Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia (Routledge Encyclopedias of the Middle Ages)


Volume 1 A–K INDEX


Volume 1 A–K INDEX

Josef W. Meri Editor

New York London

Published in 2006 by Routledge Taylor & Francis Group 270 Madison Avenue New York, NY 10016

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© 2006 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 International Standard Book Number-10: 0-415-96691-4 (Vol 1), 0-415-96692-2 (Vol 2), 0-415-96690-6 (Set) International Standard Book Number-13: 978-0-415-96691-7 (Vol 1), 978-0-415-96692-4 (Vol 2), 978-0-415-96690-0 (Set) Library of Congress Card Number 2005044229 No part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers. Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Medieval Islamic civilization : an encyclopedia / Josef W. Meri, editor ; advisory board, Jere L. Bacharach … [et al.]. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-415-96691-4 (v. 1 : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-415-96692-2 (v. 2 : alk. paper) — ISBN 0-415-96690-6 (set : alk. paper) 1. Civilization, Islamic–Encyclopedias. 2. Islamic Empire–Civilization–Encyclopedias. I. Meri, Josef W. II. Bacharach, Jere L., 1938DS36.85.M434 2005 909′.09767’003–dc22


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Medieval Series Note


Editorial Board




List of Entries A to Z


Thematic List of Entries


Entries A to Z






Arabia, ca. 600 CE


Arab Empire, 700–850 CE



Asia, 1211–1239 CE



INTRODUCTION The study of Islam as a religion and the languages of the Middle East, especially Arabic and Persian, has gained in prominence. In the West, a common misperception exists that there is something intrinsic in Islam as a religion that engenders acts of violence and terrorism and that Islamics history is replete with instances of pogroms against non-Muslims. On the contrary, the origin of violent acts lies not in the ontology of any given religion whether Islam, Judaism, or Christianity, in any given Scripture whether the Qur’an, Torah, or Bible, or in any given civilization whether Islamic, Greek, or Roman, but rather in a number of factors, including the psychology of human behavior and the often desperate and trying human conditions that compel humans to carry out desperate acts in times of war and peace, sometimes in the name of religion. The historian of any civilization or historical epoch is keenly aware that no premodern (medieval) society was left unscathed by warfare and political conflicts. Lamentably, until now the paucity of easily accessible English language reference sources about the medieval Islamic world has led to a situation in which some discourses concerning the clash of civilizations, current affairs, and modern ideologies and nationalisms have become synonymous with the whole of Islamic civilization. By contrast, the scholar is able to communicate the defining characteristics of a civilization and is moreover, able to critically understand and engage the Islamic world on its own terms—as heir to one of the world’s greatest civilizations, not simply as heir to a world religion whose adherents have historically been in conflict with adherents of other faiths. Despite increased and indeed, highly successful efforts in the academy to teach about Islam as a religion and the Arabic language, the larger civilizational contextual framework of which both are a part is often ignored and marginalized. Medieval Islamic civilization left an indelible mark on Europe in the transmission of knowledge and ideas in such diverse fields as science, medicine, mathematics, literature, and philosophy. Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia represents a collaborative effort at bridging the gap between that which we perceive Islam and Islamic civilization to be about and what it really is by providing the reader with an easily accessible reference work presented in a concise language. Such fundamental questions as to what Islamic civilization is and what Muslims did to contribute to European understanding of the sciences, mathematics, arts, literature, philosophy, and government remain largely unanswered. What was the nature of ‘‘interfaith’’ relations in the Islamic world, and what roles did Jews and Christians play in medieval Islamic societies? As a number of the entries highlight, Jews and Christians attained prominent government posts under various Islamic dynasties from Andalusia and Egypt to Iraq and contributed to the preservation and translation of philosophical and theological texts from Greek, Syriac, and Hebrew into Arabic and other Islamic languages, as well as to the creation of new literary and cultural syntheses borne of a common Islamic cultural milieu. These are among the themes that the entries in this work seek to explore. It is our hope that this work will go a long way toward filling the gaps in knowledge.

Audience The English-speaking world lacks a single reference work that presents Islamic civilization in a manner intelligible to the nonspecialist. Specialist reference works are numerous and offer more detailed and technical articles about various aspects of Islam from pre-Islamic times to the present. The nonspecialist who desires to understand Islamic civilization is left with few choices except to consult general reference works or works devoted to the European Middle Ages, which only give a fragmented picture of medieval Islamic civilization. It is to be hoped that the nonspecialist reader, as well as university and secondary school students and teachers, will benefit from this work.



Conception and Genesis Medieval Islamic Civilization was conceived to share our knowledge as experts in the field of Islamic history and civilization and to correct the misconceptions and misinformation that exist. This impetus encouraged me to take up the challenge of helping to produce a unique reference work. However, it must be emphasized that this is very much an international collaborative effort that includes contributions by leading experts in their fields from North America, Europe, and Asia. Contributors come from various academic backgrounds and employ a diversity of approaches. Each of the entries adopts a unique approach to a given topic and is written dispassionately without regard to current political exigencies or political considerations. Medieval Islamic Civilization presents cuttingedge research into such pivotal themes relating to daily life, the ethnic and religious communities of the Islamic world, their beliefs and practices, interfaith relations, popular culture and religion, cultural, economic, and political contacts and exchanges with Europe and Asia, learning and universities, and travel and exploration. It provides a comprehensive portrait of the artistic, intellectual, literary, medical, and scientific achievements of Muslims, Jews, Christians, and others who contributed to the flourishing of one of the greatest civilizations known to humankind. Most of the authors are the leading international experts in their field. Yet all the contributions represent the highest standards in scholarship on the Islamic world.

Choice of Entries While it is impossible to discuss every facet of Islamic civilization in a two-volume reference—nonspecialist encyclopedias are selective by nature—the choice of entries reflects the diversity of the subjects that are covered herein. The editorial board discussed the entries extensively, and certain additions and emendations were made to compensate for underrepresented themes. Unlike other volumes in this highly acclaimed Routledge series on the Middle Ages that are more geographically specific and are focused on the European Middle Ages from the fifth through sixteenth centuries CE, Medieval Islamic Civilization posed a considerable challenge given the geographical expanse of the Islamic world, from the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa to the Middle East, South and Southeast Asia from roughly the sixth through seventeenth centuries. Unlike other reference works, Medieval Islamic Civilization has de-emphasized historical themes in favor of an original synthesis that gives greater prominence to aspects of daily life and to the non-Arab elements of Islamic civilization. The Islamic Middle Ages is taken to represent the period from 622 CE, or the first year of the Hijra of the Prophet Muhammad to Medina, which also marks the first year of the Islamic calendar, though we have also included entries that deal with pre-Islamic themes, peoples, and societies down until the seventeenth century in the case of Southeast Asia, where no significant written records exist for earlier periods. Indeed, the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries represent the most significant period for written records in Southeast Asia. However, this demarcation is somewhat arbitrary. Indeed, it may be argued that certain continuities existed in Islamic civilization down until the advent of modern secular and national ideologies in the nineteenth century CE.

Acknowledgments The Board is pleased that so many of our colleagues from around the world recognized the value of Medieval Islamic Civilization as not simply another reference work and so enthusiastically answered the call to contribute. We are especially grateful for their inspiring level of commitment and dedication to this initiative and their highquality contributions. I would also like to thank the advisory board members for their unstinting dedication, the associate editors Julia Bray and Lutz Richter-Bernburg for expending considerable efforts in commenting on and suggesting revisions to various entries, and to Jere Bacharach for his overall invaluable contributions to Medieval Islamic Civilization. I am also grateful to Asma Afsaruddin and Donald Whitcomb for their recommendations. I am especially grateful to the former for agreeing to write a number of significant entries.


INTRODUCTION This work would not have been possible without the indefatigable efforts and abiding enthusiasm of the editors and publishers at Routledge, in particular Marie-Claire Antoine and Jamie Ehrlich. Also, thanks to the various Routledge staff members who were involved in the early stages of the project. Finally, it is only fitting that I should pen these words from the Middle East after last having lived here nearly eight years ago. Josef (Yousef) Waleed Meri Amman, Jordan


MEDIEVAL SERIES NOTE The Routledge Encyclopedias of the Middle Ages Formerly the Garland Encyclopedias of the Middle Ages, this comprehensive series began in 1993 with the publication of Medieval Scandinavia. A major enterprise in medieval scholarship, the series brings the expertise of scholars specializing in myriad aspects of the medieval world together in a reference source accessible to students and the general public, as well as to historians and scholars in related fields. Each volume focuses on a geographical area or theme important to medieval studies and is edited by a specialist in that field, who has called upon a board of consulting editors to establish the article list and review the articles. Each article is contributed by a scholar and followed by a bibliography and cross-references to guide further research. Routledge is proud to carry on the tradition established by the first volumes in this important series. As the series continues to grow, we hope that it will provide the most comprehensive and detailed view of the medieval world in all its aspects ever presented in encyclopedia form. Vol. 1 Vol. 2 Vol. 3

Medieval Scandinavia: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Phillip Pulsiano. Medieval France: An Encyclopedia. Edited by William W. Kibler and Grover A. Zinn. Medieval England: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Paul E. Szarmach, M. Teresa Tavormina, and Joel T. Rosenthal. Vol. 4 Medieval Archaeology: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Pamela Crabtree. Vol. 5 Trade, Travel, and Exploration in the Middle Ages. Edited by John Block Friedman and Kristen Mossler Figg. Vol. 6 Medieval Germany: An Encyclopedia. Edited by John M. Jeep. Vol. 7 Medieval Jewish Civilization: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Norman Roth. Vol. 8 Medieval Iberia: An Encyclopedia. Edited by E. Michael Gerli. Vol. 9 Medieval Italy: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Christopher Kleinhenz. Vol. 10 Medieval Ireland: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Sea´n Duffy. Vol. 11 Medieval Science, Technology, and Medicine: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Stephen J. Livesey. Vol. 12 Key Figures in Medieval Europe: An Encyclopedia. Edited by Richard K. Emmerson. The present volume, Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia, edited by Josef W. Meri, is Volume 13 in the series.


EDITOR Josef W. Meri Fellow and Special Scholar in Residence Aal al-Bayt Foundation for Islamic Thought, Amman, Jordan

EDITORIAL BOARD Jere L. Bacharach Department of History University of Washington Julia Bray University of Paris – St. Denis Lutz Richter-Bernburg Orientalisches Seminar Universita¨t Tu¨bingen, Germany Asma Afsaruddin Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies University of Notre Dame Donald Whitcomb Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations University of Chicago


CONTRIBUTORS Rachid Aadnani Wellesley College

Anne K. Bang University of Bergen

Asma Afsaruddin University of Notre Dame

Meir M. Bar-Asher Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Roger Allen University of Pennsylvania

Carol Bargeron Texas State University

Adel Allouche Yale University

Cedric Barnes University of London

Ilai Alon Tel Aviv University and University of Chicago

Doris Behrens-Abouseif University of London

Suat Alp Hacettepe University

Persis Berlekamp University of Texas, Austin

Zumrut Alp Istanbul Bilgi University

Lutz Richter-Bernburg University of Tubingen

Joseph P. Amar University of Notre Dame

Zvi Aziz Ben-Dor New York University

Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi Universite´ de Paris-Sorbonne

Thierry Bianquis University of Lyon

Reuven Amitai Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Hans Hinrich Biesterfeldt Ruhr-Universita¨t Bochum

Glaire D. Anderson Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Michal Biran Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Ali Asani Harvard University

Nader El-Bizri Institute of Ismaili Studies

Mahmut Ay Ankara University

Khalid Yahya Blankinship Temple University

Sussan Babaie University of Michigan

Jonathan M. Bloom Boston College

Patricia L. Baker Independent Scholar

Michel Boivin EHESS/CNRS, Paris


CONTRIBUTORS Stuart J. Borsch Assumption College

Jamsheed Choksy Indiana University

Ross Brann Cornell University

Aboubakr Chraibi Institut National des Langues et Civilisations, Paris

Julia Bray University of Paris, St. Denis

Niall Christie University of British Columbia

William M. Brinner University of California, Berkeley

Paul M. Cobb University of Notre Dame

Sebastian Brock University of Oxford

Mark R. Cohen Princeton University

Rainer Brunner Universita¨t Freiburg

David Cook Rice University

Richard W. Bulliet Columbia University

Michael Cooperson University of California, Los Angeles

Birsen Bulmus Georgetown University

Farhad Daftary Institute of Ismaili Studies

Charles E. Butterworth University of Maryland

Touraj Daryaee California State University, Fullerton

Amila Buturovic York University

Olga M. Davidson Harvard University

Carmen Caballero-Navas University College London

Richard Davis Ohio State University

Pierre J. Cachia Columbia University

Cristina de la Puente Institute of Philology, CSIC, Madrid

Giovanni Canova Universita di Napoli

Jesus De Prado Plumed Universidad Complutense, Madrid

Stefano Carboni Metropolitan Museum of Art

Jonathan P. Decter Brandeis University

Michael G. Carter University of Oslo

Khalid Dhorat Dar-al Salam Islamic Center

Paola Carusi Universita` degli Studi di Roma

Eerik Dickinson Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Brian A. Catlos University of California, Santa Cruz

Amikam Elad Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Driss Cherkaoui College of William and Mary

Alexander E. Elinson Queens College, City University of New York


CONTRIBUTORS Amira El-Zein Tufts University

Claude Gilliot University of Aix-en-Provence

Gerhard Endress Ruhr-Universita¨t Bochum

Robert Gleave University of Bristol

Daphna Ephrat Open University of Israel

Valerie Gonzalez Clark University

Muhammad H. Fadel Independent Scholar

Matthew S. Gordon Miami University

Rizwi Faizer Independent Scholar

William Granara Harvard University

Sunni M. Fass Indiana University

Frank Griffel Yale University

Paul B. Fenton Universite´ de Paris-Sorbonne

Christiane Gruber University of Pennsylvania

Maribel Fierro Institute of Philology, CSIC, Madrid

Beatrice Gruendler Yale University

Reuven Firestone Hebrew Union College

Li Guo University of Notre Dame

Finbarr Barry Flood New York University

Kim Haines-Eitzen Cornell University

Daniel Frank Ohio State University

Leor Halevi Texas A&M University

Yehoshua Frenkel University of Haifa

Philip Hallde´n Lund University

Bruce Fudge New York University

Abbas Hamdani University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee

Adam Gacek McGill University

Marle´ Hammond University of Oxford

Roland-Pierre Gayraud Le Laboratoire d’Arche´ologie Me´die´vale Me´diterrane´enne

Andras Hamori Princeton University

Eric Geoffroy Universite´ Marc Bloch

Eric Hanne Florida Atlantic University

Kambiz GhaneaBassiri Reed College

Tilman Hannemann Universita¨t Bremen

Antonella Ghersetti Universita` Ca’ Foscari

Gerald R. Hawting University of London


CONTRIBUTORS Bernard Haykel New York University

Hilary Kilpatrick University of Zurich

Gisela Helmecke Staatliche Museem zu Berlin

Leah Kinberg Tel Aviv University

Konrad Hirschler Universita¨t Kiel

David A. King Johann Wolfgang Goethe University

Jan P. Hogendijk University of Utrecht

Verena Klemm University of Leipzig

Livnat Holtzman Bar-Ilan University

Alexander Knysh University of Michigan

Th. Emil Homerin University of Rochester

Philip G. Kreyenbroek University of Go¨ttingen

James Howard-Johnston University of Oxford

Kathryn Kueny Lawrence University

Rachel T. Howes California State University, Northridge

Scott A. Kugle Swarthmore College

Qamar-ul Huda Boston College Colin Imber University of Manchester Tariq al-Jamil North Carolina State University Jan Jansen Universiteit Leiden Steven C. Judd Southern Connecticut State University Yuka Kadoi University of Edinburgh Hossein Kamaly Columbia University Ahmad Karimi-Hakkak University of Maryland

Michael Laffan Princeton University Arzina R. Lalani Institute of Ismaili Studies Ruth Lamdan Tel Aviv University Hermann Landolt Institute of Ismaili Studies George Lane University of London Margaret Larkin University of California, Berkeley Gary Leiser Independent Scholar Judith Lerner Independent Art Historian

Hassan Khalilieh University of Haifa

P. Lettinck International Institute for Islamic Thought and Civilization, Kuala Lumpur

Nurten Kilic-Schubel Kenyon College

Yaacov Lev Bar-Ilon University


CONTRIBUTORS Keith Lewinstein Bridgewater State College

Michael G. Morony University of California, Los Angeles

Joseph E. Lowry University of Pennsylvania

David Morray University College, Dublin

Scott C. Lucas University of Arizona

Robert Morrison Whitman College

Al-Husein N. Madhany University of Chicago

Suleiman A. Mourad Middlebury College

Roxani Eleni Margariti Emory University

Hasan M. al-Naboodah United Arab Emirates University

Louise Marlow Wellesley College

Azim Nanji Institute of Ismaili Studies

Andrew Marsham University of Cambridge

John A. Nawas Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

Ulrich Marzolph Enzyklopa¨die des Ma¨rchens

Angelika Neuwirth Freie Universita¨t Berlin

Christopher Melchert University of Cambridge

Andrew J. Newman University of Edinburgh

John L. Meloy American University of Beirut

Mehri Niknam The Maimonides Foundation

Charles P. Melville University of Cambridge

York Allan Norman Georgetown University

Josef W. Meri Aal al-Bayt Foundation for Islamic Thought

Alastair Northedge Universite´ de Paris-Sorbonne

Alan Mikhail University of California, Berkeley

Erik S. Ohlander Indiana University/Purdue University, Fort Wayne

Isabel Miller Institute of Ismaili Studies

¨ zervarli Mehmet Sait O Center for Islamic Studies, Istanbul

Colin Paul Mitchell Dalhousie University

Oya Pancaroglu University of Oxford

Jawid Mojaddedi Rutgers University

Irmeli Perho Finnish Institute in the Middle East

James E. Montgomery University of Cambridge

Andrew Petersen United Arab Emirates University

Shmuel Moreh Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Daniel C. Peterson Brigham Young University


CONTRIBUTORS Karen Pinto American University of Beirut

Noha Sadek Institut Francais du Proche Orient

Peter E. Pormann University of London

Marlis J. Saleh University of Chicago

Venetia Porter The British Museum

Walid Saleh University of Toronto

David Stephan Powers Cornell University

Paula Sanders Rice University

Tahera Qutbuddin University of Chicago

Nil Sari Istanbul Universitesi

Intisar Rabb Yale University

Huseyin Sarioglu Istanbul Universitesi

Babak Rahimi University of California, San Diego

Mufit Selim Saruhan University of Ankara

Leonhard E. Reis ¨ sterreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften O

Tsugitaka Sato University of Tokyo

Gabriel Said Reynolds University of Notre Dame

Sara Scalenghe Georgetown University

Lutz Richter-Bernburg Universita¨t Tu¨bingen

Sabine Schmidtke Freie Universita¨t Berlin

Sajjad H. Rizvi University of Exeter

Fred Scholz Freie Universita¨t Berlin

Cynthia Robinson Cornell University

Warren C. Schultz DePaul University

James I. Robinson University of Chicago

Stuart D. Sears Roger Williams University

Michael J. Rogers The Nour Foundation

Recep Senturk Center for Islamic Studies, Istanbul

Leyla Rouhi Williams College

Delfina Serrano Ruano Institute of Philology, CSIC, Madrid

David J. Roxburgh Harvard University

Mustafa Shah University of London

D. Fairchild Ruggles University of Ilinois, Urbana-Champaign

Reza Shah-Kazemi Institute of Ismaili Studies

Adam Sabra Western Michigan University

Ayman Shihadeh University of Glasgow


CONTRIBUTORS Boaz Shoshan Ben-Gurion University of the Nagrev

Samy Swayd San Diego State University

Kemal Silay Indiana University

Richard C. Taylor Marquette University

Adam Silverstein University of Cambridge

Baki Tezcan University of California, Davis

John Masson Smith University of California, Berkeley

Marina A. Tolmacheva Washington State University

Pieter Smoor Universiteit van Amsterdam

Shawkat M. Toorawa Cornell University

Manu P. Sobti Georgia Institute of Technology and Southern Polytechnic State University

Houari Touati EHESS, Paris

Jochen Sokoly Virginia Commonwealth University School of the Arts, Qatar Bruna Soravia Luiss University Denise A. Spellberg University of Texas, Austin Peter Starr Living Human Heritage, Zurich Devin J. Stewart Emory University Paula R. Stiles University of St. Andrews Norman A. Stillman University of Oklahoma Ian B. Straughn University of Chicago Gotthard Strohmaier Freie Universita¨t Berlin Sarah Stroumsa Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Alain Touwaide Smithsonian National Museum of History William F. Tucker University of Arkansas Richard Turnbull Fashion Institute of Technology John P. Turner Kennesaw State University Geert Jan van Gelder University of Oxford Maria Jesus Viguera-Molins Universidad Complutense, Madrid Knut S. Vikør University of Bergen Paul E. Walker University of Chicago Seth Ward University of Wyoming Rachel Ward The British Museum

