatment of Protestant “house churches” and the persecution of Falun Gong (a social movement with Taoist and Buddhist overtones) and its adherents, for example, must be viewed as attempts to maintain control over religious affairs and to suppress religious groups regarded as a threat to Communist rule. Historical Review Ever since Western secular ideologies found their way to China around 1900, atheism has had an enormous impact on the religious policy of the Chinese state. However, although the political elites that ruled twentieth-century China were frequently influenced by atheism, they have rarely tried to implement a thoroughly atheist policy. They took measures to combat superstition in the form of popular religion, but for the most part did not attempt to eliminate religion in general. Rather, they sought to control religious activities by officially recognizing a number of religious organizations. This is true of the most explicitly atheist political party, the CCP. The Communists have tried to incorporate the major institutionalized religions into the state (the turmoil of the Cultural Revolution being the exception rather than the rule). In the 1980s and 1990s, not only the officially recognized religions, but even popular religion has experienced an astonishing revival, by and large tolerated by the authorities. It is true that the Chinese state still has sufficient power to crack down on religious groups charged with threatening public order. If in the future it will tighten or loosen its grip on religion remains yet to be seen. That it will take steps to actively promote atheism, by force, if necessary, is far from likely. Thoralf Klein

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Further Reading Ching, Julia. (1990) Probing China’s Soul. Religion, Politics, and Protest in the People’s Republic. San Francisco: Harper & Row. Cohen, Myron. (1992) “Religion in a State Setting: China.” In Asia: Case Studies in the Social Sciences. A Guide for Teaching, edited by Myron Cohen. Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 17–31. Duara, Prasenjit. (1991) “Knowledge and Power in the Discourse of Modernity: The Campaigns against Popular Religion in Early Twentieth-Century China.” Journal of Asian Studies 50, 1: 67–83. He Guanghu. (1998) “Religion and Hope—A Perspective from Today’s China.” Zeitschrift fuer Missionswissenschaft und Religionswissenschaft 82, 4: 245–254. Luo Zhufeng, ed. (1991) Religion under Socialism in China. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Macinnis, Donald, ed. (1989) Religion in China Today: Policy and Practice. Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Pas, Julian F., ed. (1989) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today. Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society/Oxford University Press.

ATSUTA SHRINE Located in Nagoya, Japan (in Aichi Prefecture), Atsuta Jingu (Atsuta Shrine) is one of the fifteen prestigious shrines entitled to receive visits from imperial messengers at festivals. It purportedly enshrines Kusanagi no Tsurugi (Grass-Mowing Sword), one of the three imperial regalia. This sword is said to have been removed from the tail of a serpent by Amaterasu’s brother (Susanoo no Mikoto) and dedicated to his sister as a sign of submission to her rule. The shrine enshrines Atsuta no kami, Amaterasu, Susanoo no Mikoto, and Yamatotakeru, the possessor of the sword who died in the area. Situated on 200,000 square meters of land, with groves of thousand-year-old camphor trees, the shrine was originally built in the Taisha style, as was the Izumo Shrine, with a slightly concave thatched roof and steep wooden steps at the entrance. It was rebuilt in 1893 and again in 1935 in the Shinmei style, long in frontage and short in depth, with logs placed at intervals across the ridgepole. Partly damaged during World War II, it was repaired in 1955 and now is popular for first visits at the New Year. James M. Vardaman, Jr. Further Reading Bocking, Brian. (1995) A Popular Dictionary of Shinto. Surrey, U.K.: Curzon. Holtom, D. C. (1965) The National Faith of Japan: A Study in Modern Shinto. New York: Paragon. Picken, Stuart D. B. (1994) Essentials of Shinto: An Analytical Guide to Principal Teachings. Westport, CT: Greenwood.

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AUEZOV, MUKHTAR (1897–1961), Kazakh writer, poet, dramatist, social activist, scholar. Born in 1897 in eastern Kazakhstan, Mukhtar Auezov received his early education at the local Islamic school. He graduated from the Russian Teachers’ Seminary in Semipalatinsk in 1908. While completing his studies he became active in the Kazakh political movement Alash Orda (The Horde of Alash). Alash Orda was a Kazakh political party that proclaimed independence during the Russian Civil War. It fought against the Bolsheviks; however, in 1920 it was forced to negotiate, and eventually surrendered and disbanded. Most members joined the Bolsheviks, but were purged from the Communist Party in the 1920s for “nationalist tendencies.” Auezov did not fight, but was politically active. After the Russian Civil War, Auezov attended the Institute of Language and Material Culture at Leningrad University. He continued his education at the Central Asian State University in Tashkent, receiving his degree in Oriental languages. His literary career began in 1918 with the publication of the drama Baibishe Toqal (Respectable Second Wife). This work and others contain elements of Kazakh folklore and traditional themes. During the purges of the 1930s, Auezov avoided arrest by publicly admitting his mistakes and “nationalist tendencies.” He continued to write, and in 1939 he published the serialized version of his greatest work, a two-part fictional biographical work of the well-known Kazakh poet Abai Kunanbayev, Abai zholy (The Path of Abai), which was published in Russian in 1958. During his life he received numerous honors from the Soviet government, including the Order of Lenin. He died in 1961. Steven Sabol

in Indochina (present-day Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia), to continue to administer the region. In May 1941, at Pac Bo in northern Vietnam, the Vietnamese Communists, led by Ho Chi Minh (1890– 1969), formed a national front organization, the League for Independence of Vietnam, to fight against both the French and the Japanese. The League, better known by its Vietnamese abbreviated name, the Viet Minh, sought to enlist any Vietnamese citizen who would fight for national liberation from the French and Japanese. When Japan surrendered at the end of World War II in the wake of Allied victory, Ho stepped in on 16 August 1945 and proclaimed himself president of the provisional government of a “free Vietnam.” The Allies had other plans: they had agreed that Britain would occupy the southern part of Vietnam and the Nationalist Chinese would occupy the northern portion of the country. Before the Chinese troops arrived, the Viet Minh marched in and seized power in Hanoi on 19 August. The emperor of Vietnam, Bao Dai (1913–1997), complied with Ho’s demands and abdicated and left for exile in France. On 24 August in Saigon (present-day Ho Chi Minh City), Tran Van Giau declared insurrection underway in the south. On 27 August Ho convened his first cabinet meeting in Hanoi, at which it was agreed that 2 September would be set as National Independence Day. On that day Ho publicly announced the formation of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) with its capitol at Hanoi. In subsequent negotiations with the French, who were allowed to reoccupy Vietnam, Ho agreed to the return of 25,000 French colonial troops in the north for a five-year period rather than face occupation by the Nationalist Chinese. Ho placated his disgruntled comrades with reassurances that colonialism was dying and that the

Further Reading Auezov, Mukhtar. (1989) Abai zholy (The Path of Abai). Almaty, Kazakhstan: Zhazushy. ———. (1960) Put’ Abai (The Path of Abai). Almaty, Kazakhstan: Kazakhskoe Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel’stvo. Kumisbaev, Otegen. (1997) Mukhtar Auezov zhane adebiet alemi (Mukhtar Auezov and the Literary World). Almaty, Kazakhstan: Kazak University. Taizhanov, Altai. (1997) Mirovozzrenie Mukhtara Auezova (The Worldview of Mukhtar Auezov). Almaty, Kazakhstan: Gylym.

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In Vietnamese history, the August Revolution was the proclamation of a sovereign Vietnamese government in August 1945. The Japanese occupied Vietnam during World War II and allowed the French, who were the colonial power

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9 HO CHI MINH ON FOREIGN DOMINANCE “He [Ho Chi Minh] bluntly stated, ‘I prefer to sniff French shit for five years than eat Chinese shit the rest of my life.’ ” Source: Stanley Karnow. (1991) Vietnam: A History. New York: Viking, 169.

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French would have a difficult time reestablishing permanent rule, and reminded them that the Chinese had occupied Vietnam in the past for over a thousand years and were the greater threat. The DRV and the French soon clashed over administrative and military issues after the French returned to Vietnam, resulting in the eruption of the First Indochinese War. Richard B. Verrone See also: Franco-Viet Minh War; Ho Chi Minh

Further Reading Karnow, Stanley. (1991) Vietnam: A History. New York: Viking. Marr, David. (1981) Vietnamese Tradition on Trial, 1920– 1945. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. ———. (1996) Vietnam, 1945: The Quest for Power. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Patti, Archimedes L. A. (1980) Why Vietnam? Prelude to America’s Albatross. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.