Fahmida Suleman Institute of Ismaili Studies

Anthony Welch University of Victoria, British Columbia

Mark N. Swanson Luther Seminary

Brannon Wheeler University of Washington xxv

CONTRIBUTORS Clare E. Wilde Georgetown University Ste´fan Winter Universite´ du Que´bec a` Montre´al Jonathan David Wyrtzen Georgetown University Huseyin Yazici Istanbul Universitesi Yetkin Yildirim University of Texas, Austin Netice Yildiz Eastern Mediterranean University Douglas Young Stanford University Hayrettin Yucesoy Saint Louis University Homayra Ziad Yale University



Aqsa Mosque Aqueducts Arabia Arabic Arabs Aramaeans Aramaic Architecture, Secular—Palaces Architecture, Secular—Military Archives and Chanceries Aristotle and Aristotelianism Arwa Ascetics and Asceticism Askiya Muhammad Touare Assassins, Ismaili Astrolabes Astrology Astronomy ‘Attar, Farid al-Din Autobiographical Writings Aya Sophia ‘Ayn Jalut Ayyubids Azhar, al-

‘Abbasids ‘Abd al-Latif al-Baghdadi ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan ‘Abd al-Rahman III Abu Bakr Abu Hanifa Abu ’l-‘Ala’ al-Ma‘arri Abu ’l-Fadl al-Bayhaqi Abu ’l-Fadl ‘Allami Abu Nuwas Abu Shama Abu Tammam Abyssinia Adab Aden ‘Adud al-Dawla Adultery Afterlife Aghlabids Agra Red Fort Agriculture ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr Akbar Alchemy Alcohol Aleppo Alexander Alexandria Algebra Alhambra ‘Ali al-Rida ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib Almohads Almoravids Alp Arslan Alphabets Amir Khusraw Amuli, alAndalus Angels Animal Husbandry ‘Antara ibn Shaddad Apostasy Apprenticeship

B Babar Backgammon Badr al-Jamali Badshahi Mosque, Lahore Baghdad Bahrain Bakri, al-, Geographer Balkans Baraka Barani, Zia’ al-Din, Basra Baths and Bathing Baybars I, Mamluk Sultan Beauty and Aesthetics Berber, or Tamazight Berbers Beverages Bible xxvii

LIST OF ENTRIES A TO Z Bijapur Bilal al-Habashi Biography and Biographical Works Biruni Black Death Books Botany Brethren of Purity Buddhism and Islam Bukhara Bukhari Burial Customs Burids Buyids Byzantine Empire

C Cairo Caliphate and Imamate Calligraphy Camels Carpets Cartography Central Asia, History (750/1500) Ceramics Charity, Islamic Charity, Jewish Chess Children and Childhood China Chishti Chivalry Christians and Christianity Circassians Circumcision Climate, Theories of Clothing and Costume Coins and Currency Commanding Good and Forbidding Evil Commentary Companions of the Prophet Concubinage Constitution of Medina Consultation, or Shura Coptic Language Copts Cordoba Cosmetics Court Dress, Abbasid Court Dress, Fatimid Court Dress, Mamluk Credit xxviii

Crime and Punishment Crusades Cursing Customary Law Cyprus

D Damascus Dancing Dara Shikoh Dates and Calendars Death and Dying Decadence, Notion of Degrees, or Ijaza Desserts and Confections Dhimma Diplomacy Disability Divination Divorce Dome of the Rock Dreams and Dream Interpretation Druze

E Earthquakes Education, Islamic Education, Jewish Egypt Elegy Emigration, or Hijra Epic Poetry Epics, Arabic Epics, Persian Epics, Turkish Epidemics Eschatology Espionage Ethics Eunuchs European Literature, Perception of Islam Excellences Literature

F Farabi, al- (Alfarabius or Avennasar) Fatima bint Muhammad Fatimids Ferdowsi

LIST OF ENTRIES A TO Z Festivals and Celebrations Fez Floods Folk Literature, Arabic Folk Literature, Persian Folk Literature,Turkish Folk Medicine Food and Diet Foreigners Franks, or Ifranj Freethinkers Funerary Practices: Jewish Funerary Practices: Muslim Furniture and Furnishings Fustat

G Gambling Gang-i Shakar, Farid al-Din Gardens and Gardening Gender and Sexuality Genghis Khan Geniza Geography Geometry Gesudaraz Ghana Ghassanids Ghazali Ghaznavids Gibraltar Gifts and Gift Giving Glassware Gnosis Grammar and Grammarians Grammar and Grammarians, Hebrew and Judeo-Arabic Granada Greek Guilds, Professional

H Hadith Hafsa bint al-Hajj al-Rukuniyya Hafsids Hajj Hakim, al-, Fatimid Caliph Hamadhani, Badi‘ al-Zaman Hamdanids Harawi, al-, ‘Ali B. Abi Bakr

Harizi, Judah, alHarun al-Rashid Hasan al-Basri, alHassan-i Sabbah Hebrew Hebron Herat Heresy and Heretics Heroes and Heroism Hilli, al-, al-‘Allama Hippology Hiraba, or Brigandage Horticulture Houses Humanism Humayun Humor Hunayn ibn Ishaq Hunting Husayn ibn ‘Ali

I Ibadis Ibn al-‘Adim Ibn al-Athir Ibn al-Furat Ibn al-Haytham or Alhazen Ibn al-Jawzi Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ Ibn al-Nafis Ibn al-Rawandi Ibn ‘Arab Ibn ‘Asakir Ibn Babawayh Ibn Battuta Ibn Ezra, Abraham Ibn Ezra, Moses Ben Jacob Ibn Gabirol, Solomon Ibn Hamdis Ibn Hanbal Ibn Ishaq Ibn Jubayr Ibn Khaldun Ibn Khurradadhbih Ibn Naghrela, Samuel Ibn Qa¯dı¯ Shuhba Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya Ibn Qutayba Ibn Quzman Ibn Rushd, or Averroes Ibn Sa‘d Ibn Shaddad Ibn Shahin, Nissim ben Jacob xxix

LIST OF ENTRIES A TO Z Ibn Sina, or Avicenna Ibn Taghri Birdi Ibn Taymiyya Ibn Tufayl Ibn Tulun Ibn Tumart Ibn Wasil Ibn Yunus Ibn Zur‘a Idolatry Idrisi Idrisids Ikhshidids Ilkhanids Illuminationism Imam India Inheritance Intellectual History Interfaith Relations Iranian Languages Isfahan Isfahani, al-, Abu Nu‘aym Ishaq ibn Ibrahim Islam Ismailis Istanbul ‘Izz Al-Din

J Ja‘far al-Sadiq Jahiz, alJami Java Jerusalem Jesus Jewelry Jews Jihad Jinn Judah ha-Levi Judeo-Arabic Judges Juha Jurjani, alJuwayni

K Ka‘ba, or Kaaba Kabbala xxx

Kalila wa Dimna Karaites Karbala Khalid ibn al-Walid Kharijis Khatib al-Baghdadi, alKhurasan Khuza‘i, Ahmad ibn Nasr Kilwa Kindi, al-, Historian Kindi, al-, Philosopher Kirmani, al-, Hamid al-Din Konya Kufa Kulayni, alKurdish Kurds

L Land Tenure and Ownership, or Iqta‘ Law and Jurisprudence Libraries Linguistics, Arabic Love Poetry

M Madrasa Mahmud of Ghazna Mahmud-al-Kati, African Scholar Maimonides Majlisi, alMajusi, al-, or Haly Abbas Malay Peninsula Mali Empire Malik ibn Anas Malikism Malikshah Mamluks Ma’mun, alMansa Musa Manuscripts Manzikert Maqama Maqqari, alMaqrizi, alMarinids Markets Marriage, Islamic

LIST OF ENTRIES A TO Z Marriage, Jewish Martyrdom Mas‘udi, alMathematical Geography Mathematics Mawardi, alMecca Medical Literature, Hebrew Medical Literature, Persian Medical Literature, Syriac Medical Literature, Turkish Medina Mediterranean Sea Mental Illness Merchants, Jewish Merchants, Muslim Messianism Metalwork Meteorology Minerals Mining Mir Damad Mirrors for Princes Monasticism, Arab Money Changers Mongol Warfare Mongols Mosaics Moses Mosque of Ibn Tulun, Cairo Mosques Mu’ayyad fi al-Din, alMu‘tazilites Muhammad al-Baqir Muhammad ibn al-Qasim Muhammad, the Prophet Mulla Sadra Music Muslim Community and Polity, or Umma Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj Muslim-Byzantine Relations Muslim-Crusader Relations Muslim-Mongol Diplomacy Mutanabbi Mysticism, Jewish Mythical Places

N Nafs al-Zakiyya Names Navigation Navy

Nawruz Nezami Nile Nishapur Nizam al-Din Nizam al-Mulk Nomadism and Pastoralism Numbers Nur al-Din ibn Zanki Nur Jahan Nusayris

O Oaths ¨ ljeitu¨ O Oman One Thousand and One Nights Ophthalmology Optics Ottoman Empire

P Painting, Miniature Painting, Monumental and Frescoes Palermo Palestine Paper Manufacture Party Kingdoms, Iberian Peninsula Peace and Peacemaking Peasants Performing Artists Perfume Persian Persians Pharmacology Philosophy Pigeons Pilgrimage Plato, Platonism, and Neoplatonism Poetry, Arabic Poetry, Hebrew Poetry, Indian Poetry, Persian Police Political Theory Popular Literature Post, or Barid Poverty, Islamic xxxi

LIST OF ENTRIES A TO Z Poverty, Jewish Prayer Precedence Predestination Primary Schools, or Kuttab Prisons Processions, Religious Processions, Military Prophets, Tales of Prostitution Ptolemy

Q Qayrawan Qazwini, alQur’an Qur’an and Arabic Literature Qur’an, Reciters and Recitation Qutb Minar

R Raniri, al-, Nur al-Din Rashid al-Din Rasulids Razi, al-, Fakhr al-Din Razi, al-, or Rhazes Razia Sultana Reform, or Islah Renewal (Tajdid) Rhetoric Road Networks Romance Languages and Literatures of Iberia Rosewater

S Sa‘adyah Gaon Sacred Geography Safavids Saints and Sainthood, Christian Saladin, or Salah al-Din Salman al-Farisi Samanids Samarqand Samarra xxxii

Sasanians, Islamic Traditions Scholarship Schools of Jurisprudence Scribes, Copyists Scriptural Exegesis, Islamic Scriptural Exegesis, Jewish Sculpture Sedentarism Seeking Knowledge Selimiye Mosque, Edirne Seljuks Seven Sleepers Seville Shadow Plays Shafi‘i, alShah ‘Abbas Shahnama Shajar al-Durr Shawkani, alShi‘i Law Shi‘i Thought Shi‘ism Ships and Shipbuilding Sibawayhi Sibt ibn al-Jawzi Sicily Silk Roads Sinan Sindh Singing Sira Sirhindi, Ahmad Slavery, Military Slaves and Slave Trade, Eastern Islamic World Slaves and Slave Trade, Western Islamic World Socializing Songhay Empire Southeast Asia, History and Culture Southeast Asia, Languages and Literatures Spices Sports Sudan Suffering Sufism and Sufis: South Asia Suhrawardi, al-, Shihab al-Din ‘Umar Sulayhids Su¨leymaniye Mosque Sultan Sunni Ali, Songhay Ruler Sunni Revival Surgery and Surgical Techniques Suyuti, alSynagogues Syria, Greater Syria Syriac


T Tabari, alTaj Mahal Talismans and Talismanic Objects Tamerlane, or Timur Tawhidi, al-, Abu Hayyan Technology, Mills: Water and Wind Textiles Theater Theology Time, Concepts of Timurids Titles Trade, African Trade, Indian Ocean Trade, Mediterranean Translation, Arabic into Hebrew Translation, Arabic into Persian Translation, Pre-Islamic Learning into Arabic Transoxiania Travel Tribes and Tribal Customs Tulunids Turkish and Turkic Languages Turks Tus Tusi, al-, Muhammad ibn Hasan Tusi, al-, Nasir al-Din

Usama ibn Munqidh Usury and Interest Uthman ibn ‘Affan

V Viziers

W Waqf Waqidi, alWeather Wine Women, Jewish Women, Patrons Women Poets Women Warriors

Y Ya‘qub ibn Killis Yaqut Yazidis Yemen

U Z ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Umar ibn al-Farid ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab Umayyad Mosque, Damascus Umayyads Urbanism

Zankids Zayd ibn Thabit Zaydis Ziryab Zoroastrianism


THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Agriculture, Animal Husbandry, and Hunting

Paper Manufacture Performing Artists Poetry Qutb Minar Sculpture Selimiye Mosque, Edirne Shadow Plays Shahnama Sinan Singing Su¨leymaniye Mosque Sunni Revival Taj Mahal Talismans and Talismanic Objects Textiles Theater Umayyad Mosque, Damascus Urbanism Women, Patrons Ziryab

Agriculture Animal Husbandry Aqueducts Camels Horticulture Hunting Nomadism and Pastoralism Sedentarism

Arts and Architecture Agra Red Fort Alhambra Aqsa Mosque Architecture, Secular—Military Architecture, Secular—Palaces Aya Sophia Badshahi Mosque, Lahore Baths and Bathing Beauty and Aesthetics Books Carpets Ceramics Dome of the Rock Furniture and Furnishings Gardens and Gardening Glassware Houses Jewelry Madrasa Metalwork Mosaics Mosque of Ibn Tulun, Cairo Mosques Music Musical Instruments Painting, Miniature Painting, Monumental and Frescoes

Commerce and Economy Cartography Chess Credit Land Tenure and Ownership, or Iqta‘ Markets Merchants, Jewish Merchants, Muslim Minerals Mining Money Changers Navigation Road Networks Ships and Shipbuilding Silk Roads Slaves and Slave Trade, Eastern Islamic World Slaves and Slave Trade, Western Islamic World Spices Technology, Mills, Water, and Wind


THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Textiles Trade, African Trade, Indian Ocean Trade, Mediterranean Usury and Interest Weather

Daily Life Alcohol Alphabets Backgammon Baraka Baths and Bathing Beverages Charity, Islamic Charity, Jewish Chess Children and Childhood Circumcision Clothing and Costume Concubinage Court Dress, ‘Abbasid Court Dress, Fatimid Court Dress, Mamluk Cursing Dancing Decadence, Notion of Death and Dying Desserts and Confections Disability Divorce Ethics Festivals and Celebrations Food and Diet Funerary Practices, Jewish Funerary Practices, Muslim Furniture and Furnishings Gambling Gardens and Gardening Gifts and Gift Giving Heroes and Heroism Humor Hunting Interfaith Relations Markets Marriage, Islamic Marriage, Jewish Music Names Nawruz Perfume Pigeons xxxvi

Pilgrimage Popular Literature Poverty, Islamic Poverty, Jewish Processions, Religious Rosewater Seven Sleepers Socializing Spices Sports Suffering Wine

Diplomacy, Government, Politics, and Cultural Exchanges Archives and Chanceries Diplomacy Gifts and Gift Giving Mirrors for Princes Muslim-Byzantine Relations Muslim-Crusader Relations Muslim-Mongol Diplomacy Peace and Peacemaking Police Post, or Barid Political Theory Viziers

Dynasties, Empires, Rulers, and Statesmen ‘Abbasids ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan ‘Abd al-Rahman III Abu Bakr ‘Adud al-Dawla Aghlabids Akbar Almohads Almoravids Alp Arslan Arwa Askiya Muhammad Touare Ayyubids Babar Baybars I, Mamluk Sultan Burids Buyids Byzantine Empire Fatimids Genghis Khan

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Ghassanids Ghaznavids Hafsids Hakim, Al-, Fatimid Caliph Hamdanids Humayun Ibn Naghrela, Samuel Ibn Tulun Ibn Tumart Idrisids Ikhshidids Ilkhanids Mahmud of Ghazna Mali Empire Malikshah Mamluks Ma’mun, al-, ‘Abbasid Caliph Mansa Musa Marinids Nizam al-Mulk Nur al-Din ibn Zanki Nur Jahan ¨ ljeitu¨ O Ottoman Empire Party Kingdoms, Iberian Peninsula Rasulids Razia Sultana Saladin, or Salah al-Din Samanids Sasanians, Islamic Traditions Seljuks Shah ‘Abbas Shajar al-Durr Songhay Empire Sulayhids Sultan Sunni Ali, Songhay Ruler Tamerlane, or Timur Timurids Titles Tulunids ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab Uthman ibn ‘Affan Umayyads Ya‘qub ibn Killis Zankids Zaydis

Geography Bakri, al-, Geographer Cartography Geography

Ibn Khurradadhbih Idrisi Qazwini, alMathematical Geography Sacred Geography Yaqut

History and Historical Concepts Abu Shama Barani, Zia’ al-Din, Historian of Pre-Moghul India Biography and Biographical Works Cairo Geniza Ibn al-‘Adim Ibn ‘Asakir Ibn al-Athir Ibn al-Furat Ibn al-Jawzi Ibn Khaldun Ibn Qa¯dı¯ Shuhba Ibn Shaddad Ibn Taghri Birdi Ibn Wasil Intellectual History Khatib al-Baghdadi, alKindi, al-, Historian Mahmud al-Kati, African Scholar Maqqari, alMaqrizi, alMas‘udi, alRashid al-Din Sibt ibn al-Jawzi Tabari, alWaqidi, al-

Language Arabic Aramaic Berber, or Tamazight Coptic Language Grammar and Grammarians Grammar and Grammarians, Hebrew and Judeo-Arabic Greek Hebrew Iranian Languages Kurdish Linguistics, Arabic Persian Romance Languages and Literatures xxxvii

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Sibawayh Syriac Turkish and Turkic Languages Urdu

Law and Jurisprudence Abu Hanifa Adultery Apostasy Bukhari, alCommanding Good and Forbidding Evil Constitution of Medina Consultation, or Shura Crime and Punishment Customary Law Disability Divorce Ethics Heresy and Heretics Idolatry Ibn Hanbal Inheritance Ja‘far al-Sadiq Judges Land Tenure and Ownership Law and Jurisprudence Maimonides Malik ibn Anas Marriage, Islamic Marriage, Jewish Mawardi, alMuhammad al-Baqir Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj Prisons Reform, or Islah Renewal (Tajdid) Schools of Jurisprudence Sa‘adyah Gaon Schools of Jurisprudence Shafi‘i, alShari‘a Shawkani, alShi‘ism Usury and Interest Waqf Zaydis

Learning Azhar, alDegrees, or Ijaza xxxviii

Education, Islamic Education, Jewish Humanism Libraries Madrasa Manuscripts Primary Schools, or Kuttab Scholarship Seeking Knowledge Translation, Arabic to Hebrew Translation, Arabic to Persian Translation, Pre-Islamic Learning into Arabic

Literature Adab Amir Khusraw ‘Antara ibn Shaddad ‘Attar, Farid al-Din Autobiographical Writings Biography and Biographical Works Decadence Elegy Epic Poetry Epics, Arabic Epics, Persian Epics, Turkish European Literature, Perception of Islam Excellences Literature Ferdowsi Folk Literature, Arabic Folk Literature, Persian Folk Literature, Turkish Foreigners Hafsa bint al-Hajj al-Rukuniyya (Andalusian Poetess) Harizi, Judah, alHumor Ibn Gabirol Ibn Hamdis Ibn al-Muqaffa Ibn Naghrela, Samuel Ibn Qutayba Ibn Quzman Ibn Sa‘d Ibn Shahin, Nissim ben Jacob Jahiz, alJami Judah ha-Levi Jurjani, AlKalila wa Dimna Love poetry Maqama

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Mirrors for Princes One Thousand and One Nights Poetry, Arabic Poetry, Hebrew Poetry, Persian Poetry, Indian Popular Literature Prophets, Tales of Rhetoric Shahnama Sira Translation

Magic and Divinatory Arts Astrology Divination Dreams and Dream Interpretation Talismans and Talismanic Objects

Natural Disasters and Weather Climate, Theories of Earthquakes Floods Meteorology

Personal Hygiene and Cosmetics Baths and Bathing Cosmetics Perfume Personal Hygiene

Persons Individuals

Medicine Black Death Death and Dying Disability Folk Medicine Food and Diet Hunayn ibn Ishaq Ibn al-Haytham, or Alhazen Ibn al-Nafis Ibn Sina Maimonides Majusi, AlMedical Literature, Hebrew Medical Literature, Persian Medical Literature, Syriac Medical Literature, Turkish Mental Illness Ophthalmology Optics Pharmocology Razi, al-, or Rhazes Surgery and Surgical Techniques

Mythical Beings and Places Angels Jinn Mythical Places

‘Abd al-Latif al-Baghdadi ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan ‘Abd al-Rahman III Abu ’l-‘Ala’ al-Ma‘arri Abu Bakr Abu’l-Fadl ‘Allami Abu ’l-Fadl al-Bayhaqi Abu Hanifa Abu Nuwas Abu Shama Abu Tammam ‘Adud al-Dawla Akbar Alexander ‘Ali al-Rida ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib Alp Arslan Amir Khusraw Amuli, al‘Antara ibn Shaddad Arwa Askiya Muhammad Touare Awliya’, Nizam al-Din Babar Badr al-Jamali Bakri, al-, Geographer Barani, Zia’ al-Din, Historian of Pre-Mughal India Bayazid, Yildirim Baybars I, Mamluk Sultan Bilal al-Habashi Biruni, alxxxix

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Chishti Companions of the Prophet Dara Shikoh Farabi, alFatima bint Muhammad Ferdowsi Gang-i Shakar, Farid al-Din Genghis Khan Gesudaraz Ghazali, alHafsa bint al-Hajj al-Rukuniyya (Andalusian Poetess) Hakim, al-, Fatimid Caliph Hamadhani, al-, Badi‘ al-Zaman Harun al-Rashid Harawi, al-, ‘Ali ibn Abi Bakr Hasan al-Basri, alHassan-i Sabbah Hilli, al-, al-‘Allama Humayun Hunayn ibn Ishaq Husayn ibn ‘Ali Ibn al-‘Adim Ibn ‘Arabi Ibn ‘Asakir Ibn al-Athir Ibn Babawayh Ibn Battuta Ibn Ezra, Abraham Ibn Ezra, Moses Ben Jacob Ibn al-Furat Ibn Gabirol, Solomon Ibn Hamdis Ibn Hanbal Ibn al-Haytham, or Alhazen Ibn Ishaq Ibn al-Jawzi Ibn Jubayr Ibn Khaldun Ibn Khurradadhbih Ibn al-Muqaffa Ibn al-Nafis Ibn Naghrela Ibn Qadi Shuhba Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya Ibn Qutayba Ibn Quzman Ibn al-Rawandi Ibn Rushd, or Averroes Ibn Sa‘d Ibn Shaddad Ibn Shahin, Nissim ben Jacob Ibn Sina, or Avicenna Ibn Taghribirdi Ibn Taymiyya xl

Ibn Tufayl Ibn Tulun Ibn Tumart Ibn Wasil Ibn Zur‘a, Christian Philosopher Idrisi Isfahani, Al-, Abu Nu‘aym Ishaq ibn Ibrahim Ja‘far al-Sadiq Jahiz, alJami Judah ha-Levi Judah al-Harizi Jurjani, alJuvayni Khalid ibn al-Walid Khatib al-Baghdadi, AlKhuza‘i Ahmad ibn Nasr Kindi, al-, Historian Kindi, al-, Philosopher Kirmani, al-, Hamid al-Din Kulayni, alMahmud of Ghazna Mahmud al-Kati Maimonides Majlisi, alMajusi, alMalik ibn Anas Malikshah Ma’mun, alMansa Musa Maqqari, alMaqrizi, alMas‘udi, alMawardi, alMir Damad Moses Mu’ayyad fi al-Din, alMuhammad, the Prophet Muhammad al-Baqir Muhammad ibn al-Qasim Mulla Sadra Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj Mutanabbi, alNafs al-Zakiyya Nezami Nizam al-Mulk Nur al-Din ibn Zanki Nur Jahan ¨ ljeitu¨ O Plato, Platonism, and Neoplatonism Qazwini, alRaniri, al-, Nur al-Din Rashid al-Din Razi, al-, Fakhr al-Din

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Razi, al-, or Rhazes Razia Sultana Sa‘adyah Gaon Saladin, or Salah al-Din Salman al-Farisi Shafi‘i, alShah Abbas Shajar al-Durr Shawkani, alShirazi, al-, Sadr al-Din Sibawayh Sibt ibn al-Jawzi Sinan Sirhindi, Ahmad Suhrawardi, al-, Shihab al-Din ‘Umar Sunni ‘Ali Tabari, alTamerlane, or Timur Tawhidi, al-, Abu ’l-Hayyan Tusi, al-, Nasir al-Din ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ‘Umar ibn al-Farid ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab Usama ibn Munqidh ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan Waqidi, alYa‘qub ibn Killis Yaqut Zayd ibn Thabit Ziryab

Peoples Arabs Aramaeans Berbers Circassians Copts Jews Kurds Mongols Persians Turks

Philosophy and Thought Amuli, alAristotle and Aristotelianism Brethren of Purity Freethinkers Gnosis Kirmani, al-, Hamid al-Din

Ibn al-Rawandi Ibn Rushd Ibn Sina Ibn Tufayl Ibn Zur‘a Illuminationism Farabi, al- (Alfarabius or Avennasar) Kindi, alMaimonides Mu’ayyad fi al-Din, AlMulla Sadra Plato, Platonism, and Neoplatonism Philosophy Razi, al-, or Rhazes Shirazi, al-, Sadr al-Din Tawhidi, al-, Abu Hayyan Tusi, al-, Muhammad ibn Hasan Time, Notions of

Places and Place Study Abyssinia Aden Aleppo Alexandria Andalus Arabia Baghdad Bahrain Balkans Basra Bijapur Brunei Bukhara Cairo Central Asia, History China Cordoba Cyprus Damascus Egypt Fez Fustat Ghana Gibraltar Granada Hebron Herat India Isfahan Istanbul Java Jerusalem xli

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Ka‘ba, or Kaaba Karbala Khurasan Kilwa Kufa Malay Peninsula Mecca Mediterranean Sea Medina Nile Nishapur Oman Palestine Qayrawan Samarqand Samarra Seville Sicily Sindh Sudan Syria, Greater Syria Transoxiana Tus Yemen

Professions, Groups, and Societies Apprenticeship Eunuchs Franks, or Ifranj Guilds, Professional Merchants, Christian Merchants, Jewish Merchants, Muslim Money Changers Peasants Performing Artists Qur’an, Reciters and Recitation Scholars Scribes, Copyists Singing Tribes and Tribal Customs Urbanism

Religion and Theology Abu ’l-Fadl al-Bayhaqi Kulayni, alAfterlife Angels Aramaeans xlii

Ascetics and Asceticism Ash‘aris Assasins, Ismaili Awliya’, Nizam al-Din Bible Buddhism and Islam Bukhari Caliphate and Imamate Christians and Christianity Copts Dates and Calendars Dhimma Disability Druze Emigration, or Hijra Eschatology Funerary Practices, JewishMuslim Funerary Practices, Muslim Ghazali, alHadith Hajj Heresy and Heretics Hilli, al-, al-‘Allama Ibadis Ibn Babawayh Ibn Hanbal Ibn Taymiyya Idolatry Imam Islam Ismailis Ja‘far al-Sadiq Jesus Jews Jihad Ka‘ba Kabbala Karaites Kharijis Khuza‘i, Ahmad ibn Nasr Majlisi, alMalik ibn Abas Malikism Marriage, Islamic Marriage, Jewish Martyrdom Mawardi, alMecca Medina Messianism Mir Damad Monasticism, Arab Mu’ayyad fi al-Din, alMuhammad, the Prophet Muhammad al-Baqir

THEMATIC LIST OF ENTRIES Muslim Community and Polity, or Umma Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj Mu‘tazilites Mysticism, Jewish Nusayris Oaths Pilgrimage Prayer Precedence Pre-Destination Qur’an Qur’an and Arabic Literature Qur’an, Reciters and Recitation Razi, al-, Fakhr al-Din Reform, or Islah Renewal, or Tajdid Saints and Sainthood Sa‘adyah Gaon Scriptural Exegesis, Islamic Scriptural Exegesis, Jewish Shafi‘i, alShi‘i Thought Shi‘ism Suhrawardi, al-, Shihab al-Din ‘Umar Sunni Revival Suyuti, alSynagogues Syriac Tusi, al-, Muhammad ibn Hasan Waqf Yazidis Zayd ibn Thabit Zaydis Zoroastrianism

Science and Mathematics Alchemy Algebra Astrolabes Astrology Astronomy Biruni, alBotany Cartography Climate, Theories of Dates and Calendars Geometry Hippology Mathematics Meteorology Numbers Pharmacology

Ophthalmology Optics Ptolemy Surgery and Surgical Techniques Tusi, al-, Nasir al-Din

Travel, Pilgrimage, and Exploration Cartography Hajj Harawi, al-, ‘Ali ibn Abi Bakr Ibn Battuta Ibn Jubayr Pilgrimage Road Networks Silk Roads Travel

Warfare and Warfare Technology ‘Ayn Jalut Chivalry Espionage Hiraba, or Brigandage Khalid ibn al-Walid Manzikert Mongol Warfare Muhammad ibn al-Qasim Navy Processions, Military Seljuk Warfare Slavery, Military Women, Warriors

Women, Gender, and Families ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr Arwa Children and Childhood Gender and Sexuality Hafsa bint al-Hajj al-Rukuniyya Razia Sultana Shajar al-Durr Women, Jewish Women, Patrons Women, Poets Women, Warriors xliii


al-Ma‘mun, and al-Qadir to denote their links to Allah, and they adopted the title al-Imam in addition to the traditional titles of Caliph and Commander of the Faithful. Another change from the Umayyad period was that Persian culture (i.e., political, literary, and personnel) was more fully integrated into ‘Abbasid society; a key example was the central role played by the Persian Barmakid family of viziers during the early ‘Abbasid government. Modern scholars continue to debate the nature of the ‘Abbasid revolution and the later ‘Abbasid rule, focusing on such issues as the ethnolinguistic and regional backgrounds of those that fought for the ‘Abbasid cause (the abna’ al-dawla); later disputes about the role of the caliphs in determining correct belief; and the nature of the Islamic polity in light of the loss of ‘Abbasid autonomy to regional powers starting in the tenth century. During the decades after the revolution, the ‘Abbasids successfully consolidated and strengthened their control over their lands. Al-Mansur (r. 754–775) was instrumental during these early years in two distinct ways: (1) he removed any potential/actual rivals to ‘Abbasid rule through direct assassination and/or putting down localized revolts; and (2) he founded Baghdad as the new capital city for the ‘Abbasids in central Iraq. Baghdad soon became the economic, cultural, and intellectual locus of the Muslim world, with the caliphs and their viziers patronizing scholars and promoting the vast translation efforts that integrated works from the ancient world and surrounding cultures into the larger Islamic consciousness. This

The ‘Abbasid Dynasty (r. 750–1258) came to power after a revolution (747–750) that resulted in the overthrowing of the Syrian-based Umayyad dynasty (r. 661–750). Scholars have divided the period of ‘Abbasid rule into two main eras: (1) 750–945, the ‘‘Golden Age’’ of ‘Abbasid rule and the beginning of its decline; and (2) 945–1258, the period after the ‘Abbasids’ loss of autonomy to regional warlord dynasties and ending with the Mongol execution of the last ‘Abbasid caliph in 1258. This division, which is largely artificial in nature, has affected the nature of the modern study of the ‘Abbasids, with the majority of work being done on the earlier period of ‘Abbasid rule. Taking their name from an uncle of the Prophet (i.e., al-‘Abbas), the ‘Abbasids sought legitimacy for both the revolution and their subsequent rule by emphasizing their family lineage to the Prophet and the alleged transference of authority to their family line by a descendant of ‘Ali b. Abi Talib. Supporters of the ‘Abbasid dynasty argued that the ‘Abbasids were part of a literal revolution (dawla) in the sense that the ‘Abbasid Caliphate would bring the Islamic community back full circle to its earlier mores as found during the time of the Prophet and the four Rightly Guided Caliphs. Rather than ruling as an elitist Arab dynasty (a crime of which they accused the Umayyads), the ‘Abbasids sought to govern in a more universal fashion as symbols of a unified Sunni community. To that end, the ‘Abbasid caliphs used honorific titles (laqab/pl. alqab) such as al-Mahdi,


‘ABBASIDS cultural flowering built upon earlier developments in Islamic theology and law, and it laid the foundation for developments in Islamic philosophy and mysticism as well as advances in the natural sciences (e.g., optics, medicine, chemistry). Over time, Baghdad would become a conduit for scholarship and the exchange of ideas throughout Muslim lands. In the ninth century, the ‘Abbasids began to face problems on a variety of fronts, all of which hampered their ability to rule effectively. A disastrous civil war between two brothers, al-Amin (r. 809–813) and al-Ma‘mun (r. 813–833), over the succession to the Caliphate highlighted the weaknesses inherent in the ‘Abbasid support base. The ‘Abbasid caliphs began acquiring new troop support in the form of slave-soldiers (ghulam/pl. ghilman) from the Turkish population on their eastern borders. To maintain the loyalty of these slave-soldiers, al-Mu‘tasim (r. 833–842) established a new capital city, Samarra, to the north of Baghdad. The slave-soldiers would eventually turn against their caliphal masters in 861, precipitating the Samarran captivity (861–870), wherein ‘Abbasid caliphs were placed on the throne and removed by competing troop factions. Throughout the rest of the ninth century and into the tenth century, the ‘Abbasids were faced with dwindling resources (e.g., financial, troop support) and increased pressure from newly independent dynasties in formerly ‘Abbasid-controlled lands. Most notable were the Samanids (819–1005) in eastern Iran, the Fatimids (909–1171) in Egypt, and the Buyids (945–1055) in Iraq and Iran. It was the Shi‘is Buyid amirs who would bring the ‘Abbasids to their lowest point in 945, deposing the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mustakfi and replacing him with another of Buyid choosing. Within a century, Buyid control was replaced by that of the Seljuks, a dynasty of Turkish Sunni Muslims (1055–1194). Although the ‘Abbasids began to regain some independence of action during the late eleventh century, they would never regain their former glory. The Mongol sacking of Baghdad in 1258 put an end to the ‘Abbasid presence in Iraq. Although a scion of the ‘Abbasid family would establish a Shadow Caliphate in Egypt that would last until 1517, these ‘Abbasids were merely titular figureheads that were far removed from their ancestors with regard to power and authority. ERIC HANNE See also Baghdad; Buyids; Caliphate and Imamate; Fatimids; Historical Writing; Intellectual History; AlMa‘mun; Political Theory; Samanids; Seljuks; Slavery, Military; Slaves and Slave Trade: Eastern Islamic World; Sunni Revival; Translation, Pre-Islamic Learning into Arabic; Umayyads; Viziers 2

Further Reading Crone, Patricia. Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. London and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1980. El-Hibri, Tayeb. Reinterpreting Islamic Historiography: Harun al-Rashid and the Narrative of the Abbasid Caliphate (Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Kennedy, Hugh. The Early Abbasid Caliphate: A Political History. London: Croom Helm, 1981. Lassner, Jacob. The Shaping of Abbasid Rule. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980. ———. Islamic Revolution and Historical Memory: Abbasid Apologetics and the Art of Historical Writing. New Haven, CT: American Oriental Society, 1986. Shaban, M.A. The ‘Abbasid Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970. ———. Islamic History. A New Interpretation. Vol. II: A.D. 750–1055. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971–1976. Sharon, Moshe. Black Banners from the East: The Establishment of the ‘Abbasid State—Incubation of a Revolt. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983.

‘ABD AL-LATIF IBN YUSUF AL-BAGHDADI, MUWAFFAQ AL-DIN ABU MUHAMMAD (557/1162–623/1231) ‘Abd al-Latif was a broadly educated scholar from Baghdad whose studies in grammar, law, tradition, medicine, alchemy, and philosophy are documented in his autobiography, which also vividly depicts contemporary methods of study. Having first followed Ibn Sina as his philosophical mentor, ‘Abd al-Latif later devoted himself exclusively to the works of the ancients, particularly Aristotle, only admitting alFarabi as interpreter. After extensive travels with periods of residence in Mosul (585/1189), Damascus (586/1190), the camp of Saladin outside Acre (587/ 1191) (where he met Baha’ al-Din Ibn Shaddad and ‘Imad al-Din al-Isfahani and acquired the patronage of al-Qadi al-Fadil), he settled in Cairo. It was here that he met Maimonides and, most importantly, Abu ’l-Qasim al-Shari‘I, who introduced him to the works of al-Farabi, Alexander of Aphrodisias, and Themistius, which turned him away from Ibn Sina and alchemy. After shorter stays in Jerusalem (588/ 1192) (where he met Saladin) and Damascus, ‘Abd alLatif returned to Cairo only to set off a short time later for the East again. He spent some years at the court of ‘Ala’-al-Din Da’ud of Erzindjan, until the city was conquered by the Seljuqid Kayqubadh. Having returned in 621/1229 to Baghdad, ‘Abd al-Latif died there two years later. ‘Abd al-Latif is an encyclopedic author whose work covers almost the whole domain of the knowledge of

‘ABD AL-RAHMAN III AL-NASIR his time. Most widely known is his Kitab al-ifada wa-lI‘tibar, which is a short description of Egypt that was translated into Latin, German, and French. His intellectual autobiography is preserved by Ibn Abi Usaybi‘a; it was originally embedded in an extensive historiographical narrative (al-Sira) that has partly survived in al-Dhahabi’s Ta’rikh al-Islam. ‘Abd alLatif composed a compendium of Aristotelian metaphysics, Kitab ma ba’d al-tabi’a, which was based on the exegesis of Alexander of Aphrodisias and Themistius. The latter’s otherwise lost paraphrasal of Book Lambda—known to English speakers, however, through a Hebrew translation—has survived in Arabic only through ‘Abd al-Latif. ANGELIKA NEUWIRTH See also Maimonides; Intellectual History; Philosophy; Ibn Shaddad Primary Sources Cahen, Claude, ed. and comm. ‘‘ ‘Abdallatif al-Baghdadi, Portraitiste et Historien de Son Temps’’ (Al-Sira, partial). Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales 23 (1970): 101–28. Neuwirth, Angelika, ed. and trans. ‘Abd al-Latif al-Bagdadi’s Bearbeitung von Buch Lambda der Aristotelischen Metaphysik (Kitab ma ba’d al-Tabi’a, Maqalat Lam). Wiesbaden, 1976. ———, ed and comm. ‘‘Neue Materialien zur Arabischen Tradition der Beiden Ersten Metaphysik-Buecher’’ (Kitab ma ba‘d al-tabi‘a, maqalat alif). Welt des Islams XVIII (1978): 84–100. Thies, H.J., ed. and trans. Der Diabetestraktat. Bonn, 1971. Zand, K.H., and J.A. and I.E. Videan, eds. and trans. The Eastern Key (Kitab al-Ifada wa-l-i’Tibar). London, 1965.

Further Reading Richter-Bernburg, Lutz. Der Syrische Blitz. Saladins Sekretaer Zwischen Selbstdarstellung und Geschichtsschreibung. Beirut/Stuttgart, 1998. Toorawa, Shawkat M. ‘‘Language and Male Homosocial Desire in the Autobiography of ‘Abd al/Latif al-Baghdadi.’’ Edebiyat 7 (1996): 251–65.

‘ABD AL-MALIK IBN MARWAN ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan was the Umayyad caliph who ruled from 65/685 until 86/705. He inherited a fractured polity from his father, who was apparently murdered in his sleep by one of his wives. The rebel Ibn al-Zubayr controlled the holy sites in the Hijaz, along with significant areas of Iraq, where both he and ‘Abd al-Malik confronted ‘Alid and Kharijite rebels. Only Syria remained firmly in Umayyad hands, and even there ‘Abd al-Malik faced a revolt led by ‘Amr b. Sa‘id al-Asdaq, a family rival, in 69/688–689. These internal threats forced ‘Abd alMalik to sign a treaty with the Byzantines, paying

them tribute in 70/689–690. He was able to restore order and consolidate his power by 73/692. ‘Abd alMalik continued to face occasional revolts in Iraq and farther east in Khurasan, but his viceroy Hajjaj ibn Yusuf contained these threats ably (and sometimes viciously). ‘Abd al-Malik devoted the remainder of his reign to centralizing power in the capital at Damascus. He depended on his own family for sensitive positions, which was in contrast with his predecessors’ reliance on local elites. He used his powerful Syrian army to crush any provincial resistance. ‘Abd al-Malik introduced the first distinctly Islamic coinage. In contrast with older Muslim coins, which were based on Byzantine models, ‘Abd al-Malik’s coins were devoid of pictorial images and included Qur’anic phrases instead. The remarkable uniformity of these coins demonstrates the degree to which ‘Abd al-Malik centralized the control of minting money. His coins remained the model for coins throughout the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid periods. In addition, ‘Abd al-Malik began the long process of establishing Arabic as the standard administrative language of the realm and invested heavily in agricultural development, particularly in Iraq and the Hijaz. At his death in 86/705 at the age of 60, he was succeeded by al-Walid, the first of four of his sons to ascend to the caliphate. STEVEN C. JUDD Primary Sources al-Baladhuri, Ahmad b. Yahya. Ansab al-Ashraf. Damascus, 1996. al-Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir. Ta’rikh al-Rusul Wa-lmuluk, ed. M.J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1879–1901.

Further Reading Hawting, G.R. The First Dynasty of Islam. London: Croom Helm, 1987. Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. London: Longman, 1986. Wellhausen, Julius. The Arab Kingdom and its Fall, trans. Margaret Weir. Calcutta, 1927.