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In March 1995, a nerve gas attack by devotees of the Japanese religion Aum Shinrikyo killed twelve and injured thousands of commuters on the Tokyo subway. Police investigations subsequently found that besides this attack, Aum had engaged in criminal activities since the 1980s, including a nerve gas attack in the town of Matsumoto in June 1994, murders of opponents and dissident members, and attempts to manufacture biological and chemical weapons. Led by its founder, Asahara Shoko, a charismatic leader who claimed to possess psychic powers, Aum was a millennial movement that believed the world was evil; only through ascetic practice could one escape its negative influences and attain salvation. Asahara preached that catastrophe would engulf the world at the end of the twentieth century, resulting in a war between the forces of good and evil in which he and his disciples would lead the forces of good and crush evil materialism. This message, along with Aum’s promises of enhanced spiritual powers, attracted ten thousand followers, the majority of whom were young, well educated, and idealistic. Around eleven hundred followers renounced the world and severed all ties with their families to live at Aum’s communes. Aum’s zealous followers failed to persuade the wider public of the validity of their message of imminent catastrophe, and this failure, coupled with strong criticism from opponents, including parents of mem-

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bers, made the organization increasingly introverted and hostile to the outside world. It used violence against members suspected of lacking faith, attacked critics, and confronted local authorities that impeded the development of its communes. Asahara’s teachings became more extreme, emphasizing that Aum alone taught the truth, which had to be defended at all costs; those who opposed this truth deserved to die and go to hell. Such doctrines eventually legitimated the murder of opponents, while the belief in the imminence of a final war, coupled with Asahara’s paranoia in which he believed the world was conspiring to persecute and destroy his movement, fueled an escalating cycle of violence. Aum attempted to establish a political party and campaigned in elections in 1990, but lost. After this, the group abandoned all hope of influencing the world, which it condemned as unworthy of salvation, and began to manufacture biological and chemical weapons for use in the inevitable final war that Asahara prophesied. By March 1995, police raids were planned against the movement. Learning of these, Asahara ordered a preemptive strike on the Tokyo subway to stall the police and strike a blow against the materialist society he hated. Immediately afterward, the police moved on Aum, uncovering evidence of its extensive criminality. Nearly two hundred Aum devotees were charged with serious offenses, including murder. Some were imprisoned or sentenced to death, while others, including Asahara, still await trial. Punitive laws have been enacted against the organization, and the majority of followers have renounced their faith. Around one thousand devotees continue to proclaim their faith in Asahara and support Aum. The Aum affair provoked debates in Japan about the nature of Japanese society. While public interpretations portrayed Asahara as a crazed manipulator who beguiled naive and idealistic people into sharing his paranoid visions, they also recognized that his criticisms of society had a particular resonance for many people. Thus, the Aum affair was seen not only as a product and expression of the problems and failures of Japanese society, but also as an expression of the need for reform. Ian Reader Further Reading Kisala, Robert J., and Mark R. Mullins, eds. Religion and Social Crisis in Japan: Understanding Japanese Society through the Aum Affair. Basingstoke, U.K., and New York: Palgrave and St. Martin’s.

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Reader, Ian. (2000) Religious Violence in Contemporary Ja-pan: The Case of Aum Shinrikyo. Richmond, U.K., and Honolulu, HI: Curzon and University of Hawaii Press.

AUNG SAN (1915–1947), Burmese resistance leader. Aung San is popularly remembered in Burma as principal leader of the resistance against foreign occupation, as hero-martyr in the struggle for independence, and as unifier of modern Burma. Educated at a monastic school and a national high school, he joined Rangoon University in 1932. By 1935, after being elected to the Students’ Union executive committee and becoming editor of the union magazine, he was expelled from the university for not revealing the name of a contributor. He joined U Nu, who had also been dismissed, in leading the 1936 university strike. The same year, after getting his B.A., he left the university and joined the nationalist Thakin movement. He started a Marxist study group, then with Ba Maw, he cofounded the Freedom Bloc and became its general secretary, leading resistance against the British in 1939. He approached the Japanese and, as lead member of the Thirty Comrades trained in Japan, then became founder and first commander of the Burma Independence Army that spearheaded the Japanese invasion of Burma in 1941. Unhappy with Japanese intentions toward Burma, he cofounded the Anti-Fascist Peoples’ Freedom League (AFPFL) in 1943 to resist the Japanese.

Further Reading Aung San Suu Kyi. (1991) Aung San of Burma : A Biographical Portrait. 2d ed. Edinburgh: Kiscadale. Aung San, U, and Silverstein, Josef. (1972) The Political Legacy of Aung San. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University. Kin Oung. (1993) Who Killed Aung San? 1st ed. Bangkok, Thailand: White Lotus. Maung Maung, U. (1962) Aung San of Burma. The Hague, Netherlands: Published for Yale University, Southeast Asia Studies by M. Nijhoff. ———. (1962) A Trial in Burma: The Assassination of Aung San. The Hague, Netherlands: M. Nijhoff. Naw, Angeline. (1988) “Aung San and the Struggle for the Independence of Burma.” Ph.D. diss. University of Hawaii. Sutton, Walter D. (1948) “U Aung San of Burma.” South Atlantic Quarterly 47, 1 (January): 1–16.

AUNG SAN SUU KYI (b. 1945), Burmese political leader and activist. Daughter of national hero and martyr Aung San (1915–1947), who was assassinated when she was only two years old, Aung San Suu Kyi was brought up in Myanmar (then Burma) until 1960, when her mother, Daw Khin Kyi, was appointed ambassador to India. In 1964 she started a B.A. degree in philosophy, politics, and economics at St. Hughes College, Oxford. After completion, she assisted Hugh Tinker in his research on Burma at the School of

Aung San negotiated the 27 January 1947 Attlee– Aung San Agreement that was to secure Burma its national independence in 1948. However, he was assassinated on 13 July 1947 along with six other colleagues while in charge of the Constituent Assembly engaged in writing a constitution for independent Burma. His functions in the AFPFL were taken over by U Nu. As a hero and martyr, to whom postindependence civilian politicians and army chiefs alike look back for inspiration, Aung San provided the basis for U Nu’s political path. His speeches and slogans also influenced the declared ideology of the Burma Socialist Programme Party after the 1962 coup. However, after 1988 his political legacy became problematic under the State Law and Restoration Council–State Peace and Development Council regimes, when Aung San Suu Kyi challenged military control over the country in the name of her father, claiming that he had stood for democracy and not for military control. Aung San continues to be an inspiration to generations of Burmese students and the Burmese in general. Gustaaf Houtman

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Aung San Suu Kyi speaking at a press conference in Yangon in September 1996. (STEPHEN G. DONALDSON PHOTOGRAPHY)

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Oriental and African Studies in London and then moved in 1969 to New York, where she worked at the United Nations Secretariat. In 1972 she married Michael Aris, joining him in Bhutan, where she worked for two years as research officer on United Nations affairs for the Bhutan foreign affairs ministry. After her return to England, she gave birth to two sons, Alexander, in 1973, and Kim, in 1977. She briefly catalogued Burmese books in the Bodleian Library at the University of Oxford and then joined Aris at the Advanced Research Institute in Simla, northern India. She took up a one-year visiting fellowship in Kyoto in 1985–1986 to research the Japanese dimension of her father’s biography, after which she returned to Simla on a fellowship. Shortly after returning to Oxford in 1987, she enrolled at the School of Oriental and African Studies for an advanced degree. Aung San Suu Kyi has been preoccupied with Myanmar throughout her life in terms of research interests and through family and social contacts. It was her mother’s stroke in March 1988 that took Aung San Suu Kyi on a visit to Myanmar from which she did not return, not even for her husband’s funeral in March 1999. In the wake of Ne Win’s resignation, the pent-up desire for change within the country after three decades of military control thrust her into the role of a political leader bringing fresh ideas to a hitherto closed country. Her speech at the Shwedagon

Pagoda on 26 August 1988 marked her public acceptance in Myanmar as the most promising national leader, much as her father’s Shwedagon speeches had done in the 1940s. She subsequently cofounded the National League for Democracy, which won the May 1990 elections by a landslide majority and for which her popularity had been instrumental. The regime ignored the election outcome and she and her party members were subject to harassment and house arrest. Aung San Suu Kyi was kept under house arrest by the military-appointed State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) between 1989 and 1995 and has been prevented from traveling outside Yangon (Rangoon) for most of the time after that. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991 and continues to advocate nonviolence. In September 2000, Aung San Suu Kyi and other leaders of the National League for Democracy were confined to their homes by military authorities. On 6 May 2002, the Myanmar government freed Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest. The action was seen by democracy advocates in Myanmar and outside observers as evidence that Myanmar’s repressive regime might be entering a new era, giving rise to expectations that at least some political prisoners might be freed and that restrictions on the press may be lifted. Gustaaf Houtman

The Bibi-ka-Maqbara, modeled on the Taj Mahal and built as the mausoleom for Rabia Durtrani, the wife of Aurangzeb. (HULTON-DEUTSCH COLLECTION/CORBIS)

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Further Reading Aung San Suu Kyi. (1998) “Heavenly Abodes and Human Development.” Eleventh Pope Paul VI Memorial Lecture (delivered by Michael Aris on 3 November 1997 at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, London). Bangkok Post (4 January). ———. (1997) Letters from Burma. London: Penguin. Aung San Suu Kyi, Alan Clements, U Kyi Maung, and U Tin U. (1997) The Voice of Hope: Conversations with Alan Clements with Contributions by U Kyi Maung and U Tin U. London: Penguin. Aung San Suu Kyi, and Michael Aris, eds. (1991) Freedom from Fear and Other Writings. New York: Viking. Houtman, Gustaaf. (1999) Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics: Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Tokyo: University of Tokyo Foreign Studies Institute. Victor, Barbara. (1998) The Lady: Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Laureate and Burma’s Prisoner. Winchester, MA: Faber & Faber.