‘ABD AL-RAHMAN III AL-NASIR ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Muhammad b. ‘Abd Allah, the first and the greatest of the short-lived line of Marwanid caliphs of al-Andalus, was born in Cordova in AH 277/891 CE, the grandson of the ruling emir ‘Abd Allah. In AH 300/912 CE, as the emir ‘Abd al-Rahman III, he took on his grandfather’s warridden and deeply divided reign, during which local strongmen of Iberian or Arabic descent had successfully revolted against the emiral authority 3

‘ABD AL-RAHMAN III AL-NASIR and established themselves as independent rulers in most of the territory. Although the fiercest and most well known of ‘Abd al-Rahman’s triumphs was the defeat inflicted on Ibn Hafsun, the muwallad (Iberian Muslim) lord of Bobastro, in the southeastern part of the country, ‘Abd al-Rahman was also able—in less than ten years—to restore the emiral authority to the rest of al-Andalus. Most notably, he achieved this aim not only by way of militarily crushing the revolted warlords but also, in many cases, by making peace deals with them or by having them join his ruling elite. At the same time, ‘Abd al-Rahman kept facing the Christian Iberian armies on the northern border, trying to contain the antagonism of the kings of Leon and Asturia, with uneven results. The defeat of Simancas (also known as ‘‘The Battle of the Ditch,’’ or Alhandega) in AH 327/939 CE ended ‘Abd alRahman’s campaigns against the Christian kings and provoked a brutal purge in the army, starting a fateful trend toward a more pronounced role being assigned to mercenary troops. Nonetheless, it did not significantly alter the balance of power; this was still favorable to the Muslim side, because the Christian kings remained subject to an annual tribute to the Marwanide ruler. In AH 316/929 CE, ‘Abd al-Rahman proclaimed himself caliph (amir al-mu’minin) of al-Andalus, adopting the honorific title of al-Nasir li-din Allah (‘‘the winner for the religion of God’’). This act has been widely interpreted as not only celebrating the reunification of al-Andalus under the Marwanid rule but also challenging the concomitant rise of the Fatimid power in North Africa. From this time on, most of the new caliph’s military and diplomatic efforts were directed at contrasting the Fatimid influence in North Africa by supporting the local rulers and tribal leaders who were opposed to the new Shi‘is dynasty and establishing military alliances with them. This policy, although not leading to any significant territorial gain aside from the peaceful capture of Ceuta in AH 319/931 CE, would eventually result in the increased influence of the Berber element on the Andalusian army until the end of the Caliphate. On a more internal plan, ‘Abd al-Rahman’s action was directed at contrasting the influence of the Marwanid traditional clients (the mawali) over the governmental bureaucracy. To enforce his absolute authority and will over the wheels of the administration, he increased—among other things—the influence and scope of his personal retinue and guard, which comprised many former slaves and depended strictly on his command. He also distanced himself from the view of the general population and created a


stricter set of rules for the court protocol and administration. In AH 325/936 CE, al-Nasir started the construction of an entirely new caliphal city, Madinat al-Zahra’ (the ‘‘City of al-Zahra,’’ after his favorite concubine), which was about five kilometers northwest of Cordova. He eventually retired there with his court, thereby truncating the link between the Marwanid house and its turbulent capital. The construction of Madinat al-Zahra’ was supervised by ‘Abd alRahman’s son and heir al-Hakam. The process lasted for about ten years and absorbed most of the caliph’s concerns and financial resources: sources describe his endless search for precious materials and skilled craftsmen, which were found in North Africa, the East, and Byzantium. It was also at this new caliphal residence that ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Nasir received the ambassadors of many Islamic and Christian kings and potentates, especially the ones sent by the Byzantine emperors, who were actively pursuing an alliance against the Fatimid expansion in the eastern Mediterranean and acknowledged ‘Abd al-Rahman’s influential role and power. ‘Abd al-Rahman III’s very long reign, which lasted for half a century until his death in AH 350/961 CE, is unanimously described as the golden age of the Muslim civilization in the Iberian Peninsula. Conversions to Islam started to peak thanks to his politics of integrating religious and social minorities into the mainstream Ibero-Muslim society, the cohesion and vitality of which were greatly increased. At the same time, his patronage of scientific and literary excellence allowed for a fuller expansion of the Andalusian intellectual elite’s potential. Although the contributions of Jewish and Christian scholars brought about a remarkable enhancement of philosophical and scientific knowledge, the introduction of many contemporary Eastern literary texts and the imposition of more cogent rules on official court writing resulted in the birth of a full-blown Andalusian literature, which was to reclaim its legitimate place within the overall Arabic literary heritage. On the other hand, ‘Abd alRahman III’s legacy of unchecked authority, in combination with his increased reliance on the mercenary element in the military, was partly responsible for the confiscation of power by the Amirid regency under his feebly determined and less-gifted successors. BRUNA SORAVIA

Further Reading Soravia, Bruna. Rome (850 words; actual main body of text, ca. 860). Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E. Histoire de l’Espagne Musulmane, vol. III: Le Sie`cle du Califat de Cordoue. Paris, 1950.


ABU BAKR Abu Bakr b. Abi Quhafa, as his full name is usually given, was from the clan of Taym of the prominent tribe of Quraysh. He is said to have been born two to three years after Muhammad, so he was probably born around 572 CE in Mecca. Sources report that he was a wealthy merchant before his conversion to Islam and that he had expert knowledge of the genealogies of the Arab tribes. He married four times and had six children, the most famous of whom was ‘A’isha, who became the Prophet’s youngest wife. Sunni sources eulogize Abu Bakr’s position as one of Muhammad’s most preeminent Companions as a result of his early conversion to Islam (some sources report that he was the first male to do so) and his subsequent devotion to the Prophet and the cause of Islam. Abu Bakr is said to have spent 40,000 dirhams (or dinars) in charity before his emigration (hijra) to Mecca in 622, much of which went toward the manumission of slaves. Among his best-known sobriquets are al-‘Atiq (this generally means ‘‘freed slave,’’ but in this case it was explicated by Muhammad himself to refer to Abu Bakr as ‘‘freed from hell-fire’’) and alSiddiq (‘‘the truthful,’’ ‘‘one who believes’’; this particularly applied to his having believed the Prophet’s account of his nocturnal journey to Jerusalem, which is known as isra’ ). In Medina, Abu Bakr took part in all of the major expeditions that were led by the Prophet, and he was frequently the Prophet’s advisor. After Muhammad’s death in 632, Abu Bakr was selected as the first caliph at the portico (Saqifa) of the Banu Sa‘ida, after some contentious debate. Many were convinced that he was the obvious successor to Muhammad as a result of the fact that he had been appointed to lead the pilgrimage during the ninth year of the hijra and because he had been designated as the prayer leader during the Prophet’s illness; he also had a positive general record of service to the nascent community. He ruled for only two years, until his death in 634, and he decisively quelled the uprising of some of the Arab tribes against the Medinan government in what have come to be known as the ridda (so-called apostasy) wars. He is the first of the Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-Khulafa’ al-Rashidun), and the Sunni literature of excellences (fada’il/manaqib) generously records his many virtues and his loyalty to Islam. ASMA AFSARUDDIN See also Caliphate and Imamate Further Reading Afsaruddin, Asma. Excellence and Precedence: Medieval Islamic Discourse on Legitimate Leadership. Leiden, 2002.

Watt, W. Montgomery. Art. ‘‘Abu Bakr.’’ The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, ed. H. Gibb et al. Leiden and London, 1960. Vol. 1, 109–11.

ABU HANIFA AL-NU‘MAN Abu Hanifa al-Nu‘man b. Thabit b. Zuta, theologian and jurist, is the eponymous founder of the Hanafi legal school. He was born in Kufa circa AH 80/699 CE and died in 150/767 in a prison in Baghdad at the age of 70. His grandfather Zuta is said to have been brought over from Kabul to Kufa, where he settled after being set free. There are not many details available about Abu Hanifa’s life in Kufa. Sources report that he worked there as a silk merchant and also that he acquired scholarly training in the religious law and hadith. He attended the lecture sessions of Hammad b. Abi Sulayman (d. 120/738) in Kufa and possibly of ‘Ata’ b. Abi Rabah (d. AH 114 or 115) in Mecca. After Hammad died, Abu Hanifa gained fame as the foremost scholar of religious law in Kufa, but he never served as qadi ( judge); however, he was offered judgeships by various rulers, such as Yazid b. ‘Amr, the governor of Iraq during the time of Marwan ibn Muhammad, who was the last Umayyad caliph. When Abu Hanifa declined, Yazid had him whipped, and the former escaped to Mecca, where he stayed for five or six years. Abu Hanifa is counted among the most illustrious of the Tabi‘un (literally ‘‘the successors,’’ which refers to the second generation of Muslims), and some sources relate that he met at least four Companions of the Prophet, including Anas b. Malik. In the eyes of the pious in particular, this distinction conferred on him and his scholarly activities great merit. His usual honorific is al-Imam al-A‘zam (‘‘the Greatest Leader’’), from which the neighborhood around his mausoleum in Baghdad derives the name al-A‘zamiyya. There is frequent mention of Abu Hanifa’s great scrupulousness (wara‘), abstemiousness (zuhd), and charity. He is said to have spent generously for the members of his household and given away an equal amount as alms for the poor, and he would also meet the needs of his indigent students. Like other pious scholars, his day was given over to teaching and prayer. His daily routine began with the morning prayer in a mosque, after which he would answer his students’ questions until about noon. After the noon prayer, he would teach again until the night prayer. Then he would return home and, after a short rest, later go back to the mosque and worship until morning prayer. He is said to have recited prodigious 5

ABU HANIFA AL-NU‘MAN amounts of the Qur’an regularly, and, according to some sources, he performed the hajj fifty-five times. Abu Hanifa himself did not leave behind substantial works on religious law, but his legal thought may be reconstructed from the writings of his students. His best-known students were al-Shaybani (d. 189/749–750) and Abu Yusuf (d. 192/798), who have preserved Abu Hanifa’s doctrines and opinions in their works. From these works it becomes apparent that Abu Hanifa’s legal thought was based to a considerable degree on his personal opinions (ra’y) and that his conclusions were derived through legal reasoning (qiyas). In his theology, Abu Hanifa showed concern for maintaining the unity and harmony of the Muslim community; his time was racked with communal strife, and so he sought a middle ground between extremes. In this propensity Abu Hanifa shows the influence of the Murji’a (‘‘those who defer’’), a group that came into existence during the last third of the Umayyad era. The central concern of the Murji’a was the issue of the early caliphate; in an attempt to contain the dissension that had erupted after the murder of ‘Uthman, they expressed unequivocal support for Abu Bakr and ‘Umar but deferred judgment on the respective merits of ‘Uthman and ‘Ali. The Murji’a also believed that an individual’s faith did not increase or decrease and that it did not include works such as the daily prayers. This Hanafi-Murji’i attitude seminally shaped the political and theological attitudes of the later fully formed Ahl al-Sunna. In Abu Hanifa’s letter to the Basran jurisprudent ‘Uthman al-Batti, which scholars regard as authentic, the former defends his adherence to Murji’i principles. In the creedal statement known as Fiqh alAkbar I, Abu Hanifa articulates ten articles of faith that take issue with the positions of the Kharijites, the Shi‘is, the Qadariyya, and the Jahmiyya. Abu Hanifa probably did not compose this statement himself, but the Fiqh al-Akbar is deemed to be an accurate summation of his theological views. The detractors of Abu Hanifa during the later period attributed to him certain unpopular doctrines that were derived not only from the Murji’a but also from the Jahmiyya (the predecessors of the later Mu‘tazila); for example, he is described as having subscribed to the position that the Qur’an was created and that hell was not eternal. The rijal works regularly included Abu Hanifa among the weak transmitters of hadith, and the traditionalists in general attacked his perceived excessive reliance on personal opinion and legal reasoning. His staunch supporters from among the later Hanafi jurists attempted to exculpate him of these accusations; his student Abu Yusuf stressed that Abu Hanifa was profoundly learned in


hadith, and the Hanafi jurist Ahmad b. al-Salt (d. ca. 308/921) denied that Abu Hanifa had maintained that the Qur’an was created. The Hanafi jurisprudent Abu Ja‘far al-Tahawi (d. 321/933) wrote the Manaqib Abi Hanifa, which recorded and praised the virtues of the school’s eponym. There are conflicting reports about why Abu Hanifa was imprisoned late in life. Some say it was as a result of his having refused to serve as a qadi under the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mansur, whereas alKhatib al-Baghdadi relates that it was his rather open criticism of al-Mansur during an ‘Alid revolt that landed him in jail, where he eventually died in 767. Under the Saljuqi sultan Malikshah (AH 485), one of Malikshah’s viziers had an elaborate dome built over Abu Hanifa’s grave, and his mausoleum was restored several times during the Ottoman period. ASMA AFSARUDDIN Further Reading Dickinson, Eerik. ‘‘Ahmad b. al-Salt and his Biography of Abu Hanifa.’’ JAOS 116 (1996): 408–20. Hallaq, Wael B. ‘‘From Regional to Personal Schools of Law? A Reevaluation.’’ Islamic Law & Society 8 (2001): 1–26. Melchert, Christopher. The Formation of the Sunni Schools of Law, Ninth–Tenth Centuries. Leiden, 1997. Schacht, Joseph. The Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence. Oxford, 1950.

ABU ’L-’ALA’ AHMAD IBN ABD ALLAH, AL-MA’ARRI Abuˆ l-’Ala’ Ahmad ibn Abd Allaˆh al-Ma’arri, born in 973 CE in Ma’arrat al-Nu’maˆn in northern Syria, traveled for his education to Aleppo and Baghdad and returned to Ma’arra, where he died in 1058 CE. Ma’arri was the blind author (by dictation) of prose and poetry. He composed poems during his younger years, and these are compiled in The Spark of the Tinderbox (Saqt al-zand), a collection of poems that praised the Hamdanid King Sa’d al-Dawla, the notables of Aleppo, and a few librarians in Baghdad. Later, in The Self-Imposed Compulsion (Luzuˆm maˆ ˆ la yalzam), he uses a nonobligatory double rhyme, but these poems are chiefly characterized by their ironic and even cynical descriptions. They are unconventional as compared with the poetic form that is usually found in the odes of this time, because they contain many a thought on religion, death, destiny, the sinful world, the afterlife, resurrection (the question of whether it really shall occur), and the fate of

ABU ’L-’ALA’ AHMAD IBN ABD ALLAH, AL-MA’ARRI slaughtered animals and their compensation in the afterlife. Ma’arri’s prose is not only found in his short, flowery-styled letters but also in at least two very extensive Epistles (Risaˆlas). The first letter, which was written in 1021 CE, was always thought to have been lost. However, its manuscript was discovered in 1975 CE by the Egyptian scholar ‘A’isha ‘Abd alRahmaˆn; she became the editor of this work, which is entitled Epistle of the Neighing and the Braying (Risaˆlat al-sahil wa l-Shaˆhij). In this text, various animals are described, and they symbolize certain personages from Ma’arri’s time. A mule suffering from arduous labor that consists of drawing up water from a deep well symbolizes the author himself. The mule wants to send a petition of complaint to someone, who, in reality, would have been the Fatimid Governor of Aleppo, Abu Shujaˆ’ Faˆtik ‘Azıˆz alDawla. Several animals are asked to convey this petition—a horse, a camel, and others—but all of them refuse to do so, for different reasons. Finally, a fox comes along and becomes involved in the sudden imminent danger of a Byzantine attack, which had occurred also in reality and which threatened the territory around Aleppo. This attack was organized by the conjoint rulers of the Byzantine Empire: Basil Bulgaroctonus II and his brother Constantine VIII. The mule and other animals, although frightened and panicking, nevertheless discuss the conditions prevailing in the empire. In this manner the Risaˆla renders information about the ideas prevailing in Ma’arri’s time in Syria. The Epistle of the Neighing and the Braying is considered by its editor ‘A’isha ‘Abd al-Rahmaˆn to be a preliminary exercise for Ma’arri’s subsequent Letter. The second prose work composed by Ma’arri in the year 1033 CE is his Epistle of Forgiveness (Risaˆlat al-Ghufraˆn). This work consists not only of a description of the gardens of Paradise and the tortures of Hell but also of a discussion about and a criticism of many poetical fragments by Muslims and nonMuslims, ranging from pre-Islamic poets to heretics from Persia and polytheists from India. Some of these poets and also grammarians and scholars enjoy a comfortable afterlife in Paradise; although not expected by them, their sins have been forgiven by Allah the Merciful One. In 2002, the first half of this work was translated into German by Gregor Schoeler and entitled Paradies und Ho¨lle. In this part, an old correspondent of Ma‘arri called Ibn al-Qaˆrih ‘Alıˆ ibn Mansuˆr (‘‘Dawkhala’’) is ironically described as having died and then entered (but not without great difficulties) through the Gates of Paradise. After this, he visits

many places of interest, like the regions of Hell, where Satan (Iblıˆs) dwells and where a few poets are shown being tortured by avenging angels. The second half of the piece deals with questions pertaining to aspects of religion. A discussion of ideas is forwarded by the author with, it would seem, cynical relish; these ideas are ascribed to Arabs who, by the general public, were considered heretics who should be executed. Of the other books by Ma’arri, another is worth mentioning here. Its incomplete manuscript version was found in 1918 CE, and it was considered by some scholars to be an imitation of the Qur’an, because of its rhymed prose and typical Qur’anic oaths. It was entitled Chapters and Endings, Glorifying Allah and Offering Words of Warning (al-Fusuˆl wa l-Ghaˆyaˆt fıˆ Tamjıˆd Allaˆh wa l-Mawa’iz). As for the author’s social relations with personages of the Ismaˆ’ıˆlıˆ persuasion, a short description of him is found in the traveler Naˆsiri Khosraw’s book, Safar Naˆmah, in which the author himself claims to have kept some correspondence with a high Fatimid dignitary called Abuˆ Nasr Muˆsaˆ ibn Abıˆ ‘Imraˆn. For more information on al-Mu’ayyad fıˆ al-Dıˆn alShıˆraˆzıˆ, see Margoliouth, Abu l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri’s correspondence on vegetarianism. PIETER SMOOR Primary Sources ‘Abd al-Rahman, ‘A’isha. Risaˆlat al-saˆhil wa l-Shaˆhij, critical edition. Cairo, 1975. ———. Risaˆlat al-Ghufraˆn. Cairo, 1954. ———. Risaˆlat al-Ghufraˆn wa-ma’a-haˆ Risaˆlat Ibn al-Qaˆrih Miftaˆh Fahmi-haˆ, 3rd critical edition. Cairo, 1963. Blache`re, R. ‘‘Ibn al-Qarih et la Gene`se de l‘Epitre du ´ tudes Islamiques, Pardon d’ Al-Ma’arri.’’ In Revue des E 1–15, 1941–1946. Nicholson, R.A., ed. and trans. ‘‘Risaˆlat al-Ghufraˆn.’’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1900): 637–720; (1902): 75–101, 337–62, 813–947. Saleh, Moustapha. ‘‘Abu ‘l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri, Bibliographie ´ tudes Orientales XII (1969): Critique.’’ Bulletin des E 141–204; XXIII (1970): 199–309.

Historical Studies ‘Abd al-Rahman, ‘A’ishah. (‘‘Bint al-Shaˆti’’’) ‘‘Abu l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri.’’ In ‘Abbasid Belles-Lettres, ed. Julia Ashtiany, 328–38. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Filshtinsky, I.M. Arabic Literature. Moscow: USSR Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Peoples of Asia, Nauka Publishing, 1966, 146–60. Smoor, Pieter. ‘‘Kings and Bedouins in the Palace of Aleppo as reflected in Ma’arri’s Works.’’ Journal of Semitic Studies, Monograph 8. Manchester, England: University of Manchester, 1985.




Monteil, Vincent-Mansour, trans. Abu l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri L‘E´pitre du Pardon Traduction, Introduction et Notes. Paris: Connaissance d’Orient Collection UNESCO, Gallimard, 1984. Schoeler, Gregor, trans. Abu l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri Paradies und Ho¨lle Die Jenseitsreise aus dem «Sendschreiben u¨ber die Vergebung.» Munich: C.H. Beck, 2002. [This offers the translation of the first half.] Smoor, Pieter. ‘‘The Delirious Sword of Ma’arri: An Annotated Translation of his Luzuˆmiyya Nuˆniyya in the Rhyme-Form ‘Nuˆn Maksuˆra Mushaddada‘.’’ In Festschrift Ewald Wagner zum 65. Geburtstag, eds. Wolfhart Heinrichs and Gregor Schoeler, Band 2 Studien zur Arabischen Dichtung, 381–424. Beirut: Franz Steiner Verlag Stuttgart, 1994.