(1618–1707), Mughal emperor. Aurangzeb was an unscrupulous seventeenth-century Indian prince who, as the third son of the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan (1592–1666), came to power by imprisoning his father and defeating and killing his brothers—including the heir apparent, Dara Shikoh. Having spent many years in the Deccan, he became obsessed with extending the Mughal empire (1526– 1857) southward. But in so doing, he overextended the military and political resources of the Mughal state. His long absences from the capital of Delhi encouraged internecine conflict and proved politically destabilizing. He founded a new city, Aurangabad, but overall these campaigns only served to undermine Mughal authority and deplete the royal coffers without providing long-lasting gains of territory or prestige. His other major nemesis was the Maratha kingdom in western India, where the Hindu

AURANGABAD (2001 pop. 828,000). Named after the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb (1659–1707), the Indian city of Aurangabad served as a vice regal capital of the Mughal empire (1526–1857) in the Deccan region of South India. Prior to the advent of the Mughals, it was known as Khadki (“rocky place”) and later renamed Fateh Nagar. It is located in the Marathwada region of the state of Maharashtra. Modern Aurangabad is an active city and a noted tourist center, well connected with the state capital, Mumbai (Bombay), and the city of Pune. The attractions in Aurangabad include the Bibi-kaMaqbara and the Paani-chakki. The former is a tomb built by Aurangzeb’s son in 1679 in memory of his mother, Rabia. The architect Ata Ullah modeled it on the Taj Mahal, but it is hardly comparable to the architectural splendor of the original. It is, however, the only example of Mughal architecture in the Deccan. The Paani-chakki (water mill) is used for grinding flour for the residents of a madrasah (seminary) built by a Sufi saint, Baba Shah Muzzafar, in 1624. Aurangabad is famous for the production of himroo, a typical fabric of the region, which has an intricate pattern woven in cotton and silk and is used for drapery, tapestry, and other items. Sanjukta Das Gupta Further Reading Berkson, Carmel. (1986) The Caves at Aurangabad: Early Buddhist Tantric Art in India. New York: Mapin. Michell, George, and Philip Davies. (1989) “Aurangabad.” In Penguin Guide to the Monuments of India. New York: Viking, 347–348, 420–423.

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A portrait of Aurangzeb by Pierre Duflos in 1780. (STAPLETON COLLECTION/CORBIS)

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king Shivaji successfully resisted subjugation through a sustained guerrilla campaign. Though a cultivated and learned man, Aurangzeb’s fanatical devotion to the Sunni Muslim faith led him to make political decisions based on religious prejudice. He reimposed the jaziya, or poll tax, on nonMuslims, enforced a strict orthodox Muslim political culture, sanctioned the destruction of Hindu and Sikh religious shrines and the erection of mosques instead, removed Hindus from key administrative posts, and alienated substantial segments of the population. He is generally recognized as the most intolerant of all the Mughal emperors. Chandrika Kaul Further Reading Lal, Muni. (1988) Aurangzeb. New Delhi, India: Vikas. Richards, John F. (1993) The Mughal Empire. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press.

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It is often said that culture and geography contradict each other with respect to Australia’s place in the Asian region. A result of European, primarily British, settlement just to the south of the Asian landmass, the relationships between Australia and Asia are bound to be complex. The situation is also complicated by the variety of Asian countries to Australia’s north, ranging from some of the poorest nations in the world to some of the richest, from Christian to Buddhist to Hindu, and from reasonably democratic to totalitarian. It is little wonder that there have been, and continue to be, frictions between Australia and Asia. These relationships, however, have undergone dramatic changes in the latter half of the twentieth century. From being a country dominated by Britain and dealing with multiple European colonies within Asia, Australia—and its relationship to Asia—has matured significantly, with successive Australian governments having to come to terms with many newly independent Asian countries. Today the connections between Australia and Asia, while still often difficult, are in most cases steadily becoming more cohesive and durable. Early Connections When Europeans first settled in Australia some two hundred years ago, it was primarily for the purpose of ridding England of unwanted convicts. The goal was to move them as far away from England as possible, and Australia seemed an apt choice. Being located on the southern fringe of Asia, however, left the descen-

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dants of the new arrivals with the long-term challenge of dealing with neighbors of very different cultural backgrounds. In the early days, there was relatively little interaction with Asia. The original inhabitants of Australia were the aborigines. The groups of aborigines who lived in the northern parts of the country had, for hundreds of years, carried out low-level trade with the region that is now eastern Indonesia. Beyond some limited trade with the European colonies of Asia, Australia remained in relative isolation. The gold rushes of the mid-1800s began to more clearly define the relationship between Australia and Asia. Along with prospectors from around the world came significant numbers of Chinese. They were both fleeing the poverty of their homeland and being attracted, like other newcomers, by prospects of striking it rich. Problems soon followed. The key consideration seems to have been one of competition. The Chinese were seen to be a threat by virtue of their hard work and ambition. This was complicated by cultural characteristics that were not shared by the dominant European inhabitants. Competition between Asians and the European settlers was complicated by the question of labor. After the gold rushes had subsided, the economy in what is now Australia grew by fits and starts. Particularly when there were recessions, the frictions came to the fore. Australian workers resented being placed in competition with low-cost Asian labor, primarily from China, Java, and the Pacific Islands. This economic problem was exacerbated by intolerance and racism. This was a time when social Darwinism was on the ascent, and European treatment of nonwhite settlers as well as aborigines was, on the whole, deplorable. Racism was a broadly accepted attitude of the day. Indeed, one of the first acts of the new government of Australia in 1901 was the Immigration Restriction Act, which sought to close the country to nonwhite, particularly Asian, immigration. At the same time, Asia offered alluring opportunities for trade. In the late 1800s and early 1900s, there were Australian trade commissioners stationed in Asia who spoke eloquently about the possible markets for Australian products, particularly wool. On the whole, however, these voices were rare, and Australia’s economic, political, and social systems remained closely intertwined with those of Britain. World War II and Its Aftermath The event that dramatically changed Asia-Australia relations was World War II. Until that time, Aus-

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tralians had rested, perhaps complacently, under the protection of the United Kingdom. The Japanese invasion of Southeast Asia, delivering the war right to Australia’s doorstep (including repeated bombings of Darwin), brought home to Australians their vulnerability. They were a small, mostly white, relatively rich country sitting beside countries that were populous, nonwhite, and mostly poor. The image of the yellow peril took hold of the Australian imagination and was reinforced by the menace of Communism in the postwar period. Poverty and instability in much of Asia kept many Australians in fear of Asia. This fear drove Australian governments to undertake a massive immigration program. “Populate or perish” was the slogan of the time, with migrants needed both for protection of Australian soil as well as labor to build up an industrial economy. Australian immigration officials went to Britain on a recruiting drive. Unfortunately for their goals, insufficient numbers of English people were interested in migrating to Australia, and the search area had to be expanded. Italy and Greece were subsequently targeted, and massive numbers of people from those countries arrived in Australia. The new immigrants had a profound effect on Australian society, transforming it from an essentially English colonial backwater to a more cosmopolitan, multicultural society. At the same time, through the 1950s and 1960s, the dominant European powers gave up most of their colonial possessions, and attitudes of acceptance and tolerance toward Asians began to take root. The United States and Canada dismantled their restrictive immigration acts, and Australia was forced to follow suit, though belatedly. It was not until 1973 that the Immigration Restriction Act was finally repealed, making possible a rapid rise in immigration from Asia. The postwar period was also a time of positive relationship-building in other areas. The Colombo Plan of 1950, an initiative of Australia that was carried out in partnership with half a dozen other former British colonies, brought students from the developing countries of Asia to Australian universities. While there was obvious self-interest in raising the standard of living in the poorer countries of Southeast Asia (especially with Communism taking hold), it also brought Australians into direct contact with Asians, helping to reduce cultural barriers and paving the way for changes in the immigration system. A more common Australian response in the 1950s and 1960s was continued fear of Asia. Although Australia sent troops to the Korean War and was involved in a low-level war (entitled Confrontation) with Indonesia in the early 1960s, the best-known response