Al-Bayhaqi, Abu ’l-Fadl (995–1077) was a secretary and historian and the author of the monumental Persian history of the Ghaznavid dynasty generally referred to as the Tarikh-i Bayhaqi. Of an original thirty-odd volumes, only six have survived, and this surviving portion, which deals with the reign of Mas‘ud I (r. 1030–1041), is known accordingly as the Tarikh-i Mas‘udi. Bayhaqi, who was born in the district of Bayhaq (modern Sabzavar) in Khurasan, studied in Nishapur. In about 1021, he found employment in the Ghaznavid chancellery, where he first served Mahmud of Ghazna (r. 999–1030) and then several of Mahmud’s successors, including Mas‘ud I. In his many years of service, Bayhaqi assisted the head of the chancellery, Abu Nasr Mishkan (d. 1039), and then (although less happily) Abu Nasr’s successor in office, Abu Sahl Zawzani; under ‘Abd al-Rashid (r. 1049–1052), Bayhaqi himself briefly directed the chancellery, but he fell from favor and was imprisoned until the accession of Sultan Farrukhzad (r. 1052–1059), whom Bayhaqi also served, although possibly not at the Ghaznavid court (see Yusofi and Meisami). Bayhaqi’s History is a highly individual work in which the author articulates and demonstrates a distinctive approach to historiography, providing a wealth of detailed and carefully documented information about the Ghaznavid court and administration, integrating religious and philosophical perspectives in his descriptions and commentary, and displaying both erudition and subtlety in his masterful use of the Persian language. His long term of administrative service permitted Bayhaqi to observe directly—and on occasion even to participate in—the events he records. When he did not have personal experience to draw from, Bayhaqi handled his sources with much discernment, clearly identifying them and assessing them with regard to their reliability. Furthermore, during the course of his secretarial work, Bayhaqi assembled not only his own detailed notes but also a considerable number of documents, some of which he reproduced in full in his narrative. His History thus furnishes thorough accounts of military campaigns, official correspondence, negotiations, and agreements, and it sheds much light on local conditions and customs, the culture of the elites, the lives of the men and women of the Ghaznavid court, and many other topics. The strikingly vivid quality of Bayhaqi’s writing derives in part from his proximity to the events and persons he describes, and it is enhanced by his extensive use of direct speech. Although Bayhaqi’s high standards of accuracy and his wideranging subject matter have rendered his work a

Studies concerning The Spark of the Tinderbox Cachia, P.J. ‘‘The Dramatic Monologues of al-Ma’arri.’’ Journal of Arabic Studies I (1970): 129–36. Smoor, Pieter. ‘‘Armour description as an independent theme in the work of al-Ma’arri.’’ In Actes du 8me Congre`s de l‘Union Europe´enne des Arabisants et Islamisants, 289–303. Aix-en-Provence, 1978. ———. ‘‘The theme of travel in Ma’arri’s early poems.’’ In The Challenge of the Middle East, Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Amsterdam, eds. A. El-Sheikh, C.A. van de Koppel, and R. Peters, 133–39, 209–11. University of Amsterdam, 1982.

Studies concerning The Self-Imposed Compulsion Nicholson, R.A. ‘‘The Meditations of Ma’arri.’’ In Studies in Islamic Poetry, ed. R.A. Nicholson, 43–289. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1969. Smoor, Pieter. ‘‘The Weeping Wax Candle and Ma’arri’s Wisdom-Tooth: Night Thoughts and Riddles from the Gaˆmi’ al-Awzaˆn.’’ In Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenla¨ndischen Gesellschaft, Band 138-Heft 2, 283–312. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1988.

Studies concerning Chapters and Endings, Glorifying Allah and Offering Words of Warning Fischer, August. ‘‘Der Koran des Abu ‘l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri.’’ Verhandlungen der Sa¨chsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Klasse XCIV (1942), no. 2. Hartmann, Richard. Zu dem Kitab al-Fusul wa l-Ghaˆyaˆt des Abu ‘l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri, Abhandlungen Pr. Ak. W., Phil.hist. Berlin: Klasse, 1944.

Studies concerning The Neighing and the Braying Smoor, Pieter. ‘‘Enigmatic Allusion and Double Meaning in Ma’arri’s Newly-Discovered Letter of a Horse and a Mule.’’ Journal of Arabic Literature XII (1981) and XIII (1982).

Studies on the short letters of Ma’arri Margoliouth, D.S. ‘‘Abu l-’Ala’ al-Ma’arri’s Correspondence on Vegetarianism.’’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1902): 289–312.


ABU ’L-FADL ‘ALLAMI (1551–1602) particularly valuable source for the study of Ghaznavid history (see especially Bosworth), it is also clear that his personal outlook and literary style are inseparable from his recounting of events (see Waldman and Meisami). Bayhaqi gives distinctive meaning to the events he describes, both in a moral sense and in terms of the recurrent patterns he discerns in the unfolding of history. To communicate these meanings, he employs a variety of rhetorical techniques, including suggestion by analogy, copious quotations from Arabic and Persian poetry, digressions, and flashbacks to episodes drawn from earlier Islamic history (references to Sasanian and other pre-Islamic Iranian traditions are notably sparse). (For an example of Bayhaqi’s methods, see Meisami’s analysis of his account of the trial and execution under Mas‘ud of Mahmud’s former vizier Hasanak, pp. 88–94.) Bayhaqi’s History is, then, amply documented, replete with specific information, and exemplary. Many titles for Bayhaqi’s History—or portions of it—are preserved in the sources, and the secretary probably composed other works as well (see Yusofi). Sa‘id Nafisi has collected two volumes’ worth of passages from lost sections of Bayhaqi’s History that were cited in later works, together with quotations from other lost works of Bayhaqi. LOUISE MARLOW Primary Sources Bayhaqi, Abu l-Fadl. Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, 3 vols., ed. Kh. Khatib Rahbar. Tehran: Sa‘di, 1989. Nafisi, Sa‘id. Dar piramun-i Tarikh-i Bayhaqi, 2 vols. Tehran: Kitabfurushi-yi Furughi, 1973.

Secondary Sources Bosworth, C.E. The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and Eastern Iran 994–1040. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963. Meisami, Julie S. Persian Historiography to the End of the Twelfth Century. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. Waldman, Marilyn R. Toward a Theory of Historical Narrative. A Case Study in Perso-Islamicate Historiography. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1980. Yusofi, G.-H. ‘‘Bayhaqi, Abu’l-Fazl,’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica III: 889–94.

Further Reading The literature on Bayhaqi is extensive. His History has been printed in many editions and supplemented by glossaries and lexicographical studies of the Persian text; the work has also been translated (see Yusofi 1989). The above bibliography is necessarily limited to the titles referred to in the article.

ABU ’L-FADL ‘ALLAMI (1551–1602) Historian, courtier, ideologue, and intellectual alter ego of the Mughal Emperor Akbar, Abu ’l-Fadl was born in 1551 in Agra. He was the son of Shaykh Mubarak, a scholar from Nagawr in Rajasthan. A precocious talent who had mastered Arabic, the religious sciences, and philosophy, and who was inclined towards Sufism, Abu ’l-Fadl followed his brother Fayzi, Akbar’s poet laureate, into service, appearing at court in 1571. A forceful disputant and independent thinker, Abu ’l-Fadl was constantly at odds with the Sunni ulema, and he held their bigotry to be responsible for the persecution and exile of his father,a Shi‘is notable and a supporter of the Mahdawiyya. He was thus quite happy to support Akbar in his formation of a new religion, and he provided the intellectual justification for Akbar as the Perfect Man, the philosopher-prophet-king in the Akbarnama. Abu ’l-Fadl formulated the ideology of Akbar’s reign, placing the monarch above the petty political and religious squabbles of the court. Consistent with the Iranian tradition, he considered the king to be an emanation of God’s pure light, possessing the divine power of sovereignty in his person and the wisdom to deploy it as the Perfect Man of Sufism and the perfect sage of the Illuminationist philosophical tradition. The king as the benevolent face of God on earth would treat all of his subjects—both Muslims and non-Muslims—equally, thereby promulgating an established Sufi ethic of universal peace (sulh-i kull). This theory proposed that all religions are equal representations of a single divine truth and that all express a pure monotheism that lies at the heart of each one of them. His other major literary achievement was the A’in-i Akbari, which was a major gazetteer, a comprehensive history, and a tax register of India. As Akbar’s main spokesman, Abu ’l-Fadl was responsible for the development of the Mughal art of epistolography (insha’); his letters became templates and exemplars for later secretaries. Abu ’l-Fadl headed the chancellery and organized the cultural program of translating major Sanskrit works into Persian. Because of his outspoken advocacy of Akbar’s cause and his closeness to the king, Abu ’l-Fadl aroused the jealousy of other courtiers and the suspicion of the heir, Salim, who conspired along with others to have him murdered in August 1602. With Abu ’l-Fadl’s death, Akbar lost a close friend and supporter. SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also Akbar; Illuminationism; Mughals; Sufism; Shi‘ism


ABU ’L-FADL ‘ALLAMI (1551–1602) Further Reading Haider, Mansura, trans. Mukatabat-i ‘Allam, (Insha’-i Abu’l-Fazl), 2 vols. New Delhi: Munshira Manoharlal, 1998–2000. Jinarajadasa, C. Abul-Fazl and Akbar. Madras: Theosophical Publishing House, 1934. Nizami, K.A. The Socio-Religious Outlook of Abu’l-Fazl. Aligarh: University Press, 1972. Rizvi, S.A.A. Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975.

ABU NUWAS Abu Nuwas Abu ‘Ali al-Hasan ibn Hani’ al-Hakami (d. ca. 814) was one of the major Arabic poets of the ‘Abbasid age. He is known for his poems about wine, love, and unbridled debauchery, but he was also the foremost representative of the ‘‘modern’’ (muhdath) poetry that developed during the late eighth century. Abu Nuwas was born in the mid-eighth century to an Arab father and Persian mother in al-Ahwaz in Iran, but he moved with his mother to Basra and Kufa, where he received a thorough philological and religious education, studying with a number of poetic authorities, most notably the poet and transmitter Khalaf al-Ahmar (d. 796). He then traveled to Baghdad, where he initially struggled to gain the favor of the notable families of the day. Eventually he became the drinking companion of the caliph al-Amin (d. 813) and enjoyed great notoriety and popularity until his death in Baghdad at some time between 813 and 815. There are countless anecdotes of Abu Nuwas and his scandalous behavior in which the personage corresponds with the libertine spirit of the poetry, and the name has retained associations that are quite independent of the poetry itself. (For example, a completely unhistorical Abu Nuwas appears in some of the tales in The 1001 Nights.) With the wine poem (khamriyya), Abu Nuwas refined a genre that had previously been an occasional element in the polythematic classical Arabic ode (qasida). Wine drinking provides the setting for a number of thematic possibilities: a description of the wine, the seeking of drink, the joys of drunkenness, anecdotes of drinking bouts and their aftermaths, sexual escapades, and episodes of heartbroken or crapulent remorse. The celebration of hedonism and the flaunting of the norms of polite and pious society are seen in the following famous lines: Ho! a cup, and fill it up, and tell me it is wine, For I will never drink in shade if I can drink in shine! Curst and poor is every hour that sober I must go, But rich am I whene’er well drunk I stagger to and fro. Speak, for shame, the loved one’s name, let vain disguise alone:


No good there is in pleasures o’er which a veil is thrown. (trans. R.A. Nicholson)

In such verses Abu Nuwas was rebelling not only against contemporary society but against the heroic model of the pre-Islamic poet. The ‘‘modern’’ poetry of his time was in part a reaction against the conventions of the classical, pre-Islamic odes. Although he demonstrates a deep knowledge and appreciation of the older poetry, he is better known for mocking its elements, most famously the prelude, which expresses sorrow at traces of long-abandoned encampments in the desert and the disappearance of those who once dwelt there. Abu Nuwas laments instead the vanished taverns or urges wine in place of nostalgia. Although best known for his bacchanalia, Abu Nuwas applied his talents to other genres as well, such as panegyric, satire, and, notably, the hunting poem. This latter type, like the wine song, had been a single element in the classical qasida, but Abu Nuwas gave it its own genre (in which he followed the ancients’ use of a highly specialized vocabulary and detailed descriptions of nature scenes). The majority of his verses display a simplicity and elegance that matches well his wit and lightheartedness; however, the joys of wine and sex with boys were not his only topics, and he was capable of various shades of sorrow, regret, and awe and of giving voice to these shades with fine poetic precision. BRUCE FUDGE Further Reading Hamori, Andras. On the Art of Medieval Arabic Literature. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974. Kennedy, Philip F. Abu Nuwas. Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2005. ———. The Wine Song in Classical Arabic Poetry: Abu Nuwas and the Classical Tradition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Montgomery, James E. ‘‘Revelry and Remorse: A Poem of Abu Nuwas.’’ Journal of Arabic Literature 25 (1994): 116–34. Nicholson, R.A. A Literary History of the Arabs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1930. Smith, G. Rex. ‘‘Hunting Poetry.’’ In The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature: ‘Abbasid Belles-Lettres, ed. Julia Ashtiany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990: 167–84.

ABU SHAMA, ‘ABD AL-RAHMAN IBN ISMA‘IL ABU MUHAMMAD SHIHAB AL-DIN Abu Shama was a religious scholar (1203–1268) who spent his entire life in Damascus; he was most

ABU TAMMAM renowned for his chronicle Kitab al-Rawdatayn fi Akhbar al-Dawlatayn al-Nuriyya wa-l-Salahiyya (The Book of the Two Gardens on the Reports of the Two Reigns [of Nur al-Din and Saladin]). This chronicle treats the main events, including the Crusades, that occurred during the rules of the Zankid ruler Nur alDin (d. 1174) and the Ayyubid ruler Saladin (Salah al-Din, d. 1193) during the twelfth century. Although written more than fifty years after the death of Saladin, the chronicle has enjoyed wide popularity, because it integrates a number of previous sources into a coherent narrative. Abu Shama’s principal aim in composing his chronicle was to present the two rulers as examples of ideal Muslim rulers to be emulated by later rulers. Abu Shama came from a modest family that did not belong to the civilian elite of Damascus, and he himself was closely linked to its rather marginal immigrant Maghribian community. Throughout his career he held a number of minor teaching posts in madrasas (colleges for higher studies), and it was only toward the end of his life that he was able to briefly attain a more prestigious post. This marginal position in the town’s social texture was paralleled by his controversial stances, which tended to criticize his contemporaries in sharp terms. Here he focused on the issue of innovations (i.e., practices that he considered contrary to the teachings of Islam). He finally died by the hands of attackers who beat him to death. Besides history, Abu Shama’s oeuvre was focused on religious sciences such as the variant readings of the Qur’an, law/jurisprudence, hadith, and poems praising the Prophet. It was in the first of these fields that he gained a certain prominence among his contemporaries, especially by commenting on a didactic poem written for students. From a modern perspective, it is his continuation (Dhayl) of the main chronicle that represents considerable interest, because he included in his poems (such as the poems about one of his wives and about his moods of distress) as well as in his autobiographical sections an unusual array of events that were linked to his inner life. KONRAD HIRSCHLER See also Historical Writing Primary Sources Abu Shama. Kitab al-rawdatayn fi akhbar al-dawlatayn alNuriyya wa-al-Salahiyya, 5 vols, ed. Ibrahim al-Zibaq. Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Risala, 1997.

Further Reading Hillenbrand, Carole. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives. New York: Routledge, 1999.

Pouzet, Louis. ‘‘Abu Shama (599–665/1203–1268) et la Socie´te´ Damascaine de son Temps.’’ Bulletin d’Etudes Orientales 37/38 (1985/1986): 115–26. Reynolds, Dwight F., ed. Interpreting the Self: Autobiography in the Arabic Literary Tradition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2001. Robinson, Chase F. Islamic Historiography. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.

ABU TAMMAM Abu Tammam was an Arab poet (ca. AH 189–232/ 805–845 CE), allegedly the son of a Christian wine seller, who rose from his provincial background in Syria to become a panegyrist of the ‘Abbasid caliphs al-Ma’mun, al-Mu‘tasim, and al-Wathiq and of their great officers of state. He celebrated caliphal campaigns and victories (most notably over the Byzantines at Amorium in 223/838) in qasidas marked by the bloodiness of their battle scenes and the stridency of their religious propaganda. Nevertheless, he was above all an intellectual poet of Mu‘tazili leanings who changed the course of Arabic literature by charging the sinewy and concrete pre-Islamic Bedouin qasida with philosophical conceits and with the sophisticated wordplay and metaphors, known as badi‘, that are typical of ‘‘modern’’ poetry. His originality served as a focus for the Arabic ‘‘quarrel of the ancients and moderns.’’ The issue was less whether modern, urban Arabic poetry could stand in worthy succession to its pre-Islamic, Bedouin precursors— this was broadly conceded—than whether poetic truth was a closed system or one that should evolve with social and intellectual change and, if so, at what pace. If poetry outstripped educated conservative taste, would not the concepts of poetry and poetic truth be reduced to playthings of fashion? Abu Tammam’s experiments stimulated poetic criticism as a systematic and scholarly discipline, particularly from the century or so after his death; his example took root within his own lifetime and was pervasive. His diwan (collected verse) attracted commentaries as voluminous as those devoted to pre-Islamic poets. Al-Mutanabbi (d. 354/965) was his greatest poetic heir. Abu Tammam was also an anthologist; his most famous compilation, al-Hamasa (Valor), proved no less influential than his own poetry. Carefully crafted from the tribal poetry of all periods to afford an image of timeless Bedouinity, it chimed in with an increasingly romanticized conception of Arab tradition. JULIA BRAY


ABU TAMMAM See also Poetry: Arabic; al-Ma’mun; Rhetoric; AlMuntanabbi

Further Reading ‘Abbas, Ihsan. Ta’rikh al-Naqd al-Adab ‘Inda al-‘Arab. Beirut: Dar al-Amana, 1971. Abu Tammam. Diwan, with the commentary of al-Tibrizi, ed. M.‘A. ‘Azzam. Cairo: Dar al-Ma‘arif, 1951–1965. Abu Tammam. al-Hamasa, with the commentary of alTibrizi, eds. G. al-Shaykh and A. Shams al-Din. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 2000. al-Amidi. al-Muwazana Bayna Shi‘r al-fia’Iyyayn Abu Tammam wa al-Buhturi, eds. A. saqr and ‘A. Muharib, vols. 1 and 2. Cairo: Dar al-Ma’arif, 1961–1965; vols. 3 and 4, Cairo, 1990. al-Bahbiti, Najib M. Abu Tammam al-fia’i, hayatuh wa ayat shi‘rih. Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1945. Bray, Julia. ‘‘ ‘Al-Mu‘tasim’s ‘Bridge of Toil’ and Abu Tammam’s Amorium qasida.’’ In Studies in Islamic and Middle Eastern Texts and Traditions in Memory of Norman Calder, eds. G.R. Hawting et al, 31–73. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. (Journal of Semitic Studies Supplement 12.) Gamal, A.S. ‘‘The basis of selection in the Hamasa collections.’’ Journal of Arabic Literature 7 (1976): 28–44. Hamori, Andras. On the Art of Medieval Arabic Literature. Princeton: Princeton University Press (1974): 125–34. Klein-Franke, Felix. ‘‘The Hamasa of Abu Tammam,’’ I and II. Journal of Arabic Literature 2 (1971): 13–36; 3 (1972): 142–78. Stetkevych, Suzanne Pinckney. Abu Tammam and the Poetics of the ‘Abbasid Age. Leiden: Brill, 1991. al-Suli. Akhbar Abu Tammam, eds. K.M. ‘Asakir et al. Cairo: Lajnat al-Ta’lif wa al-Tarjama wa al-Nashr, 1356/1937.

ABYSSINIA The appearance of Islam in Abyssinia (historical Ethiopia) coincided with the first recognizable polity in the Ethiopian region: Aksum. There are various traditions of contact between ancient Ethiopia and early Islam: the Prophet Muhammad is reported to have written to the Aksumite king (Negus) inviting ‘‘People of the Book’’ to reconsider the teachings of Jesus; the emigration of Muhammad’s cousin Ja‘far ibn Abi Talib to Ethiopia to escape the Qurayshite persecution and his claimed conversion of the Ethiopian Negus; or indeed the tradition that the second male convert to Islam was Bilal, a slave of Ethiopian origin, whom the Prophet Muhammad appointed the first mu’adhdhin to call the faithful to prayer. The emergence of the nascent caliphal state coincided with the apogee of Aksumite power when the Ethiopian fleet dominated the Red Sea. In retaliation for an Aksumite attack on the Hijaz, Arab forces 12

occupied the Dahlak islands, which are opposite the Aksumite port of Adulis (in modern-day Eritrea), and Aksumite control of Red Sea trade ended, which precipitated the kingdom’s decline. An independent Islamic sultanate emerged on the Dahlak islands, and friendly trade relations were established with Aksum’s successor Habasha—the term Arab geographers gave the people of the Ethiopian interiors— states in the north of Ethiopia. However, after the decline of Aksum, the successor states of the Zagwe and Solomonic dynasties began their historic antipathy to the emerging network of Islamic peoples and polities to the southeast. The political—rather than the religious—rivalry between the Habasha Christian polity in Ethiopia and a succession of Islamic sultanates centered on the control of trade. The most important trade route began at the coastal Islamic settlement of Zayla, and the Islamic faith had also traveled along this route. The network of Islamic sultanates known to Arab geographers as the ‘‘country of Zayla’’ consists of ethnically mixed populations of Semitic- and Cushitic-language-speaking traders, agriculturalists, and pastoralists. At the end of the Zagwe dynasty (c. 1269), an Islamic sultanate of Shawa is documented as being founded by the Makhzumite dynasty (a Meccan clan), dating back to AH 283 or 896/897 CE. Shawa was later eclipsed by the sultanate of Yifat, which was founded by ‘Umar Walashama (who traced his origin from the Arabian Quraysh but who was probably of local origin). Yifat intervened in Shawa in 1280 (AH 678) or 1285, apparently with the compliance of a Solomonic Christian emperor. The great Islamic historian Ibn Khaldun mentions Yifat and its Walashama sultans, such as Hakk Al Din I and Sabr/ Sa’d al-Din. Both Hakk Al Din I and Sabr Al Din fought with the Habasha king (negus) Amda Seyon, who occupied Yifat. It was not until 1376 that their successor Haqq al-Din II successfully challenged the Christian Solomonic dominance over Yifat, but the Ethiopian ruler Dawit I later reasserted his authority and killed Haqq al-Din II. Another Walashama, Sa‘d al-Din II continued to resist, but he fled to Zayla, where he was killed by the Habasha forces of Yeshaq. Scions of the Walashama dynasty took refuge with the King of Yemen, but some returned and ruled further east of Yifat, founding the Sultanate of Adal around 1420. The new Walashama dynasty in Adal grew larger, expanding into Somali areas (the ‘‘black Berbers’’ of the Arab geographers). The expansion of the power of Adal culminated in the Sultan Ahmad Badlay’s attempted reconquest of Muslim areas, which ended in defeat at the hands of Negus Zara Yaqob. The Sultanate of Adal then retreated to Dakar and then

ADAB Harar, which was founded in 1520 by Sultan Abu Bakr Muhammad, where a reversal of fortunes culminated in the defeat and destruction of the Christian Solomonic empire (from 1529–1543) by a later military leader of the Adal sultanate, Ahmad ibn Ibrahim al-Ghazi, who was nicknamed Gran (the left handed). CEDRIC BARNES Further Reading Braukamper, Ulrich. Islamic History and Culture in Southern Ethiopia. Mu¨nster and London, 2003. Cerulli, Enrico. ‘‘Ethiopia’s Relations With the Muslim World.’’ In Unesco History of Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century, ed. M. Elfasi, 575–85. Berkeley, 1998. Kapteijns, Lidwien. ‘‘Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa.’’ In The History of Islam in Africa, eds. N. Levtzion and R.L. Pouwels. London, 2000. Tamrat, Taddese. ‘‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn.’’ In The Cambridge History of Africa, ed. Roland Oliver. Cambridge, 1977. Trimingham, J.S. Islam in Ethiopia. London, 1952.

ADAB Adab is an Arabic term (pl. adab [pronounced with long a]) for a key concept in medieval Islamic culture. In the culture’s self-description, adab is both polite learning and its uses: the improvement of one’s understanding by instruction and experience, it results in civility and becomes a means of achieving social goals. Adab requires a knowledge of history, poetry, ideas, proverbs, parallels, precedents, and the correct and pleasing use of language. It is the social and intellectual currency of the elite and of those who aspire to be part of it. Courtiers and politicians should use adab in their dealings with the ruler. Rulers and grandees should be patrons of learning and adab. Adab can be displayed to them as a product (the treatise or compendium); as a performance (the disputation or reading); or simply the apt repartee in the majlis (salon, social gathering; see Socializing and al-Tawhidi). Anyone who practices adab is an adib (pl. udaba’); udaba’ see themselves as architects of civilization and guarantors of its survival in the teeth of political upheavals. Under the ‘Abbasids and their successor dynasties, adab was a route into office holding and sometimes to the vizierate; see numerous examples in al-Tanukhi’s (AH 329–384/940–994 CE) Table-Talk of a Mesopotamian Judge and Yaqut’s (d. 626/1229) Dictionary of Men of Adab (Mu‘jam al-Udaba’), among others. The concept of adab as mannerliness could be narrowed to apply to particular groups, such as Sufis (e.g., ‘Abd al-Qahir al-Suhrawardi, 490–563/1097–1168, Adab

al-Muridin, A Sufi Rule for Novices), or to a given profession or situation (e.g., Ibn Qutayba, d. 276/ 889, Adab al-Katib [Skills of the Bureaucrat]; alGhazali, d. 505/1111, Adab al-Akl [Table Manners]), not least that of ruler (hence the numerous mirrors for princes in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish). Historically, adab evolved through several phases from the end of Umayyad rule and over the first two centuries of ‘Abbasid rule (mid-eighth to tenth centuries CE). During all of these phases, the written page took the place of the traditional oral study circle (see Books). During a first phase, senior bureaucrats wrote epistles that were designed to imbue caliphs with Sasanian ideas of statecraft and to help them manage the increasingly complex problems of empire (see Ibn al-Muqaffa‘). A second phase addressed the senior or junior bureaucracy; thus al-Jahiz (d. ca. 255/ 869) welcomed the rationalist trends arising from the translation movement (see Translation: Pre-Islamic Learning into Arabic) and championed the intellectual leadership of an enlightened minority. Ibn Qutayba, however, stressed the duty of even the moderately literate to educate themselves through reading and highlighted the imaginative appeal of the huge body of exemplary stories made available by Arab antiquarian scholarship and translations. In Muslim Spain (Andalus), Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih (246–328/ 860–940) synthesized these conceptions of adab in an anthology, al-‘Iqd (The Necklace), which lauds rulership (sultan) and reason as given by God, adab, and books as the vehicles of reason. Meanwhile, a further type of adab had emerged in which political or didactic messages are absent. Instead, poets, musicians, and udaba’ are foregrounded as cultural heroes and exemplars of the human condition. The greatest exponent of this type of adab is Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani (284–ca. 363/897–ca. 972), whose compilations include the monumental Kitab al-Aghani (The Book of Songs), which records the careers and loves of the great men and women musicians and the lives and legends of Arab poets and poetesses down the ages; the slim al-Ima’ al-Shawa‘ir (Slave Poetesses); and (perhaps) The Book of Strangers (Kitab al-Ghuraba’), which contains miniature anecdotes and poems of loss and longing, mostly by obscure or anonymous contemporaries. Both thematic anthologies and the commemoration of contemporary udaba’—obscure as well as famous—continued throughout the medieval period, as did the tradition of providing the common reader with syntheses of the literary heritage (e.g., al-Baghdadi, 1030–1093/ 1621–1682, Khizanat al-Adab [The Treasury of Adab]) and handbooks of general knowledge (alTha‘alibi, 350–429/961–1038, The Book of Curious and Entertaining Information; al-‘}mili, 953–1030/ 13

ADAB 1547–1621, al-Kashkul [The Beggar’s Bowl]). The patterns of human experience—especially love—held up by adab also enriched religious thought, particularly that of the Sunni Revival. In modern scholarship, adab is sometimes taken to represent the secular dimension of Islamic culture or Islamic humanism, and the term adab literature has been coined as a catch-all to denote any work (e.g., alMas‘udi’s Meadows of Gold ) or literary form (e.g., the maqama) that is both instructive and pleasurable. JULIA BRAY See also Courtiers; Socializing; al-Tawhidi; Yaqut; Ibn Qutayba’ al-Ghazali; Mirrors for Princes; Ibn al-Muqaffa’; Bureaucracy; al-Jahiz Further Reading Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani. al-Ima’ al-Shawa‘ir, ed. Jalal al‘Afliyya. Beirut: Dar al-Nidal, 1404/1984. ———. Kitab al-aghani. For editions, see Kilpatrick, Hilary. Musiques sur le Fleuve: Les Plus Belles Pages du Kitab al-Aghani, trans. Jacques Berque. Paris: Albin Michel, 1995. ——— (attrib.). Kitab al-Ghuraba’, trans. Patricia Crone and Shmuel Moreh In The Book of Strangers: Medieval Arabic Graffiti on the Theme of Nostalgia. Princeton, NJ: Markus Wiener, 2000. al-Baghdadi, ‘Abd al-Qahir ibn ‘Umar. Khizanat al-Adab, ed. ‘Abd al-Salam M. Harun. Cairo: Dar al-Katib al‘Arab, 1967–1986. ———. Khizanat al-Adab, eds. M.N. Tarifi and I. Ya‘qub. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1998. Bell, Joseph Norment. Love Theory in Later Hanbalite Islam. Albany: SUNY Press, 1979. Bosworth, C.E. Baha’ al-Din al-‘Amili and His Literary Anthologies. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1989. Bray, Julia. ‘‘Lists and Memory: Ibn Qutayba and Muhammad ibn Habib.’’ In Culture and Memory in Medieval Islam: Essays in Honour of Wilferd Madelung, eds. F. Daftary and J.W. Meri, 210–31. London: I.B. Tauris, 2003. ———. ‘‘Myth and Adab: Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih and Others.’’ In On Fiction and Adab in Medieval Arabic Literature, eds. Philip Kennedy and Sasson Somekh, 1–54. Leiden: Brill, forthcoming. Encyclopaedia Iranica, ed. Ehsan Yarshater. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985. ‘‘Adab in Iran,’’ vol. I, 341–349, Dj. Khalegi-Motlagh; ‘‘Andarz,’’ vol. II, 11–22, S. Shaked and Z. Safa. al-Ghazali. ‘‘Al-Ghazali on the Manners Relating to Eating.’’ Kitab adab al-akl. Book XI of the Revival of the Religious Sciences, Ihya’ ‘ulum al-din, trans. D. JohnsonDavies. Cambridge: Islamic Texts Society, 2000. Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih. al-‘Iqd al-Farid, eds. A. Amin et al. Cairo: Matba‘at Lajnat al-Ta’lif wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Nashr, 1359–1372/1940–1952. ———. al-‘Iqd al-Farid, ed. M. QumayVa. Beirut: Dar alKutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1404 (1983). Ibn Qutayba. Adab al-Katib, ed. Muhammad al-Dali. Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Risala, 1982.


———. ‘Uyun al-akhbar. Cairo, Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1343–1349/1925–1930. Preface trans. Josef Horovitz, ‘‘Ibn Quteyba’s ‘Uyun al-Akhbar.’ ’’ Islamic Culture 4 (1930): 171–84. Kilpatrick, Hilary. Making the Great Book of Songs: Compilation and the Author’s Craft in Abu l-Faraj alIsbahani’s Kitab al-Aghani. London and New York: Routledge-Curzon, 2003. al-Suhrawardi. Kitab Adab al-Muridin, ed. Menahem Milson. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University, 1978. ———. A Sufi Rule for Novices. Kitab Adab al-Muridin of Abu al-Najib al-Suhrawardi, introd. and abridged trans., Menahem Milson. Cambridge, Mass., and London: Harvard University Press, 1975. al-Tanukhi. Nishwar al-muhadara, ed. ‘Abbud al-Shalji. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1971–1973. ———. The Table-Talk of a Mesopotamian Judge, trans. D.S. Margoliouth. Part I: London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1922; Parts VIII and II: Islamic Culture (1929–1932): 3–6. al-Tha‘alibi. Lata’if al-ma‘arif, eds. I. al-Abyari and H.K. al-Sayrafi. Cairo: Dar Ihya’ al-Kutub al-‘Arabiyya, 1960, trans. C.E. Bosworth. ———. The Book of Curious and Entertaining Information. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968. Toorawa, Shawkat M. Ibn Abi Tahir Tayfur and Arabic Writerly Culture: A Ninth Century Bookman in Baghdad. London: Routledge-Curzon, 2003. Yaqut. Mu‘jam al-Udaba’ (Irshad al-Arib ila Na‘rifat alAdib), ed. Ihsan ‘Abbas. Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1993.

ADEN The Indian Ocean port city of Aden, Yemen, is located in the southwestern corner of Arabia and about ninety-five nautical miles east of the Bab al-Mandab, which is the entrance to the Red Sea. The medieval city stood on the eastern side of the homonymous peninsula in an area that has been known since British times as ‘‘the Crater.’’ The modern toponym reflects local geology and topography; the site of the medieval city is nestled in the crater of a defunct volcano, the walls of which surround it on all but the seaward side. Thanks to its general geographical location, defensible topography, and ample and easily accessible anchorages (and despite its arid climate and shortage of potable water), Aden has been the chief port in the region for extended periods during its long history. The political history of the city can be reconstructed in detail only from the fifth/eleventh century onward. The Sulayhid rulers of Yemen conquered Aden in AH 454/1062 CE and eventually ceded the administration of the port to the Zuray‘ids. The latter initially remitted a portion of the lucrative port taxes as tribute to their Sulayhid overlords. As Sulayhid power waned, however, Zuray‘id Aden became an autonomous state, with the port at its center and substantial hinterlands under its jurisdiction. In 530/1135,

ADEN in an episode that highlights both the nature and the rivalries of Indian Ocean maritime principalities, the ruler of the Arabian Gulf island of Kish/Qais attacked Aden and laid siege to the port unsuccessfully. After the 569/1173 conquest of Yemen by the Ayyubids, Aden lost its autonomy but maintained its prominence as the country’s main port. The Ayyubids developed the physical and institutional infrastructure of the port, as did their successors the Rasulids (626–858/1229–1454). State-sponsored development included the building of fortifications, harbor works, warehouses, markets, and customs facilities that marked the urban landscape, and the institution of naval patrols that secured the maritime approaches to the port. The Tahirids (858–923/1454–1517) wrested power from the Rasulids when they captured Aden in 858/1454. Although the Portuguese failed to take Aden during the early tenth/sixteenth century, the Ottomans succeeded in 945/1538. The commercial importance of medieval Aden cannot be overstated. The fourth-/tenth-century Arab geographer al-Muqaddasi described the port as ‘‘the vestibule of China, entrepoˆt of Yemen, treasury of the West, and mother lode of all trade wares.’’ Several travelers, including Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta, passed through Aden and commented on its bustling port. The most extensive account of commercial life and the organization of trade in Aden appears in Ibn al-Mujawir’s Tarikh al-Mustabsir, a seventh/thirteenth-century work that was quoted and supplemented by Adeni historian Abu Makhrama (870–947/ 1465–1540). The Daftar al-Muzaffari, an administrative document composed for the Rasulid sultan alMuzaffar (647–694/1249–1295), highlights the significance of the port as a global market and a source of commercial tax revenues. In letters, legal papers, accounts, and lists dating primarily from the fifth/ eleventh to seventh/thirteenth centuries and preserved in the document repository of the Cairo Geniza, Aden emerges as the major Indian Ocean hub for the network of Jewish merchants that operated across the Islamic world from Spain to India and beyond. These and other sources testify to the cosmopolitan nature of the city and the ethnic, linguistic, and sectarian plurality of its port society, which included Arabs, Persians, Indians, Africans, Muslims, Jews, Hindus, and Christians. The urban growth of Aden in modern times, which began with the British capture of the place in 1839, appears to have erased most physical vestiges of the medieval port. Among the scanty remains is an impressive system of interconnected cisterns that served the city’s water supply throughout the medieval period; their construction may date to pre-Islamic times. Also impressive is a tall tower structure of disputed

function and date, which appears to have stood near the shoreline of the medieval harbor. Alternatively, a number of archaeological sites on the mainland opposite Aden testify to the manufacturing and agricultural activity connected with the port during its heyday. ROXANI ELENI MARGARITI See also Arabia; Geniza; al-Muqaddasi; Yemen Primary Sources Abu Makhrama. ‘‘Tarikh thaghr ‘adan.’’ In Arabische Texte zur Kenntnis der Stadt Aden im Mittelalter, ed. Oscar Lo¨fgren. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri, 1936–1950. Ibn al-Mujawir. ‘‘Tarikh al-Mustabsir.’’ In Arabische Texte zur Kenntnis der Stadt Aden im Mittelalter, ed. Oscar Lo¨fgren. Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells Boktryckeri, 1936–1950. Jazim, Abd al-Rahim Muhammad. Lumie`re de la Connaissance: Re`gles, Lois et Coutume du Ye´men sous le Re`gne du Sultan Rasoulide al-Muzaffar. Sanaa: Centre Franc¸ais d’Archaeologie et de Sciences Sociales de Sanaa, 2003.

Further Reading Goitein, S.D. ‘‘From Aden to India: Specimens of the Correspondence of India Traders of the Twelfth Century.’’ Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 23 (1980): 43–66. ———. Letters of Medieval Jewish Traders. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973. ———. ‘‘Two Eyewitness Reports on an Expedition of the King of Kish (Qais) against Aden.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 16 (1954): 247–57. Hunter, Frederick M. An Account of the British Settlement of Aden. London: Tru¨bner, 1877. Kay, Henry C. Yaman, its Early Mediaeval History. London: E. Arnold, 1892 King, Geoffrey, and Cristina Tonghini. A Survey of the Islamic Sites near Aden and in the Abyan District of Yemen. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1996. Margariti, Roxani E. ‘‘Like the Place of Congregation on Judgment Day: Maritime Trade and Urban Organization in Medieval Aden (ca. 1083–1229).’’ Ph.D. dissertation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 2002. Prados, Edward. ‘‘An Archaeological Investigation of Sira Bay, Aden, Republic of Yemen.’’ International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 23.4 (1994): 297–307. Rex Smith, Gerald. ‘‘More on the Port Practices and Taxes of Medieval Aden.’’ Arabian Studies 3 (1996): 208–18. ———. ‘‘Have You Anything to Declare? Maritime Trade and Commerce in Ayyubid Aden: Practices and Taxes.’’ Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 25 (1995): 127–40. Shamrookh, N. ‘‘The Commerce and Trade of the Rasulids in the Yemen, 650–858/1231–1454.’’ Ph.D. dissertation. Manchester: University of Manchester, 1993. Whitcomb, D.S. ‘‘Islamic Archaeology in Aden and the Hadhramaut.’’ In Araby the Blest: Studies in Arabian


ADEN Archaeology, ed. D.T. Potts. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press, 1988.

‘ADUD AL-DAWLA Abu Shuja‘ Fanna Khusraw (936–983) is usually known by the honorific ‘Adud al-Dawla, which was granted by the Caliph al-Muti‘ in 962. ‘Adud alDawla (‘‘Aid of the Dynasty’’) was the Buyid amir who ruled in Baghdad from 977 until his death. The son of Rukn al-Dawla, he was given control of Fars in 949 at the tender age of 13 or 14. It was there that he spent the majority of his career learning statecraft while focusing on expanding and entrenching his own and his family’s power. In these endeavors, like most rulers of the time, he was constantly in need of funds. He took the unusual step of improving agricultural infrastructure with the hope of increased productivity and revenue; this largely worked. Consequently, he was always able to muster greater resources than his opponents. In 975, with his father’s blessing, he moved his army into Baghdad to quell the disorder that his cousin ‘Izz al-Dawla (also called Bakhtiyar) was unable to control. It provided a convenient excuse to fulfill his ambition of unifying and centralizing his hold on the Buyid domains. Shortly after his arrival, he forced his cousin to abdicate. However, family power dynamics took precedence. Rukn al-Dawla, as head of the family, was none too pleased by this turn of events and ordered his son to restore ‘Izz al-Dawla and withdraw. ‘Adud al-Dawla complied, but the respite did not last long. When his father died the next year, ‘Adud al-Dawla restarted the machinations against his cousin. The lack of clear lines of succession encouraged him in his endeavor to become the dominant member of the family. In 977, he defeated ‘Izz al-Dawla, entered Baghdad, and was given the title Amir al-Umara’ (‘‘Commander of the Commanders’’). ‘Adud alDawla worked with his brother Mu’ayyid al-Dawla to fight and exile a third brother, Fakhr alDawla, who had allied with ‘Izz al-Dawla. In the process, ‘Adud al-Dawla firmly established his control over the Buyid family holdings and himself as their head. His rule marks the high point of the dynasty. He had diplomatic contacts with the Fatimids and the Byzantines, he exerted real political control, and he even had pretensions of using the title Shahanshah (‘‘King of Kings’’). He behaved as if he were an independent king, but he recognized the limits on the exercise of power. Therefore, he maintained the fiction of his subservience to the caliph as a useful tool for legitimizing his authority. In the end, as he was dying, ‘Adud al-Dawla attempted to formalize arrangements for his son to 16

succeed him. However, for three months, his advisors had to hide his death to allow them time to transfer the reins to Samsam al-Dawla; this highlights the fact that his arrangements could not have been all that secure or formalized if his advisors had to pretend that he was still alive to make for a successful handover. For all of his power and success in reforming the government, he failed to solve many of the outstanding problems of the dynasty, particularly the question of succession and familial power-sharing. JOHN P. TURNER See also Buyids

Primary Sources Ibn al-Athir. al-Kamil fi’l-Ta’rikh, ed. ‘Abd al-Wahhab alNajar. Cairo: Idarat al-Tiba‘a al-Muniriya, 1929. Ibn al-Jawzi. al-Muntazam fi Ta’rikh al-Muluk wa’l-Umam. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyah, 1992. Ibn Khallikan. Ibn Khallikan’s Biographical Dictionary, ed. William Mac Guckin de Slane. Paris: Printed for the Oriental translation fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1843. Ibn Miskawayh. The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, eds. H.F. Amedroz and D.S. Margoliouth. Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1920. Yaqut. Irshad al-Arib ila Ma‘rifat al-Adib, ed. D.S. Margoliouth, 7 vols. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1907.

Further Reading Donohue, John J. The Buwayhid Dynasty in Iraq 334H./945 to 403H./1012. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Kabir, Mafizullah. The Buwayhid Dynasty of Baghdad. Calcutta: Iran Society, 1964. Mottahedeh, R.P. Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2001.