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9 KEY EVENTS IN AUSTRALIA–ASIA RELATIONS 1800s In mid-century, Chinese immigrate to Australia to participate in gold rushes. 1901 Australia enacts the Immigration Restriction Act, which seeks to close the country to nonwhite, particularly Asian, immigration. 1940–1945 During World War II a strong fear of Asia emerges in Australia. 1950 The Colombo Plan brings students from the developing countries of Asia to Australian universities. 1960s Australia and Japan become trade partners and Japan becomes a major market for Australian raw materials. 1965 Australia sends troops to Vietnam as part of a strategy to keep Asian wars in Asia, not in Australia. 1973 The Immigration Restriction Act is repealed, making possible a rapid rise in immigration from Asia. 1989 Australia joins the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation grouping to ensure its continued access to Asian and North American markets. 1990s Immigrants from Asia account for 50 percent of all immigrants to Australia. 1999 Australian troops are stationed in East Timor to protect its independence from Indonesia.

was the decision in 1965 to send Australian troops to Vietnam. This was a period of what the Australian military termed “forward defense,” with the idea being to fight wars in Asia before they could spill over to the Australian mainland. Australian troops were conscripted, and the reaction in Australia followed the American pattern—general acceptance followed by disillusionment and then widespread antiwar demonstrations as the conflict continued. Economic Relationships One could argue that Australian integration with Asia from the 1960s to the present has been driven by economic imperatives. Australia’s economy then, as now, was dominated by primary production—agricultural products and mineral resources. The main markets for these materials were the rapidly growing Asian economies. Especially important here was the beginning of the Common Market in Europe. When the British joined this organization, with its system of preferential tariffs for European trade, Australia was forced

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to look elsewhere to find markets for its products. Japan, which experienced rapid economic growth starting in the 1950s and which lacked raw materials, was a logical partner. Indeed, the first trade agreement was made with Japan in the late 1950s, and Japan has been, for some years, Australia’s largest market. Trade with Japan exemplifies the complexities of Australia’s engagement with Asia: cross-cultural difficulties and wariness on the one hand and economic need on the other. Of all Asian countries, antagonism toward Japan runs the deepest in Australia. This was a direct result of Japanese aggression in World War II, particularly its treatment of Australian prisoners of war (POWs). Many Australian soldiers were trapped in Southeast Asia, especially Singapore, with the rapid advance of Japanese troops down the Malay peninsula in late 1941. The maltreatment and deaths of Australian POWs in Changi prison in Singapore and while helping to build the Thai-Burma Railway (immortalized in the film Bridge over the River Kwai) continue to create anti-Japanese sentiment in Australia, particularly among the older generation. Economic imperatives have taken precedence in the Australia–Japan relationship, however, and in the decades since the war the trade connection has become important to both countries. Japan is one of the largest investors in Australia, particularly in mineral-extraction industries, automobile manufacturing, and tourism, and Japan is Australia’s largest trading partner (20 percent of exports and 13 percent of imports in 2000). The relationship has not been an easy one, however. In addition to lingering wartime hostility, there has been the aggressive nature of Japanese trade and investment. Japanese companies, like other powerful multinational corporations, seek the best return for their shareholders. They are tough negotiators and play the world market for the best prices. Coal has been a particular point of contention here. Japanese companies will put, for example, Canadian coal companies in competition with those in Australia to secure the best export price. The result is charges of unfair trade practices from both Canada and Australia, though from the Japanese side this is simply good business practice. Investment is a second area of friction. Japanese companies invest in the areas in which there is a demand in Japan, hence their interest in coal, pulp and paper products, and tourism. The response in Australia is that Australia has become a combination of Japan’s quarry and playground. Australians complain that if Japanese tourists fly to Australia on Japanese airlines, stay in Japanese hotels, and visit Japaneseowned tourist facilities, then Australian companies are

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not gaining substantially in this area of services trade. The charge on the Australian side is vertical integration in the tourism industry. Japanese involvement in this sector was particularly evident in the late 1980s when, in the wake of the strengthening of the Japanese currency, massive investments were made in Australian real estate in tourist areas. Those Australians who were selling land and buildings benefited, while Australians seeking real estate were priced out of the market by the inflated prices that the land speculation generated. On the other hand, the Japanese became the most numerous tourists in Australia (nearly threequarters of a million visitors annually in 2000) and the biggest spenders on a daily basis, inevitably resulting in positive economic benefits for Australia in spite of Japanese investment in this area. A fundamental problem in Asia–Australia trade is that Australia has remained a supplier of primary products while importing value-added products from Asia. In other words, Australia exports minerals and foodstuffs and imports cars and consumer electronics. One could argue that Asian investment in areas of primary production has skewed investment priorities so that manufacturing has fallen behind. Successive Australian governments could be charged with short-sighted economic policies. The result, however, is that Australia faces a significant problem today. While the U.S. economy did well in the late 1990s as a result of the growth in the computer and associated high-technology industries, Australia is being charged with having a primary-producer economy, with agricultural products and minerals still dominating exports. At the same time, Australian manufacturing industries cannot compete with the low-wage countries of Asia, and progressively more industries are going bankrupt or leaving the country. In recent years, this has been particularly evident in the clothing and textiles industries. The mathematics on production costs is simple: It may cost $25 to make a shirt in Australia, whereas the same company can ship its machinery to Indonesia or the Philippines and make the same shirt for $2. Of course, this problem is also faced by Japanese and American companies, and they too are responding by relocating their production systems offshore, but they have other industries to replace them, in the high-technology area. Australia is experiencing difficulties in making this next technological leap. A second major fear on the part of Australian companies is that, as the world appears to be dividing into trading blocs, they will be left out. Australian companies learned a hard lesson when Britain joined what became the European Union, and the North American Free Trade Agreement is causing further anxiety.

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The result was the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation grouping, an initiative of the Bob Hawke Labour government in 1989. Australia’s agenda in supporting the development of this organization is to ensure its continued access to Asian and North American markets. The disadvantage, from the point of view of Australian corporations, is that they will have to learn to function in a low-tariff environment, whereas until recently Australian industry was highly protected. Globalization is, therefore, already having, and will continue to have, a profound effect on Australian business and community attitudes. Political Relationships While the 1950s and 1960s could be characterized by a fear of Asia, the following decades saw a maturing of the political relationships between Australia and Asia. By the mid-1970s, the Communist insurgency in Malaysia was at an end, as was the war in Vietnam. The isolation of China was also ending, and that nation was emerging as both a promising new market and a powerful new competitor. With an increase in Asian immigration (rising to half of all new immigrants by the early 1990s), Australians were becoming more comfortable in the region. This is not to say that Australia’s foreign relations are now either smooth or easy. Its difficulties are, in part, a result of the multiple types of political systems with which it has to deal. One point of contention here

is the way in which Australia balances its position on human rights with trade considerations. Sometimes this is relatively straightforward, as in the case of Myanmar (Burma). As this country is not important to Australia in an economic sense, the high ground of human rights is clearly Australia’s position. The complexities come to the fore in the case of China. With the rapid growth in China’s economy and increasing interconnectedness with regional economies, Australia must tread a fine line between its political and economic goals. Given the delicate relationship between China and Taiwan, for example, or the Chinese government’s sensitivity over Tibet, Australia has to be careful in its diplomatic position. It does not have the economic, political, or military power of the United States and therefore tends more to a middle road in diplomatic terms. This is less the case with the important Australia– Indonesia relationship. Diplomatic relations between the two countries have been on a roller coaster since the 1940s, and a particularly difficult issue has been that of East Timor. A Portuguese colony that was annexed by Indonesia in 1975, East Timor has remained a sticking point in Australia-Indonesia relations (particularly in the area of human rights) since then. The issue was complicated by the alleged killing of six Australian journalists when Indonesian troops invaded the colony in 1975. The result has been a division within Australia, with diplomatic efforts at odds with the

An Indonesian soldier accompanies Australian soldiers arriving for peacekeeping duty in East Timor in September 1999. (AFP/CORBIS)

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media’s antagonism toward the Indonesian government. When the Suharto government fell in 1998 and East Timor obtained independence (1999), Australian troops were stationed in the country to protect its independence. The use of the Australian military on former Indonesian territory has caused a nationalistic backlash in Indonesia and a deterioration in AustraliaIndonesia relations. The Future The future of Australia–Asia relations promises to be as difficult as its past. Of particular concern is the impact of globalization, which will bring Australian industry under further pressure to be competitive in a global environment. As a high-wage country that is still dominated by exports of primary products, Australia’s standard of living is steadily falling in relative terms. The reaction in domestic politics has been the rise of right-wing parties and policies that mistakenly favor a return to relative isolation and the greater wealth of the immediate postwar period; an attempt to resurrect those times through actions such as high tariff barriers would lead to economic disaster for the country. Such isolationist policies, while erroneous in conception and not economically viable, find fertile ground among those people disadvantaged by global competition. Anti-Asian sentiment is one offshoot. On the international scene, Australia will remain a middle-level power that must engage with the countries to the north to sustain its economy. Nearly twothirds of Australia’s merchandise exports go to Asia, and this is highly influential in Australia’s foreign economic and political policies. Given the political, economic, and cultural variations within Asia, Australia faces significant challenges in the future. Curtis Andressen Further Reading Byrnes, Michael. (1994) Australia and the Asia Game. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Edwards, Peter. (1992) Crisis and Commitments: The Politics and Diplomacy of Australia’s Involvement in Southeast Asian Conflicts, 1948–1965. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Higgott, Richard, Richard Leaver, and John Ravenhill, eds. (1993) Pacific Economic Relations in the 1990s: Cooperation or Conflict? Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Keating, Paul. (2000) Engagement: Australia Faces the AsiaPacific. Sydney: Macmillan. McGillivray, Mark, and Gary Smith, eds. (1997) Australia and Asia. Melbourne, Australia: Oxford University Press. Mediansky, Fedor. (1997) Australian Foreign Policy: Into the New Millennium. Melbourne, Australia: Macmillan. Trood, Russell, ed. (1993) The Future Pacific Economic Order: Australia’s Role. Brisbane, Australia: Griffith University.