ADULTERY The legal notion of adultery in medieval Islam differs in several respects from contemporary ideas. Muslim jurists would not distinguish between forbidden sexual relations of a married person and other forms of intercourse prohibited by the Shari‘a. On the one hand, these acts were considered in accordance with the judgments on zina (fornication; unlawful intercourse) in the Qur’an and the hadith. On the other hand, not all extramarital affairs necessarily establish the charge of committing zina. Adultery constitutes, on that ground, a subsidiary part inside of a broader legal category that combines moral, religious, and social values. The noun zina and its grammatical derivations (e.g., al-zani [the fornicator])—without counting

ADULTERY numerous paraphrases—appear in five verses of the Qur’an. Three of these verses list zina together with other sins, namely murder (17:32; 25:68; 60:12), infanticide (17:32 and 60:12), theft, and false accusation (60:12). They do not pronounce specific punishments; however, 25:68 refers to the sufferings of fornicators and murderers in the hereafter. The other two verses imply more significant juridical consequences. Sura 24:2 states the Qur’anic penalty of one hundred lashes for each fornicator, both male and female, and the next verse (24:3) sets an impediment to marriage between fornicators and believers. However, this latter stipulation has been either considered abrogated or taken as but a recommendation by most legal scholars. Instead of following the Qur’anic prescription, later jurisprudence sets the norm for the punishment of zina with the example of the Prophet Muhammad and of ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, who pronounced the sentence of stoning in five cases. The application of the punishment relies on the testimony of four witnesses in explicit terms or on the confession of the perpetrator, which is to be repeated four times. Committing zina figures prominently among the most serious sins imaginable in Islamic ethics and puts into question the actual belief of the perpetrator. More than that, zina imposes one of the five ‘‘limit penalties’’ (hudud, sing. hadd) specified in the Qur’an, the only one that had been sharpened by the more severe precedents in the hadith. Zina constitutes not just a personal sin but a criminal offense against the community to be judged by worldly legal authorities. Accounting the properties of the crime, the Andalusian jurist Ibn Rushd defines zina as ‘‘all sexual intercourse that occurs outside of a valid marriage, the semblance (shubha) of marriage, or lawful ownership’’ (1996, vol. 2, 521). To appreciate the significance of this statement, we shall briefly discuss those sexual acts that give rise to uncertainty with respect to their nature as zina. First, there are a number of practices that are not immediately conceived of as sexual intercourse. Some jurists count masturbation among the manifest forms of zina, but their position is contrasted, for example, by a statement of Ahmad Ibn Hanbal comparing masturbation to a mere phlebotomy. There is also no consensus about whether copulation with animals should be punished with the hadd penalty. Opinions differ not less on homosexual intercourse: some jurists impose stoning in any case, some distinguish between the active and the passive partner, and others leave the decision to the discretion of the judge (Bousquet 1990, 83–4; Musallam 1983, 33–4; Peters 2002, 509). Lesbian activities are rarely introduced in legal manuals; they are generally passed over in silence (see Murray 2005).

Second, a nontrivial topic of legal reasoning on zina consists of the attempt to circumscribe the proper meaning of ‘‘lawful ownership.’’ Sexual intercourse with one’s own slave is permitted. The category of possession, however, raises economic issues that collide with moral concerns. Typical conflicts are cases in which parental and economical notions intermingle (e.g., the father who has intercourse with his son’s slave). Opinions vary widely between the application of the hadd penalty and the requirement of a possession transfer with restitution of the slave’s value to the former owner (Ibn Rushd 1996, vol. 2, 522). Third (and this is related to the second point), an important legal instrument with respect to zina concerns the possible erroneous belief of the perpetrator of having acted within the state of actually being married (i.e., to have intercourse with somebody mistaken to be one’s wife or without fulfilling the legal prerequisites of marriage). The avoidance of the hadd penalty for errors resulting from resemblance (shubha) follows from a noncanonical hadith (see Powers 2002, 62–3, n. 40, for references). The contradictions between the rigorousness of the legal norm and the procedural as well as doctrinal formulations against its strict application allow for different conclusions about the function of the law. One position advances that the entire criminal legislation on zina serves the sole aim of avoiding the ‘‘divulgence of scandale’’ (Bousquet 1990, 89–90). However, because the matrimonial relationship is crucial to the whole fabric of family law in early Islam, this legislation appears also as a ‘‘protective wall’’ that ensures the maintenance of social and economic rights and duties (Coulson 1979, 65–8). TILMAN HANNEMANN See also Concubinage; Crime and Punishment; Family; Gender and Sexuality Further Reading ´ thique Sexuelle de l’Islam. Bousquet, Georges-Henri. L’E Paris: de Brouwer, 1990. Coulson, Noel J. ‘‘Regulation of Sexual Behavior under Traditional Islamic Law.’’ In Society and the Sexes in Medieval Islam, ed. Alaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid-Marsot. Malibu, Calif: Undena Publications, 1979. Ibn Rushd. The Distinguished Jurist’s Primer: A Translation of Bidayat Al-Mujtahid, ed. Imran Ahsan Khan Nyazee, 2 vols. Reading: Garnet, 1996. Murray, Stephen O. ‘‘Woman-Woman Love in Islamic Societies.’’ In Women and Islam: Critical Concepts in Sociology, ed. Haideh Moghissi, vol. 2. London and New York: Routledge, 2005. Musallam, Basim F. Sex and Society in Islam: Birth Control before the Nineteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.


ADULTERY Peters, Ruud. ‘‘Art. Zina.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, vol. XII, 510–11. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Powers, David S. Law, Society, and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Schacht, Joseph. ‘‘Adultery as an Impediment to Marriage in Islamic and in Canon Law.’’ Archives d’Histoire du Droit Oriental, NS 1 (1952): 105–23.

AFTERLIFE ‘‘Think not of those who are slain in Allah’s Way as dead. Nay, they live, finding their sustenance in the Presence of their Lord’’ (Qur’an 3:169). Medieval Qur’an commentators usually connect this verse to the battle of Uhud (AH 3/625 CE), during which the Muslims had been defeated and had suffered many casualties. They further explain that the verse had been revealed to console the bereaved. In trying to be more specific as to the bliss bestowed upon ‘‘those slain in Allah’s Way,’’ these commentators adduce a prophetic tradition (hadith, q.v.) that states that the souls of the shuhada’ (those killed in Allah’s Way) wander in Paradise, in the bodies of green birds. So wonderful is their bliss that, when God asks them for their wish, their only desire is to return to the present world so that they may be killed again. With this notion in mind, it is not surprising that this particular verse has become one of the most frequently cited verses in the last few years, mainly in relation to suicide bombings. It is not only the fate of the shuhada’ that has created the eagerness to explore the world beyond ours; this yearning is deeply rooted in religious anxieties and aspirations of every pious person. Medieval Islam was very much aware of this need and supplied the ‘‘essential information’’ in various ways: Qur’an commentaries, hadith, and theological and mystical works, as well as more popular treatises. The latter constitute an especially colorful and descriptive genre that consists of hundreds or maybe thousands of tales that provide meticulous details about the world beyond the present one: the encounter with the angels Munkar and Nakir, the Barzakh, the delights of Paradise, the torments of Hell, and so on (see the relevant entries in The Encyclopaedia of Islam and The Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an). Although these details answer the curiosity of the believers and deliver some comfort, their main purpose is to illuminate the enigma of the Divine Providence. As a counsel to pious Muslims who might wonder about the reason for the scrupulous life they have to lead, this literature elaborates on the ongoing communication between the dead and the living, assuming a direct proportion 18

between the performance of duties in the present world and the rewards granted in the next. Ibn Abi al-Dunya (d. AH 281/894 CE) may be considered one of the earliest and most prolific writers who developed this popular afterlife genre. He covered the different stages of the hereafter and presented descriptions of the upper worlds in short treatises. His works draw attention to three main ways by which the living can learn about the dead: 1. Tales of people who woke up a few seconds after their death, described their experiences, and died again (Man ‘Asha Ba‘da al-Mawt [Those Who Lived After Death]). 2. Tales of people who stayed in the vicinity of a graveyard and encountered the dead, either inside their graves or nearby, in forms that indicate the taste of death (Kitab al-Qubur [The Book of Graves]). 3. Tales of people who appeared in dreams after passing away and portrayed their new abode; dream narrations make the richest source of information about death and the next world (Kitab al-Manam [The Book of Dreams]). Regardless of the method chosen, each anecdote in this genre creates the feeling of a physical contact between the two worlds and alludes to the fact that death is not the final stage of life. The dead in these anecdotes are considered ‘‘living dead.’’ They meet with each other and discuss occurrences of the present world; they have doubts and desires; they are capable of building relationships with the living; and they always deliver reliable information. This makes the living believe that they can learn from the experience of the dead, which is accumulated in the dead’s new vicinity. The dead are perceived as those who understand the value of duties but who are incapable of performing any, whereas living people can carry out deeds but are not aware of their consequences in the next world. Thus, the living choose to follow the dead’s instructions about how to behave to guarantee their own comfortable existence when their turn comes. A large portion of these anecdotes focuses on the fact that the dead’s sepulchral sufferings are mitigated through good deeds performed by the living. These tales also illustrate how praying for the dead, visiting their graves, and accomplishing their duties are likely to reduce the agonies of the living after their own deaths. In accordance with this, the edifying nature of this genre in general and the heritage of Ibn Abi al-Dunya in particular become apparent. Although never straightforward, this genre constantly encourages the dwellers of the present abode to perform certain deeds and refrain from others. Its picturesque and tangible

AGHLABIDS descriptions expressed in simple daily language and phrased in an unequivocal way answer human uncertainties and ease the fears of death. These tales penetrate the heart and become a reliable authority according to which pious life is conducted. LEAH KINBERG See also Death and Dying; Dream and Dream Interpretation; Hadith; Jihad; Mecca; Qur’an Primary Sources Ibn Abi al-Dunya’s treatises. K. Man ‘Asha ba‘da al-Mawt. Beirut, 1986. ———. K. al-‘Uqubat. Beirut, 1996. Kinberg, L. The Book of Death and the Book of Graves by Ibn Abi al-Dunya. Haifa, Al-Karmil Publication Series, 1983. ———. Morality in the Guise of Dreams: Ibn Abi al-Dunya’s K. al-Manam. Leiden: Brill, 1994.

Further Reading Eklund, R. Life between Death and Resurrection According to Islam. Uppsala, 1941. Kinberg, L. ‘‘Interaction between This World and the Afterworld in Early Islamic Tradition.’’ Oriens 29–30 (1986): 285–308. ———. ‘‘The Individual’s Experience as it Appears to the Community: An Examination of Six Dream Narrations Dealing with the Islamic Understanding of Death.’’ Al-Qantara 21 (2000): 425–44. O‘Shaughnessy. Muhammad’s Thought on Death: A Thematic Study of the Qur’anic Data. Leiden: Brill, 1969. Smith, Jane I., and Y.Y. Haddad. The Islamic Understanding of Death. New York, 1981. The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Leiden: Brill, 1960–2004. Barzakh, Djanna, Hurriyya, Ibn Abi ‘L-Dunya, Munkar wa-Nakir, Nar. The Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an, ed. J.D. McOuliffe. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Barzakh, Death and the Dead, Eschatology, Hell and Hellfire, Houris, Paradise.

AGHLABIDS The Aghlabid dynasty ruled the emirate of Ifriqiyya (modern-day Tunisia) from 800–909 CE. During that century, they consolidated the economic and military position of the province, exercising considerable control over the Mediterranean after the conquest of Sicily. A failure to overcome critical internal divisions, however, weakened the Aghlabids and led to their collapse before the Fatimid army of Kutama Berbers. Ibrahim b. al-Aghlab (800–812), governor of the Zab region on the western border of the ‘Abbasid empire, founded the dynasty after putting down a revolt by the jund (Arab military class) in Qayrawan,

the capital of Ifriqiyya. He then negotiated his reward with the ‘Abbasid caliph, Harun Al-Rashid. The caliph appointed him emir (prince) and gave him virtual autonomy after Ibrahim pledged forty thousand dinars to the imperial treasury and agreed to forego a one hundred thousand dinar subsidy normally received by the province. The revolt that brought the Aghlabids to power was a portent of a perennial problem of the Aghlabid rulers: the propensity of the volatile jund to rebel. After two further revolts, Ibrahim I constructed a fortified palace complex, the Qsar al-Qadim, which was three miles south of Qayrawan and protected by a special guard of black slaves. Although the third Aghlabid emir, Ziyadat Allah (817–838), channeled much of the revolutionary potential of the jund toward a jihad (holy war) against Sicily, the Aghlabids never successfully counterbalanced this force. Another source of tension was the ulama, the influential class of religious scholars whose piety and learning commanded the respect of urban and rural society. The ulama critiqued excesses and injustices they identified in the Aghlabid regime, including usury, un-Islamic taxation (applying a land tax to Muslim subjects and demanding payment of tithes in money not in kind), and the production and sale of wine. The ulama also censured the pleasure-seeking lifestyle of the Aghlabid court as excessive and illicit. In addition, tensions between the rival Hanafite and Malikite schools of Islamic law were compounded by controversy over mu‘tazilism (a rationalist approach to Islam), which the caliph Ma’mun (813–833) made the official doctrine of the empire. In Ifriqiyya, the literalist Malikite approach (which was propagated at Qayrawan by the eminent jurist Asad b. al-Furat [d. 828]) took root and became the dominant school. It was under the Aghlabids that Al-Furat’s student Sahnun (d. 854) penned the authoritative digest of Malikite doctrine, Al-Mudawanna. The emirs, who were sensitive to public opinion, consistently selected Maliki jurists for positions in their administration. As prolific builders, the Aghlabids also attempted to shore up religious legitimacy through the extensive construction of religious buildings. Ziyadat Allah I rebuilt the Great Mosque of Qayrawan in 836, and the Zaytuna Mosque of Tunis was built by Abu Ibrahim Ahmad (856–863). Great resources were also invested in public works, particularly water projects, including aqueducts and the famous circular cisterns at Qayrawan. These last projects increased the region’s agricultural productivity, contributing to economic expansion as Ifriqiyya regained prominence as a grain exporter. Qayrawan also became an important terminus for


AGHLABIDS trans-Saharan trade, primarily of slaves and gold. This rise in east-west and north–south trade proved a significant factor in the Aghlabids’ external policies. With its land borders relatively quiet, the emirate was most vulnerable on its coasts, and a series of ribats (fortified monasteries) were built to guard against Christian raids. Although they had diplomatic exchanges with Charlemagne’s Christian empire (which posed no naval threat), the Byzantines posed a recurrent economic and military threat. In 827 C.E., a rebel Byzantine naval commander approached Ziyadat Allah III to help invade Sicily. For the emir, the invasion presented an opportunity to take over a Byzantine base across from Ifriqiyya, to control eastwest Mediterranean traffic, and, not insignificantly, to channel the domestic discontent of the ulama and jund into a campaign against an external enemy. The emir placed the jurist Al-Furat, who had argued for jihad against Christian Sicily, in charge of the invasion force, which left from the garrison port of Susa with ten thousand men. They made early gains in the west by taking Palermo in 842, but they took seventy-five years to oust the final Byzantine forces. However, while securing Sicily, the Aghlabids extended their power considerably on the Italian peninsula, sending repeated expeditions to Calabria and Campania, raiding Rome in 846 C.E., and establishing a presence on the Adriatic coast in Brindisi and Bari. By 902 C.E., they were well established in Sicily and dominated the mainland through trade and military power. Despite these external successes, the policies of Ibrahim II (875–902 C.E.), who tried to consolidate Aghlabid authority by slaughtering the Arab aristocracy and the jund, undermined the Aghlabid position in Ifriqiyya. His repression weakened the military and provoked widespread resentment, thus paving the way for the downfall of the dynasty. In 909 C.E., the last Aghlabid amir, Ziyadat Allah III, fled before the Ismaili armies that helped establish the Fatimids. JONATHAN DAVID WYRTZEN See also Kharijis; Berber Revolt; Qayrawan; Al Ma’mun; Tax and Taxation; Slaves and Slave Trade; Western Islamic World; Trade, Mediterranean; Muslim–Byzantine Relations; Sicily; Ismailis; Fatimids; North Africa

Primary Sources Ibn Al-Athir. Kamil fi al-Ta’rikh. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1965–1967. Ibn ‘Idhari, al-Marrakushi. Al-Bayan al Mugrib. Paris: P. Geuthner, 1930. Al-Bakri. Abi ‘Ubayd. Kitab al-Masalik wa al Mamalik. Qartaj: Al Dar Al-Arabiyah lil-Kitab, 1992.


Further Reading Abun-Nasr, Jamil M. A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Ahmad, Aziz. A History of Islamic Sicily. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1975. Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah, trans. Franz Rosenthal. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967. Julien, Charles Andre´. History of North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, from the Arab Conquest to 1830, trans. John Petrie. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1970. Kreutz, Barbara M. Before the Normans: Southern Italy in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991. Marcais, George. L‘Architecture; Tunisie, Alge´rie, Maroc, Espagne, Sicile. Paris: A. Picard, 1926–1927. ´ mirat Aghlabide, 184–296, 800–909, Talbi, Mohamed. L‘E Histoire Politique. Paris: Librairie d’Ame´rique et d’Orient, 1966.

AGRA RED FORT After his victory over the last ruler of the Lodi dynasty, Sultan Ibrahim (1517–1526), the first Mughal emperor Babur (r. 1526–1530) installed himself in the Lodi mud-brick fort at Agra and ordered the construction of a large, three-story stepwell that was completed in March 1527. It was only under his grandson Akbar (r. 1556–1605), however, that imperial patronage seriously focused on Agra and made its fort into an immensely strong fortified palace city to rival Delhi and Lahore. Akbar’s chronicler, Abu’lFazl, referred to the emperor’s five hundred buildings in Agra, an exaggeration that nevertheless suggests the massive transformation Akbar and his architect Qasim Khan Mir Barr u Bahr oversaw between 1565 and 1573. Although very few Akbar-period buildings still stand, the early semicircular ground plan of the Agra Fort is evident, with its 22-meter high walls stretching over 2.5 kilometers. Faced with red sandstone and white marble, the Hathi (Elephant) Gate on the west was the main public entrance. Built in the same materials is the socalled Jahangiri Mahal, the best-preserved Akbari building inside the walls. Adjacent to and overlooking the Jumna River, its open architecture lets those inside the palace view the hectic river traffic and catch cooling breezes off the water. Its several inner courtyards, its overall layout, and its decorative stonework are influenced by the non-Islamic palace traditions of Gujarat and Rajasthan and of the massive fort at Gwalior, an Akbari synthesis that is most strikingly revealed in the imperial city of Fatehpur Sikri only 42 kilometers to the west, where the emperor resided from 1569–1585. Additions to the Agra Fort by Akbar’s son and successor Jahangir (1605–1627) are also known


View of exterior. Moghul style, 1565. Built by Akbar. Credit: SEF/Art Resource, NY. Jahangiri Mahal, Red Fort, Agra, Uttar Pradesh, India.

largely from texts. They included a small palace and a public audience hall. Contemporary paintings also show the Shah Burj (King’s Tower), from which Jahangir suspended a belled Chain of Justice, purportedly designed so that petitioners could ring it and get his attention. However, it was during the reign of Shah Jahan (1627–1658) that the Agra Fort was transformed through lavish and astute patronage. His regnal name means ‘‘King of the World,’’ an image that came to dominate almost all aspects of the arts under his patronage. Between 1627 and 1637, most of the fort’s structures were replaced with buildings clothed in white marble or stucco. Materials reflected rank, as did the order of structures. On the east side of a large rectangular courtyard, the pillared public audience hall was built of red sandstone that was covered with white stucco. The hall’s east side, however, was lined with white marble and inlaid with precious stones, for it presented a jharoka or balcony window where the emperor made regular formal appearances to his closest adherents, who were assembled according to rank. On the east side of the courtyard was a pillared hall with a throne room containing baluster

columns, a form that was explicitly derived from European prints and used only in an imperial context. To the north was a chahar bagh, a cruciform garden with a central fountain that was particularly favored by Mughal patrons, for whom it recalled their descent from Timur and their origins in Samarqand. On its east side was a private audience hall that contained a Persian inscription likening the emperor to the sun, a conceit that was reinforced by solar medallions in the marble stone. The emperor’s private residence was located next to an open court and looked out over the river. His bedroom was so richly gilded that there appeared to be a gold aura around his head during his ritual jharoka appearances. Within the fort is also a large white marble mosque that was completed in 1653. In keeping with wellestablished Mughal precedent, it has three white marble domes that rise above its qiblah wall. Stunning black marble inscriptions convey images of paradise and laud Shah Jahan as a world ruler. Materials, imagery, and inscriptions weave a common theme. Interior gardens and their fountains evoke the desirable order and pure water of paradise. Forms like the baluster column are reserved only for 21

AGRA RED FORT the environment in which the emperor lives. Other forms appropriated from European prints include the scales of justice and the solar orb; in the circumscribed environment of the Mughal court and the Agra Fort, these forms were well understood, although it is unlikely that they would have conveyed much meaning to those outside of the purview of court refinements. Likewise, the intense, concentrated symmetry of architectural space is an expression of social order that is remarkable for its consistency and forcefulness. The ruler and his family were located on an exalted plane. The Agra Fort presented not just symmetry but also precise definition and regulation of movement from courtyard to chamber to courtyard. The temporal world was firmly set in place as well: time was ritualized, and the emperor’s set appearances guaranteed that the elaborate system continued to function. It is no wonder that European visitors so admired the Mughal court and that European rulers saw court ceremonies and imagery worth imitating. The Mughals had mastered the political art of fabricating a monarch who was also the empire’s indispensable hero. ANTHONY WELCH See also Akbar; Alhambra; Architecture, Secular: Civil; Architecture, Secular: Military; Architecture, Secular: Palaces; Architecture, Religious; Babar; Bureaucrats; Delhi; Gardens and Gardening; Hindus; Humayun; India; Mosques; Lahore; Mughals; Nur Jahan; Painting, Miniature; Persian; Persians; Qur’an; Timurids; Turks; Water Further Reading Asher, Catherine B. ‘‘Architecture of Mughal India.’’ In The New Cambridge History of India, I:4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Brand, Michael, and Glenn D. Lowry. Fatehpur-Sikri. Bombay: Marg Publications, 1987. Gascoigne, Bamber. The Great Moghuls. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Koch, Ebba M. Mughal Architecture. Munich: PrestelVerlag, 1992. ———. Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology: Collected Essays. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Nath, R. History of Mughal Architecture. New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1982. Rizvi, S.A.A. Fathpur-Sikri. Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala Sons, 1975.