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Walker, David. (1998) Anxious Nation: Australia and the Rise of Asia, 1850–1939. Brisbane, Australia: University of Queensland Press.

AUSTROASIATIC LANGUAGES The Austroasiatic family, the principal linguistic substrate of mainland Southeast Asian languages, exists today as a patchwork of more than a hundred languages spread across an area that ranges from central India to Vietnam and from Yunnan in China to Malaysia and the Nicobar Islands of the Andaman Sea. In only two countries are Austroasiatic languages the official tongues: Cambodia (Khmer, or Cambodian) and Vietnam (Vietnamese). In all other cases they are minority languages, spoken in single villages by only a few hundred people as well as in communities of several million people. Long ago before the domination by groups such as Thais, Burmese, Malays, and IndoAryans, the Austroasiatic peoples were probably the main population in Southeast Asia, and their languages may have been spoken even more widely than today, particularly in Indonesia and China. Evidence of Common Ancestry The common ancestry of the Austroasiatic languages is shown by their retention of a distinctive basic vocabulary, which readily identifies that group. Because it was a prehistoric culture, the location of the original Austroasiatic homeland is not known, but some linguists speculate that it was in the hills of southern Yunnan in China, between 4,000 and 6,000 years ago. Despite their common origins, Austroasiatic languages are structurally diverse, principally because many of them have been influenced by other, very different, language families for a long time. In India the Munda languages, which are in contact with the Aryan and Dravidian languages, have a complicated word structure that permits two or more syllables per word and an extensive system of grammatical affixes for both nouns and verbs. At the other typological and geographical extreme is Vietnamese: its lexicon or vocabulary is basically monosyllabic, and it relies on word order and compounding to express grammatical functions. In this case the direct influence of Chinese is clearly responsible. The great bulk of Austroasiatic languages lie between these extremes, utilizing a combination of affixation and word order. Common Features Most Austroasiatic languages have a rather distinctive word structure. Words may have one or two syl-

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lables, but in the two-syllable type the first syllable is never stressed, and the vowel in this syllable is normally short and neutral in quality. Words may begin with clusters of three or even four consonants, but the set of possible final consonants is always restricted. The range of word shapes in a typical Austroasiatic language is illustrated with the following examples from Jruq (West Bahnaric, Laos): simplest:

CV CVC CCVC CCVC CCCVC

most complex: C = consonant V = vowel

ka fish dak water pla j fruit ptεh earth kbreh blink

By contrast Munda languages permit much more complicated word shapes because many affixes can be used to build a single word or even a sentence, for example (Mundari, India):

suku-le-n-a-ko “They had been happy.”

reŋeʔ-ta-n-a- “I am poor.”

The set of distinctive sounds (or phonemes) can be large and have some unusual articulations in comparison to other languages of the world (including imploded and/or glottalized consonants and voiceless nasal and lateral sounds), and there may be tones or so-called registers (distinguishing breathy or creaky vowels). The Austroasiatic languages have the largest inventories of vowels of any language in the world, with some having more than thirty or even forty! In many Austroasiatic languages the grammar is largely expressed by word order, although there is normally a moderate to large inventory of prefixes and some infixes, which have functions such as word derivation (e.g., deriving nouns from verbs) and marking grammatical relations such as causative (e.g., “to fall” or “to make fall”), reciprocal (e.g., “to hit somebody” or “to hit each other”), or instrumental (e.g., “to hit”

or “to hit with something”). The Munda languages go much further, adding affixes to verbs to mark such things as tense (past and present versus future), aspect (complete or incomplete action), and transitivity (whether the sentence has a grammatical object). Word order in these languages tends to be “leftheaded”—modifying words (for example, adjectives, verbs) occur to the right of the “head” word they modify. Sentence-level word order is usually Subject-VerbObject, or less often Subject-Object-Verb. Classifying Austroasiatic Languages The classification of Austroasiatic languages is a difficult issue, particularly because many of the languages are not well known or studied, while the better-known ones have borrowed significant lexicon and even grammar from unrelated languages such as Chinese, Pali, and Malay. However, field linguists continue to publish new and more detailed descriptions, and progress is being made in historical reconstruction. Most published texts present a classification of Austroasiatic languages based on rather preliminary studies carried out in the 1960s and 1970s with simple statistical methods. Recent research has greatly improved scholars’ understanding of the internal structure of the family. For most of the twentieth century it was thought that the Austroasiatic family consisted of two fundamental divisions: Munda and all other Austroasiatic languages. However this view was based on typological considerations and has not been supported by historical reconstruction. Also, the placement of Vietnamese in the Austroasiatic family was disputed for a long time, with many scholars (even now) believing it to be derived from Chinese. However it has been convincingly shown that the Chinese lexicon in Vietnamese was borrowed during the Middle Chinese period, and the development of tones and monosyllabic structure are internal Vietnamese developments.

TABLE 1

Comparison of words in Austroasiatic languages

Blood Bird Eye Hand Louse Root Nose

Mundari

Khasi

Wa

Viet.

Semai

Khmer

Bahnar

majam sim* med ti siku red mu˜

snam sim khjmat kti ksi tjnrai khmut

nham sim — taiʔ siʔ riah miih

— cim ma´t taj cə´j reˆ mu ˜

bhipm cεp m mat tək cεʔ rʔes muh

jham — — taj caj rik crəmuh

pham sεm mat ti si rəh muh

*chicken

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Below is the classification of the Austroasiatic language family based on the most recent comparative historical work. There are eleven principal branches listed, but various poorly documented and isolated languages spoken in China may yet turn out to reflect branchlevel groupings. Language names are given in italics— the list below is not exhaustive, merely representative. 1. Aslian (Malaysia, Thailand): a) Jahaic: Batek, Chewong, Jehai, Tonga, Kinsiu, Semang b) Senoic: Temiar, Semai, Jah Hut c) Semelaic: Semelai, Temoq, Semaq Bri 2. Bahnaric (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia): a) North Bahnaric: Sedang, Jeh/Halang, Rengao, Hre b) Central Bahnaric Alak Kasseng/Taliang Cua Tampuon, Bahnar South Central: Chrau, Koho, Ma’, Mnong, Stieng c) West Bahnaric: Loven/Jruq, Nhaheun, Sapuar, Sok, Oi, Cheng, Suq, Brao/ Laveh, Lawi 3. Katuic (Laos, Vietnam, Thailand, Cambodia): a) Katu of Vietnam b) Katu of Laos c) Ngeq d) Pacoh e) North Katuic: So, Bru, Tri, Makong, Siliq, Katang f ) Central Katuic: Ta-Oi, Ong, Ir g) West Katuic: Suei, Nheu, Kuy, Kuay 4. Khasic (Assam [India]): Standard Khasi, Lyngngam, Synteng, War 5. Khmeric (Cambodia, Thailand): Cambodian, Surin Khmer 6. Monic (Myanmar, Thailand): Mon, Nyahkur 7. Nicobaric (Nicobar Islands [India]): a) North Nicobar: Car, Chowra, Teressa b) Central Nicobar: Camorta, Nancowry, Trinkut, Katchall c) South Nicobar: Great Nicobar, Little Nicobar 8. Northern (Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, China): a) Palaungic iii) East Palaungic: Danaw, Palaung, Riang, Yinchia

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iii) WestPalaungic: Bulang, Lawa, Samtao, U, Wa b) Khmuic iii) Khao iii) Khmu, Mal-Phrai iii) Ksinhmul iv) Mlabri c) Mangic: Mang

Lamet,

9. Pakanic (China): Bolyu/Lai 10. Pearic (Cambodia, Thailand): Chong, Pear, Suoi, Saoch, Samre 11. Vietic (Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia): a) Viet-Muong: Vietnamese, Muong b) Pong-Chut: Arem, Maleng, Pong, Sach, Thavung There have been various proposals to link Austroasiatic with other language families of Southeast Asia into an “Austric” macrofamily. The long history of contact between the language families of Southeast Asia has resulted in many areal similarities that make the task of determining wider genetic relations difficult or impossible. Paul Sidwell and Pascale Jacq Further Reading Huffman, Franklin E. (1986) Bibliography and Index of Mainland Southeast Asian Languages & Linguistics. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Jenner, Philip N., Laurence Thompson, and Stanley Starosta, eds. (1976) Austroasiatic Studies 1, 2. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Parkin, Robert. (1991) A Guide to Austroasiatic Speakers and Their Languages. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Peiros, Ilia. (1998) Comparative Linguistics in Southeast Asia. Canberra, Australia: Australian National University.

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The Austronesian language family is one of the largest recognized language families in the world, with close to one thousand members. About half the languages in this family, and the great majority of the speakers, are found in Southeast Asia. Several major languages of the region, as well as hundreds of smaller ones, belong to this family. The Austronesian Family and Proto-Austronesian Family resemblances among neighboring languages of the Southeast Asian island region must have been apparent for millennia. Awareness of the Aus-

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tronesian family’s full extent, however, dates from the 17th century, when comparison of the vocabulary of Malay with those of Polynesian languages, such as Futuna, and Malagasy, the language of Madagascar, showed clear similarities that implied a common ancestor. From this linking of distant points comes an earlier name of the family, “Malayo-Polynesian.” It is now recognized that Austronesian speakers are to be found from Madagascar in the west to Easter Island in the east—more than half the distance around the world. An example of the sort of resemblance that would have been noticed on even a casual comparison of these languages is the following: Malay Malagasy Futuna

Two

Eye

Stone

dua rua lua

mata masu mata

batu vatu fatu

Although this family thus extends beyond Asia into the African and Pacific regions, it is in Southeast Asia that the largest concentration of Austronesian speakers is to be found, and it was undoubtedly in this region that the original ancestral language (ProtoAustronesian) was spoken. Comparing some numerals from languages spoken in several Asian countries shows the same family resemblance: Paiwan (Taiwan) Ilokano (Philippines) Jarai (Vietnam) Tetun (Timor) Javanese

Two

Four

Five

Ten

Dusa dua

sepach uppat

Lima lima

puLuq sangapulo

dua rúa loro

pâ ha¯t papat

rema líma lima

pluh sanúlu sapuluh

Systematic description and comparison of a wide range of Austronesian languages by many scholars during the nineteenth century culminated in the work of the German physician Otto Dempwolff (1934–38), who demonstrated how various present-day languages had developed via regular sound changes from their common ancestor, Proto-Austronesian. The vocabulary items compared above, for example, are derived from hypothetical ancestral forms *duSa (two), *maCa (eye), *batu (stone), *Sepat (four), *lima (five), and *puluq (ten). The establishment of historical relations of these many languages to their common ancestor makes possible a “family tree” showing closer and more distant relationships within the family. This linguistic evidence can be combined with evidence from archaeology and other disciplines to produce an outline of the

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origins and migrations of the peoples who spoke these languages. The precise interrelations of the Austronesian languages of Southeast Asia have yet to be fully worked out. One point of widespread agreement, however, is that the languages of the aboriginal people of Taiwan divided from the rest of Austronesian at a very early date, and are thus of prime importance in understanding the history of the family. This primary division between Formosan languages and the rest suggests that Proto-Austronesian was spoken either in Taiwan or possibly on the nearby Chinese mainland. Beginning at least 5,000 years ago, Austronesian speakers would have migrated south into the Philippines, Indonesia, and New Guinea, and from there east into the Pacific (during the second millennium BCE) and eventually west to Madagascar (during the first millennium CE). Although the Austronesian languages have been diversifying from their common ancestral form for thousands of years, and have spread over a vast geographical range and a wide variety of cultures, certain family traits have persisted, not only in basic vocabulary (as shown above), but in certain aspects of word structure and grammatical devices. One feature that differentiates Austronesian from other major language families of the region is a preference for twosyllable nouns and verbs, with consonants permitted at beginning, middle, and end, as in Tagalog: payat (thin), ngipin (tooth), gatas (milk). Possessive pronouns appear as suffixes on the possessed noun, as in Rampi (Sulawesi): umo’-ku (my father), umo’-mu (your father), umo’-ne (his or her father). Another very widespread Austronesian feature is the distinction of first-person plural pronouns into “inclusive”and “exclusive,” depending on whether the person spoken to is included or not. So Tagalog kamí (exclusive) means “I and others,” as contrasted with táyo (inclusive) “I, you and others.” Austronesian Languages Yesterday and Today Both Javanese (Kavi) and Malay appear in inscriptions from the middle of the first millennium CE, written in scripts of Indian origin. A number of other languages of Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines have had Indian-derived writing systems, and after the arrival of Islam the Arabic alphabet was used to write Malay and other Austronesian languages of the region. Although some of these scripts have continued to be used into the present, the trend of the last few centuries has been for them to be replaced by orthographies based on the Roman alphabet.

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Throughout their history, these languages have continued to supplement their inherited Austronesian vocabulary with new words borrowed from a variety of sources. The strong influence of Indian culture at the period of earliest literacy is also reflected in numerous Sanskrit words adopted into the vocabulary, such as Malay bahasa (language), warna (color), and jaya (victory). Islamic culture brought with it words of Arabic origin such as hukum (law) and waktu (time). Additions to the vocabulary during the last few centuries have reflected differing colonial histories: Spanish words in the Philippines, Dutch in Indonesia, and English in Malaysia. In 2002, Austronesian languages were spoken by more than 90 percent of the population in Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines; in Singapore, Malay speakers are a substantial minority (15 percent). Within this region, apart from modern-era immigrant languages such as Chinese and Chabacano (creole Spanish), the principal non-Austronesian language areas are those of the Orang Asli of the Malay Peninsula, and the various Papuan language groups in eastern Indonesia (Irian Jaya, Halmahera, Timor). Various Austronesian language groups form one or two percent of the population in Cambodia, Thailand, Vietnam, and Taiwan; while China and Myanmar have a single Austronesian community each (Tsat on Hainan Island in China, Moken in coastal Myanmar) with a few thousand speakers. At the opposite extreme from these tiny enclaves are some languages which number their speakers in tens of millions, including Javanese (75 million), Malay (35 million), Sundanese (27 million), Tagalog (17 million), and Cebuano (15 million). Some of these exercise an influence beyond their communities of native speakers through use as national languages. Tagalog forms the basis of Filipino, the national language of the Philippines, while Malay (which has been a regional lingua franca for centuries and developed many local varieties) has been made a national language of both Malaysia and Indonesia. Ross Clark Further Reading Bellwood, Peter, James J. Fox, and Darrell Tryon, eds. (1995) The Austronesians: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. Canberra: Department of Anthropology, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University. Blust, Robert. (1995). “The Prehistory of the Austronesianspeaking Peoples: A View from Language.” Journal of World Prehistory 9,4: 453–510. Dempwolff, Otto. (1934–1938) Vergleichende Lautlehre des austronesischen Wortschatzes. 3 vols. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer.

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Tryon, Darrell T., ed. (1995) Comparative Austronesian Dictionary: An Introduction to Austronesian Studies. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Wurm, Stephen A., and Shirô Hattori, eds. (1981–1984) Language Atlas of the Pacific Area. Canberra: Australian Academy of the Humanities.

AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY In 2000, Asian factories assembled 18 million four-wheel vehicles, 30 percent of the world output of 58 million units; Asian firms also accounted for another 6 million units made outside their home market, primarily in the United States and England. Japan, with domestic output of 10 million units in 2000, was by far the largest producer, followed by South Korea and China, the only other Asian markets with domestic production or domestic sales over 1 million units. World automotive trade was also substantial, about $550 billion in 1999. However $207 billion of that trade was internal to Europe, and another $98 billion was inside NAFTA; intra-Asian trade was only $17 billion, an indicator of the different structure of Asian markets. Almost all Asian nations produce some vehicles domestically, including Uzbekistan, Jordan, and Myanmar (Burma). Despite small markets, in most countries over a dozen manufacturers coexist behind trade barriers, each turning out 20,000 or fewer units at high cost. Even though their output is minuscule by world standards, these firms typically loom large on the local landscape. At one extreme there is Toyota, Japan’s largest manufacturer and the core firm in the world’s fourth-largest automotive group, turning out 6 million units a year. At the other extreme is Iran Khodro, with output under 200,000 units a year, the largest producer in the Middle East and Iran’s largest manufacturer. Similarly in Malaysia, the state-owned firm Proton looms large both politically and in the local economy, and Asian producers in general have strong ties to local elites and interest groups. Defining the auto industry is not easy. Japanese data provide one example. In its mature market, Japanese auto parts account for two-thirds of the industry—assembly in Japan employs 262,000 people, while parts manufacturing employs 626,000. Denso, the largest parts firm, has 85,000 employees worldwide and has a consolidated auto-sector revenue larger than Suzuki or Fuji Heavy Industries (Subaru). Ancillary sectors, such as dealerships and repair facilities (1.28 million), petrol stands and other services (1.1 million), or for that matter transportation workers (3 million), each employ far more workers than does manufacturing proper. Comprehensive data are lacking, but in most

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Asian markets the parts sector, while limited in the components produced, still employs more workers than does vehicle assembly. A second aspect is that in most of Asia, automobiles are not the dominant segment. In India in 2000, passenger-car output was 580,000 units, but commercial vehicle output totaled 700,000 units—300,000 trucks and jeeps, 200,000 three-wheel trucks, and 200,000 tractors. At a total of 1.3 million units, the three- and four-wheel vehicle market was still dwarfed by sales of 3 million mopeds, scooters, and motorcycles. The same was long true in Japan, where trucks dominated the market until 1968. Despite this heterogeneity, Asian markets share many features. One is that throughout the region, the industry is viewed as a potential leading sector and has developed behind high trade barriers. But because markets are fragmented between cars and trucks and into additional segments within those two broad categories, production volumes of individual vehicles are small. In contrast, industry leaders in Japan, Europe, and North America perceive economies of scale to be increasing, due to the research and development (R & D) required to develop new technologies such as fuel-cell and hybrid vehicles and the investment needed to incorporate electronic and safety systems in new vehicles. For example, on top of $6 billion of investment in plant and equipment, Toyota will undertake R & D expenditures of $4 billion in 2001, and other major firms are spending comparable amounts. At the same time, the information-technology (IT) revolution makes it easier to coordinate vehicle development and engineering for individual markets off a common “platform.” As evidenced by a series of mergers, acquisitions, and alliances, industry executives apparently believe that a firm must produce five million units annually to be viable. With the exception of Honda and BMW, since 1997 the smaller firms in the European Union (EU), Japan, and the United States have been incorporated into one of six global groups: GM, Volkswagen, Toyota, Ford, DaimlerChrysler, and Renault. If alliances under negotiation in 2001 come to fruition, no sizable independent producers will remain in the United Kingdom, Scandinavia, Italy, or Korea. Similarly, major direct (Tier I) suppliers to car companies are now consolidating and reorganizing, with mergers and divestments—and bankruptcies. One motive is to be able to design, engineer, and assemble “modules” or “systems,” such as an entire heating-cooling system, rather than individual components such as a fan, air ducts, or air conditioning compressor. In addition suppliers are

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being asked to set up operations wherever their customers are located. Major suppliers are thus spinning off and acquiring units to match this new strategy, as well as investing in manufacturing capacity around the world, including Japan and elsewhere in Asia. Domestic manufacturing is nevertheless expanding in most countries. The industry’s long-term tendency is to build where vehicles are sold rather than rely on trade, due to logistics costs, the vagaries of foreign exchange rates, and the need to adapt products to match the idiosyncratic nature of local markets. In addition, analysts project that much of the growth in world demand during the first two decades of the twenty-first century will be in Asia. Producers with a low presence in the region are thus seeking a foothold, investing in new capacity at the same time that incumbents are upgrading existing facilities in advance of World Trade Organization (WTO)–mandated trade liberalization, which will be phased in by 2006. Indeed during the 1990s the automobile industry added 19 million units of global capacity in a slowly growing aggregate market, resulting in excess capacity of 20 million units; Asia has about 7 million units of excess capacity and an average utilization rate of under 70 percent. As a result auto assemblers are not very profitable; among major firms only Honda and BMW earned a reasonable return on assets in 2000. Nevertheless the industry is poised for significant expansion in many Asian markets, in vehicle assembly and in the parts sector. It will require a decade for this process to stabilize and for excess capacity to be trimmed. Commonalties: Political Economy The automotive sector is large—5 percent of the economy in countries with a substantial industry, from Turkey to Malaysia and Thailand to Korea and Japan—and as a consumer good, is visible to citizens. Geographic concentration and formal organization (industry associations, unions) add to its political saliency. Volkswagen’s “People’s Car” strategy was widely copied. While in the 1960s the Japanese bureaucracy repeatedly failed in its efforts to designate one or more “national champions,” President Mahathir of Malaysia and the sons of Indira Gandhi in India and Suharto of Indonesia all sponsored such projects, and China has adopted a series of “Big Three” policies. Even without a national champion, the automotive industry received favorable treatment in the Asian region—above all, protection from imports. As intended, such policies led to new entry, with one or two firms producing vehicles in each niche, turning out a few thousand or even just a few hundred vehicles a year.

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9 AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY GIANTS Of the twenty largest automobile manufacturers in Asia, sixteen are in Japan, two in South Korea, and one each in China and Indonesia. On the basis of sales revenues as reported in Asia Week (9 November 2001), the five largest firms are Toyota, Honda, Nissan, Mitsubishi (all in Japan), and Hyundai in South Korea. In 2001 Nissan was by far the largest with gross sales of $124,565.5 million, over twice that of second place Honda.

At one extreme China, with a history of local autonomy, had 119 producers in 2000, of which 26 had output of under 100 units. But even Malaysia, despite its small market (300,000 units) and the favored position of the dominant firm, Proton, had 14 firms; in addition Honda will start production in 2003 with a factory geared to turn out 20,000 cars a year with output split among four dissimilar models. Efficient plants in the developed world, however, are designed to churn out 240,000 similar models a year, fifty times the volume Honda anticipates in Malaysia. Such inherently high-cost production can prevail only in markets where competition is repressed. In the case of Malaysia, tariffs of up to 300 percent are required to enable Proton’s survival; import charges are 100 percent in India and 80 percent in China, compared with 2.5 percent in the United States and 0 percent in Japan. Initially, imported parts faced lower rates, encouraging completely knocked-down kit assembly. That, however, generated little employment, and Asian governments therefore mandated increasing levels of local content over time. But parts production often has greater economies of scale than does assembly, and local content rules typically lead to higher overall costs. In Japan a combination of economic growth and a large domestic market eventually engendered sufficient competition to drive costs down to the point where exports were feasible; China, India, and Indonesia have large enough populations that this might also eventually happen. These countries have also chosen to liberalize their domestic markets, in line with the WTO, to accelerate this process. For idiosyncratic reasons Turkey (as an EU hopeful) and Thailand (with hopes for trade within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN) have done the same.

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Reform is a difficult political challenge, and WTO membership is being wielded to inhibit backsliding. The WTO requires that automotive tariffs be lowered to 25 percent, quantitative import restrictions eliminated, and direct foreign investment freed from mandates to use local partners, achieve minimum levels of local content, or commit to minimum levels of exports. In practice, liberalization in larger markets results in increased inward investment and heightened competition. This is true even in Turkey, with access to EU markets, and in Thailand, which has a critical mass of suppliers, despite repeated economic crises. In contrast, consumers in markets such as that of Malaysia continue to pay extraordinarily high prices, without attracting a commensurate amount of investment. The Dominant Force in Asia: Japan Japan has both the largest and the oldest auto industry in Asia; Japanese firms, through local partners and trade, also dominate Asian markets, with the exception of Turkey and China. Volume production dates to 1925–1927, when Ford and General Motors set up local assembly plants, though rising nationalism led to their shuttering in 1936, just when Ford was set to break ground on a large-scale, integrated operation as an export base for Asia. Protection thus delayed the industry’s rise as a major exporter for thirty-five years, until around 1971. Toyota and Nissan entered the market in 1937, while the forerunners of Daihatsu and Mazda made three-wheelers, and Isuzu expanded from contract truck assembly for the military. However, production ceased in 1942, and though these firms resumed operations after 1945, output was still minimal in 1950. But economic growth and import prohibitions after 1955—40 percent tariffs proved insufficient to keep foreign cars from dominating the market—stimulated additional entry, with a peak of thirteen or fourteen producers in the early 1960s, spread across multiple niches. In 1960 the largest segment was three-wheel trucks, in a total vehicle market of under a halfmillion units. By 1968 passenger car output hit 2 million units, finally exceeding that of trucks. Competition pressured firms to lower costs, and new factories built to handle higher sales facilitated introducing better designs and production methods. Prices fell steadily until the late 1960s, by which time small Japanese cars were comparable in cost to those made in Europe. From the 1950s low volumes of trucks were exported throughout Asia. Then, in the late 1960s, the Volkswagen Beetle ignited a small-car boom in the United States, and General Motors, Ford, and

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Chrysler turned to Japanese firms for imports to counter the German invasion. The 1973 and 1979 oil crises increased that segment from a single-digit niche to 30 percent of the market in 1981, and imports from Japan rose to over 2 million units. A “voluntary” export restraint (VER) to the United States imposed in 1981 capped Japanese imports at 1.68 million units, well below the level of demand for the small, fuelefficient cars, effectively creating a cartel and allowing Japanese firms to raise prices dramatically. This tactic generated huge profits, which the car firms used to finance the development of larger cars and the construction of “transplant” assembly operations in the United States. (Several European nations negotiated similar VERs, and Japanese firms responded similarly by setting up factories in the United Kingdom and, more recently, France and Eastern Europe.) Exports peaked in 1985, when a strong yen and escalating labor costs cut into competitiveness. The transplant operations turned to new European- and Japaneseowned parts plants—three hundred firms from each area entered the market—to cut import costs and keep transplant assembly competitive. During the next two decades Honda, Toyota, and Nissan built stand-alone operations in North America, from dealership networks, market research organizations, and car design studios to transmission and engine manufacturing, which enabled them and several smaller producers to grab 26 percent of the U.S. market in 2001, almost all through local production. Operations in the EU were begun later, and Japanese producers hold a smaller share of the market, since unlike in the United States they faced stiff competition in small-car segments there. With the bursting of Japan’s “bubble” economy in 1991, domestic car sales dropped by 20 percent, and truck sales by more. Although Japanese production outpaced that in the United States and the United Kingdom during 1980–1991, output during 1998– 2001 dropped by 30 percent from the peak to 10 million units or less, while the North American and European markets boomed to surpass 17 million units in 2000. Unfortunately the industry was busily expanding in 1991, adding 1.5 million units of new assembly capacity, with comparable increases by parts makers. The industry thus entered the late 1990s with 15 million units of capacity; in 2001 Toyota alone could assemble 1 million more cars inside Japan than it could sell, either at home or through exports. Domestic red ink thus reinforced the trend toward global consolidation. Toyota purchased Hino (2000) and Daihatsu (1998), Ford took over full control of Mazda (1996), Renault acquired Nissan (1999), and GM now controls Isuzu (1998) and has a dominant 20 percent stake

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in both Suzuki (2000) and Fuji (1999); only Honda remains outside the fray. A similar consolidation of parts producers is under way, and during the first decade of the twenty-first century the domestic industry will gradually cut employment and shutter factories to deal with excess capacity. At the same time, Japanese firms have continued to expand overseas. Honda began volume production abroad first, in the United States in 1982. Other firms quickly followed; by 2000 Japanese firms produced 6.3 million units outside Japan, 2.5 million of which were in the United States. Parts suppliers likewise have been building an international presence, with over three hundred firms in the United States, as well as nineteen of the hundred largest global suppliers. Growth has been slower in Europe, but Japanese firms dominate most Asian markets and are expanding in China and Turkey, where they lag behind European firms. Continental-Sized Producers: China and India The world’s two most populous economies both grew rapidly during the 1990s, driving the market for transport. Neither India nor China had strong indigenous producers. Of three incumbent firms in India, Premier Motors is now defunct, while in 2001 Hindustan Motors still produced the Ambassador, a 1953 British design. China, with protection at the local level, had at least one producer in each province. When foreign ventures were finally allowed, the initial entrants—Suzuki as a partner of Maruti Motors in 1986, and Volkswagen with Shanghai Automotive Works in 1983—quickly dominated the market, and both still account for over half of passenger-car sales. By the mid-1990s, Volkswagen and Maruti achieved mass-production volumes, with over 200,000 units per year of a single model. Like incumbent firms, however, once in the market neither had an incentive to introduce new models. With new entry and the promise of increased competition as WTO provisions are phased in, both Volkswagen and Maruti scrambled to introduce new models and to lower prices; in 1999–2000 both lost money, though sales recovered thereafter. In India, Korean firms and Ford have a foothold; in China, GM, Toyota, and several smaller producers now offset Volkswagen. The initial foreign ventures, however, have established supplier networks; Shanghai Auto Works has forty joint ventures in parts production, and additional firms use China (and, increasingly India) as a base for exporting labor-intensive items to their home markets, as well as to supply the million-plus vehicles made in each country.

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This combination—at least one firm of large scale, a network of suppliers, a growing domestic market, and an apparent commitment to the WTO process—offers scope for increasing efficiency without the need for exports. Both India and China are likely to remain modest exporters of vehicles but growing exporters of parts, as assemblers are focused on the domestic market. But since entry is outpacing market growth, not all firms will profit, and indeed several ventures must ultimately fail. Export-Oriented Markets: Turkey and Thailand As noted above, Turkey and Thailand both turned away from the extreme protectionism that characterized Asia around 1991. In each market several of the dozen-plus incumbent joint ventures responded by modernizing and expanding their plants. They now appear well positioned to export vehicles to supplement sales to the domestic market, allowing an economic scale of operations. Due in part to lower sales taxes on trucks, Thailand is the second-biggest market for full-sized pickups, larger even than Canada; Ford and GM-Isuzu will use production there rather than in the United States to source global exports, while the joint venture Mitsubishi Sittipol exported 63,000 pickups in 2000. Similarly Oyak-Renault, Fiat Tofas, and Ford are producing versions of certain models only in Turkey and will export much of their factories’ output to complement the versions they make elsewhere. The same factors encouraged parts producers to expand or enter, co-locating with potential customers while eyeing exports. The result is an automotive infrastructure that makes it easier for other assemblers to locate in that country. Thailand now has 1.2 million units of assembly capacity, and BMW will add to that; Turkey will soon have over 1 million units, with plants under construction and Toyota planning on entering. This expansion is occurring despite recurring economic crises. Projects that were put on hold in Thailand in 1998, when sales fell to 25 percent of 1996 levels, were restarted by 2000 and are now in operation, while Ford’s Ikon project in Turkey progressed despite the 2000 earthquake and 2001 economic crisis. As a result of such dynamics, Turkey and Thailand are the only two new Asian producers to achieve over 100,000 units in exports on a purely commercial basis, levels that assemblers expect to rise as additional unique products enter production. With modest domestic markets and lower import barriers, output will be increasingly centered on these export-oriented plants, while low-volume producers will exit, as GM Opel did in Turkey in 2000.

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National Champion Policies: Korea, Malaysia, Indonesia, Iran Four countries have fostered national favorites, with varying degrees of failure. In Indonesia’s case, favored treatment of Timor Putra National, owned by a son of the late president Suharto and tied to Kia of Korea, resulted in Japan’s filing a WTO case, which Indonesia lost. The firm was shut down following the 1997 economic crisis, leaving Astra, a joint venture of Toyota, as the dominant force. In Malaysia President Mahathir supported Proton, producing vehicles under license from Mitsubishi Motors. After fifteen years, output has reached only 200,000 units, too low a volume to support stand-alone operations. Indeed, while in 2001 the Malaysian government trumpeted the development of its own engine, the big global firms are designing engines with target production volumes of at least 750,000 units per year, while investing billions of dollars on hybrid and fuel-cell systems, not the traditional gasoline engine of Proton. Volumes in fact are limited in part because of the focus on national champions. In theory different countries in ASEAN could specialize in different product niches, an idea backed since 1977 by a series of regional endeavors. ASEAN Industrial Cooperation (AICO), the 1996 successor to the 1988 Brand-toBrand Complementarity plan, promised 5 percent tariffs and no local content provisions for intra-ASEAN trade by 2003. While parts production under AICO provisions is expanding, for finished vehicles AICO and earlier schemes have all failed, in AICO’s case due to Malaysian intransigence. With 300 percent tariffs needed to make Proton viable, Malaysia unilaterally announced it would extend protection through 2005, rather than allow imports from Thailand and Indonesia. This action led to so-far unsuccessful claims for compensation by Thailand (negotiations were still in progress in 2001). Proton clearly faces little near-term pressure to increase efficiency. But it also has limited growth potential; despite its privileged status, it has been unable to quash new entry, including a second national champion, Perodua, producing vehicles for the small-car segment. The willingness of political leaders to postpone liberalization that threatens vested interests keeps the industry inefficient and limited to local markets. Iran also falls into this pattern, with a national champion, Iran Khodro, which continues to churn out the 1960s-vintage British Hillman Hunter Paykan, benefiting from a 1992 ban on imported vehicles. Nationalized in the 1979 Revolution, the industry is strongly

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tied to the government, helped by industry employment of 235,000 (and more in parts production). Foreign trade restrictions hamper outside investment; although Iran Khodro will finally introduce a new Peugeot model in 2002, that deal relies on foreign-exchange barter to pay for fees and imported components. High vehicle prices nevertheless have encouraged the French Citroën and Korean Daewoo to attempt ventures with SAIPA, the second-largest producer in Iran. But the tight monopoly seems likely to inhibit growth and investment during the coming decade.

and to any appreciation of the won, the Korean currency. International ownership may mitigate this vulnerability, if Korea is used as a global source of small cars. For the time being its existing supplier base— Korea is the only Asian country besides Japan with a parts firm large enough to rank among the top one hundred