AGRICULTURE The history of Islamic agriculture (fila¯h: a) goes back to very ancient times, to the time of the conquests (seventh and eighth centuries). When the Muslims as


conquerors came to the different regions—and where the inhabitants of the different regions became Muslims—attention to the land became a concrete and nondeferable matter. The decaying structure of the landed estates of late antiquity, where they still existed, was eliminated; the land was divided up among the warriors and their families; land left neglected and uncultivated for a long time started to be tilled again. This was the start in the Islamic countries of what some scholars have very aptly called the ‘‘green revolution’’: this revolution would later form the basis of countless and advantageous exchanges between the East—including the Far East—and the West, and it points to the Muslims as the pioneers of a new way of farming. Confirmation of what took place can first be found in the many texts and archaeological data concerning the development of technology related to agriculture; several dams and barrage systems that had already existed in pre-Islamic times were restored, and other new ones were built. Systems for transporting water (canals, aqueducts), raising water [sˇa¯du¯f, sa¯qiya, na¯‘u¯ra (noria)], and storing water (tanks with settling apparatus) spread until they became commonplace in the countryside and in towns; various types of water mills and windmills and complex distillation equipment enabled a series of processes related to agriculture (grinding cereals, pressing olives, refining cane sugar, distilling rose water/oil) to be at least partly automated. In many different parts of the Iranian Plateau and from Mesopotamia to Spain, the digging of a thick network of canals (which made it possible to irrigate the fields regularly) led, on the one hand, to the introduction of crops that needed a lot of water all year round into regions with an unfavourable climate (i.e., the migration of plants from the Far East, acclimation in India, and movements over sea and land to the coasts of Africa and Arabia). On the other hand, it laid the foundations for another important aspect of Islamic agriculture: the growing of flowers and ornamental plants and, essentially, the development of that marvel of art and thought that would continue for centuries to be the art of the Islamic garden. The written ‘‘scientific’’ tradition of the subject also stresses its excellence. Among the many sources in Greek—although there are also many contributions from other cultures—some writings are outstanding: 1. The Georgika, which was attributed to Democritus (the author, who is obviously not the pre-Socratic Greek philosopher, may be the same person as second century BC writer Bolos of Mendes). 2. The Synagogue by Vindanios Anatolios of Berytos (in Arabic texts he was called Anatolios

‘A’ISHA BINT ABI BAKR or Junius; his work occurred during the fourth and fifth centuries CE). 3. The Georgika by Kassianos Bassos Scholasticos (sixth century CE), which was referred to by Muslims as Qust: u¯s or Kassianos (this work was translated from Greek into Arabic around the year 827 with the title al-Fila¯h: a al-rumı¯ya, but there is also another translation, not from Greek but from Pahlavi, which was entitled Kita¯b al-zar‘ ). A special case in the most ancient Arabic literature is the monumental work al-Fila¯h: a al-nabat: ¯ıya (Nabatean Agriculture). The study of plants accounts for more than half of the work, but it also says a lot about agricultural techniques like grafting, soil improvement, and so on. This work, which introduces itself as being of pre-Islamic origin and being rearranged and translated into Arabic (possibly during the tenth century) by Ibn Wah: sˇiya—but which may have been written in Arabic between the eighth and ninth centuries—contains many very old contributions of various origins. The fact that, unlike other treatises from the first centuries of Islam, it has come down to us in its entirety makes it a tremendously important point of reference. In the truly Islamic textual tradition, there are many treatises from different periods and regions. The earliest works, written by grammarians and lexicographers, were concerned with defining the scientific Arabic terminology of the subject; problems arose from the fact that many plants were often called by different names in different (although nearby) places. The works were soon joined by other books that show how the subject evolved. These include the following: in Egypt, the Qawa¯nı¯n al-dawa¯wı¯n by Ibn Mamma¯tı¯ (d. 1209); in Spain, the Kita¯b al-mugnı¯ f ¯ı’l-fila¯h: a (1073) by Ibn H : ag˘g˘a¯g˘ al-Isbı¯lı¯ (the Sevillian) and, later, the Kita¯b alfila¯h: a by Ibn al-‘Awwa¯m al-Isbı¯lı¯ (twelfth–thirteenth century); in modern times, in Syria, the ‘Alam al-mala¯h: a ˙ anı¯ al-Na¯bulusı¯, fi ‘ilm al-fila¯h: a (1725) by ‘Abd al-G summed up an earlier great work, which has not ¯ mirı¯ (d. 1529). come down to us, by Riya¯d: al-Dı¯n al-‘A From the fourteenth century onward, Islamic agriculture began a slow but inexorable process of decline (see, for example, the case of Egypt during the Mameluke period; however, but the crisis period started much earlier in several regions). The causes identified include the increasing rigidity of Islamic culture, which was accompanied by less attention to scientific developments and technology; the depopulation of the countryside as a result of wars, invasions, epidemics, and policies that were not favorable to agriculture; and the progressive economic and commercial growth of Europe, which became more

and more competitive as time went on. By the eve of the modern age, no traces would remain of the Islamic ‘‘green revolution’’ of the first centuries; however, the valuable contribution of the Muslims is still universally recognised today in the history of agriculture in both the East and the West. PAOLA CARUSI See also Aqueducts; Technology, Mills: Water and Wind Further Reading Ashtor, Eliyahu. A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976. Fahd, T. ‘‘Botany and Agriculture.’’ In Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, eds. R. Rashed and R. Morelon, 3 vols, vol. 3. London, New York: Routledge, 1996. al-Hassan, Ahmad Y. and Donald R. Hill. Islamic Technology: An Illustrated History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; Paris: UNESCO, 1986 (reprinted 1992). Hill, D.R. ‘‘Engineering.’’ In Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science, eds. R. Rashed and R. Morelon, 3 vols, vol. 3, 751–95. London, New York: Routledge, 1996. Udovitch, Abraham L., ed. The Islamic Middle East, 700–1900. Studies in Economic and Social History. Princeton, NJ: The Darwin Press, 1981. Watson, Andrew M. Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic world: The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700–1100. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

‘A’ISHA BINT ABI BAKR ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr (d. 678 CE), the second wife of the Prophet Muhammad (d. 632), attained both a revered and reviled status in medieval Islamic civilization. Controversies abounded in the depiction of her life within both Sunni and Shi‘is Muslim sources. ‘A’isha’s remembrance, which was recorded exclusively by men, defined her central role in debates about female sexuality, politics, and sectarianism. ‘A’isha was the wife of the most important man in Islamic history and the daughter of Abu Bakr (d. 634), a staunch companion of the Prophet and the first political leader after his death. ‘A’isha’s marriage to the Prophet at the age of nine was an extension of the close bond between her famous husband and father. ‘A’isha, along with the other wives of the Prophet, became a member of a special female elite in Muslim society that is defined in the Qur’an by the phrase ‘‘Mothers of the Believers’’ (33:6). The Qur’an also specifically directed these women to ‘‘stay behind a curtain’’ (hijab) (this is currently defined as a veil) and to ‘‘stay in their houses’’ (33:33), an injunction that was eventually used in the medieval period to separate all women from the public sphere. 23

‘A’ISHA BINT ABI BAKR ‘A’isha attained the status of Muhammad’s favorite wife after the death of his first wife, Khadija (d. 619), but her reputation was threatened at the age of fourteen by an accusation of adultery. Her innocence was revealed by the Qur’an (24:11–20), but the incident was interpreted differently by the Shi‘i Muslim minority, who claimed that the revelation was not directed at ‘A’isha, whose name does not appear explicitly in these verses. The accusation of adultery thus became a cause of Sunni-Shi‘is Muslim friction during the medieval period. After the Prophet’s death, ‘A’isha opposed the fourth caliph, ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (d. 661), the first Shi‘is Muslim leader, at the Battle of the Camel (656). Her defeat and the deaths of so many Muslims on both sides of the conflict made ‘A’isha an object of shared Sunni and Shi‘i Muslim censure. Both groups used this political disaster as a lesson to all medieval Muslim women about the dangers of their participation in politics. The role of ‘A’isha as a source of the Prophet Muhammad’s words and deeds as recorded in medieval collections of hadith (traditions) became central to Sunni legal thought during the medieval period. By contrast, Shi‘is Muslims rejected ‘A’isha as a deeply flawed and unreliable source for their interpretation of Islamic history and law. Sunni Muslims, however, continue to revere her as an object of revelation and the source of much of their faith. DENISE A. SPELLBERG See also Abu Bakr; Muhammad, the Prophet Primary Sources Spellberg, D.A. Politics, Gender, and the Islamic Past: The Legacy of ‘A’isha bint Abi Bakr. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. Stowasser, Barbara F. Women in the Qur’an: Tradition and Interpretations. New York: Oxford University Press, 1994.

AKBAR (R. 1556–1605) Abu’l-Fath Jalal al-Din Muhammad Akbar was the most celebrated, powerful, and controversial Mughal emperor of India. Succeeding to the throne at the death of his father Humayun in 1556 when he was thirteen years old, he transformed a weak dynasty and administration into a Mughal Empire that controlled most of India from the capital at Agra and that established patterns of administration and rule (eloquently laid out in A’in-i Akbar) that would persist for a couple of centuries after him. The first Indian-born Mughal, with a Central Asian father and a Persian 24

mother, Akbar embodied the cultural synthesis that marked out his reign, during which Persianate cultural interaction with Indian vernacular cultures was at its apogee. In 1560, Akbar brought the regency of Bayram Khan to an end and set out to consolidate his power by a mixed policy of conquest and marriage alliances. He established his power in the Gangeatic plain by conquering Bihar (1574) and Bengal (1576) and extended his power into Malwa and Rajasthan through marriage alliances that brought capable non-Muslim notables (e.g., the organizational genius Raja Todar Mal and his companion Birbal) to court. Akbar perpetuated the Mughal policy of importing talented Persian warriors, bureaucrats, poets, and scholars into India. At the height of his power, his empire included Kashmir (taken in 1587) and parts of the Deccan plateau (taken in campaigns in the 1590s). His incorporation of northern India into the empire meant that, for the first time since Asoka, the ruling dynasty controlled most of the subcontinent. In the Akbarnama, his friend Abu ’l-Fadl ‘Allami (d. 1602) celebrated him as the shadow of God on earth, whose authority and wisdom was supreme in matters temporal and spiritual. From the 1570s, Akbar began hosting religious dispute in his new ‘Ibadatkhana in his retreat of Fatehpur Sikri; in 1579, he declared himself to be the ultimate religious authority in the land, which angered most of the Sunni ulema at court. He created his own religion, which he named the divine faith (din-i ilahi). This was a unique synthesis of Islamic and Indian forms of religiosity. His patronage of fine arts and projects to translate and depict Vedic epics such as the Mahabharata (rendered as the Razmnama), his encouragement of philosophers, free thinkers, and Shi‘is notables at court, and his bibliophilia despite his illiteracy further alienated the ulema. Discontent and the failure of the Deccan campaigns toward the end of his reign led to the rebellion of his son Salim, the future Jahangir. When Akbar died in 1605, his religious innovations had failed to make a lasting impression, but the Mughal Empire was arguably at the height of its power. SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also Abu ’l-Fadl ‘Allami; Dara Shikuh; Humayun; Mughals Primary Sources Abu ’l-Fadl ‘Allami. Akbarnama, tr. H. Beveridge, 3 vols. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1897–1921. ———. A’in-i Akbar, tr. H. Blochmann & Jarret, 3 vols. Habib, Irfan, ed. Akbar and His India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2000.

ALCHEMY Hottinger, Arnold. Akbar der Grosse (1542–1605): Herrscher u¨ber Indien Durch Verschnung der Religionen. Munich: W-Fink, 1998. Moosvi, Shireen, ed. Episodes in the Life of Akbar: Contemporary Records and Reminiscences. New Delhi: National Book Trust, 1989. Nizami, K.A. Akbar and Religion. Delhi: Idara-i-Adabiyati-Dilli, 1989. Rizvi, S.A.A. Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1975. Streusand, D. The Formation of the Mughal Empire. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989.

ALCHEMY The term kı¯miya¯’, which means ‘‘alchemy’’ in Arabic, apparently derives from the Greek chymeia/che¯meia, a term that was already used to indicate the science of alchemy in late antiquity in Alexandria, Egypt (see also cheo¯ [to pour] and chyma [fused metal, particularly gold]). According to a tradition found in the Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadim (tenth century), the Muslims may have acquired their very first knowledge of alchemy at the beginning of the eighth century, when the Umayyad prince Khalid ibn Yazid (d. 705), desiring to know and study the science of the Greeks, brought philosophers from an Egyptian city (presumably Alexandria) and commissioned them to translate a number of scientific texts, including early treatises in alchemy. The texts reached Syria, thus becoming available to Muslim scholars. Very little is known about which texts were translated into Arabic in the Umayyad period, both alchemic and others. However, it was probably from this time onward—during the earliest years of the ‘Abbasid caliphate and certainly more intensively later—that a substantial number of alchemical writers in Greek gradually came to be taught in Arabic in Baghdad: from the pseudo-Democritus, Pythagorus, Hermes, the pseudo-Apollonius of Tyan, Zosimos of Panopolis, Mary the Jewess, and Theodorus to Cleopatra. These figures were considered by Muslim alchemists at every stage of their history as the undisputed masters of an ancient tradition. Over time, other authors of various origin were added to the Greeks—Syrians, Persians, Indians, and perhaps Chinese—so that, between the end of the eighth century and the beginning of the ninth, the time was ripe to start producing new treatises in Arabic. Just a few famous names suffice to recall the importance and continuity of the Islamic alchemical tradition: Jabir ibn Hayyan, who was credited with a corpus of some three thousand titles (eighth/ninth centuries); Muhammad ibn Zakariyya al-Razi (Rhazes); Ibn Umayl

al-Tamimi and Maslama al-Majriti (tenth century); and al-‘Iraqi, al-Jildaki, and al-Izniqi (thirteenth– fifteenth centuries). In accordance with the most ancient customs of the discipline, the treatises were soon followed by their respective commentaries: from the tenth century on, many alchemical treatises took the form of commentaries on preceding authors, either pre-Islamic or—in the case of the later alchemists— Muslim. Textual materials were thus gradually layered and sedimented to form a palimpsest that became ever more difficult to read. In Islam, as in ancient times, alchemy revolves around a mysterious central nucleus that is its innermost heart. A very high level of craftsmanship embraces firstly the arts of fire (metallurgy, particularly the working of precious metals, ceramics, and glass [colored glasses, precious synthetic stones, and ceramic enamels]) and then extends to the preparation of various types of coloring (from fabric dyes to artistic materials for book production). Around this nucleus is arranged the chemical knowledge of the alchemists, and from this precious core of objects the less esoteric chemistry probably grew and prospered (i.e., Islamic society’s skills in the extraction of cane sugar, the industrial preparation of rose water and various essences, and the perfecting of relatively sophisticated chemical apparatuses). The link with art probably lies at the origin of the most mysterious and incomprehensible features of alchemy. This link is suggested by the universally accepted need to maintain a secret (in this case, production secrets); the prime role played by the relationship between nature and the human creator (nature, which produces, and the creator, who then perfects the work of nature), and above all the particular interpretation placed by the alchemist on alchemical operations. For the alchemist, who observes his work in the process of formation, what he performs in his laboratory is a real act of creation (cosmogony): his product is the cosmos, and the alchemist its creator. The whole process is then narrated through allegories that are drawn, with no distinction made with regard to genre, from scientific and literary texts, poems, and mythological tales, thereby testifying simultaneously to both the author’s learning and his desire to exalt his discipline. The philosophy on which the alchemist constructs his theory of transmutation, which embraces the findings of other sciences that study physical bodies (e.g., mineralogy, medicine), is Pythagorean in origin (albeit a Pythagorism that knows its Aristotle). Every composite body can be decomposed into four simple bodies (the elements: water, air, fire, and earth), and the elements in their turn can be decomposed into incorporeal ‘‘natures,’’ which relate to each other in 25

ALCHEMY particular numerical ratios. Operating a chemical transformation—or transmutation—means decomposing a body into its elements; going beyond its material texture into its natures; correcting or modifying the mathematical ratios between these incorporeal natures; and then, by degrees, recomposing a new, ‘‘modified’’ body. In the conceptual framework of alchemy, which always strives towards perfection, the most sought-after composition is that of a fifth nature, the perfect nature, which is able not only to produce a perfect body but also to change all other natures into itself; this is the elixir (Arab. iksı¯r, Gr. xe¯rion) that the alchemists recognize as the supreme aim of alchemy. PAOLA CARUSI See also Abbasid; Aristotle; Ceramics; Medicine; Precious Metals; al-Razi; Umayyad Further Reading Carusi, Paola. ‘‘Il Trattato di Filosofia Alchemica «Mifta¯h: al-h: ikma» ed i suoi Testimoni Presso la Biblioteca Apostolica.’’ In Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae IX. Citta` del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 2002. Holmyard, Eric J. ‘‘Alchemical Equipment.’’ In A History of Technology, ed. Ch. Singer et al, 8 vols., vol. 2. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954–1984. ———. Alchemy. New York: Dover, 1990. (First edition: Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1957.) Kraus, Paul. Ja¯bir ibn H: ayya¯n. Contribution a` l‘Histoire des Ide´es Scientifiques dans l‘Isla¯m. Ja¯bir et la Science Grecque. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1986. (First edition: Le Caire: Imprimerie de l‘Institut Franc¸ais d’Archeologie Orientale, 1942.) Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums, 9 vols., vol. 4. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967–1984. Ullmann, Manfred. Die Natur- und Geheimwissenschaften im Islam (Handbuch der Orientalistik, Erga¨nzungsband VI, 2 Abschnitt). Leiden Ko¨ln: E.J. Brill, 1972.

ALCOHOL The English word alcohol originates from the Arabic al-kuu´l (English, kohl ), an antimony which, when pulverized finely, is used for darkening the edges of the eyelids. The meaning of the English is said to derive from an analogy between alcohol’s highly refined spirits and the fineness of the pulverized black powder. The oldest recipe or instruction on human record is for the creation of an alcoholic beverage. Its origin is Sumerian Mesopotamia; not surprisingly, this is also one of the earliest locations in which crop


agriculture was practiced. Beer and wine are thus ancient products of human invention, almost certainly discovered by accident from the natural fermentation of grains and fruits. Their utility extended beyond that of their effect on consciousness and the human nervous system, for they also likely preserved the nutrients in juices that might otherwise spoil. They were also invented and developed in Western Asia, which is the same general location out of which emerged the three great monotheistic scriptural religions. Alcoholic beverages were invented and developed in agricultural economies, and the communities or polities of these areas naturally benefited from control over the production and distribution of these products. Members of pastoral and nomadic economies—not unsurprisingly—have tended to outlaw or distrust the use of alcohol, probably for this reason. There are two main groups of alcoholic beverages: those that are obtained through fermentation, such as beer and wine, and those that are obtained through distillation, such as whiskey, vodka, and brandy. Because there is no historical evidence of distilled beverages before approximately 1000, Islamic rulings forbidding the use of alcohol referred to wine and beer. References to the consumption of alcoholic beverages in the Qur’an are not consistent. Verse 16:67 celebrates strong drink from the fruit of palm trees and grapes, associating its inebriating quality (sakar) with good nourishment (rizq hasan). Verse 2:219 associates wine (al-khamr) with games of chance and finds some benefit in both, in addition to greater sin. Verse 4:43 suggests only the prohibition against intoxication while engaged in prayer (wa’antum sukaraa), but only until sober (‘‘until you know what you are saying’’) (Cf. Lev. 10:8–10). Verse 5:90 associates wine (al-khamr) with games of chance, idolatry, and divination, considering them all to be the work of Satan. These verses are understood by most Muslim commentators and jurists as having been revealed in sequence. In the earliest period of Muhammad’s prophetic career, the consumption of alcohol was not forbidden. Wine became forbidden only after the excessive drunken behaviors of Muhammad’s generation seemed to get out of control. Much discussion in the medieval Islamic juridical literature treated the definition of wine, because a number of drinks were prepared from dates, grapes or raisins, figs, and other fruits, and Arabic words other than khamr referred to beverages that were or were not fermented. Moreover, some beverages were not intentionally fermented but would become so after being preserved for a long time in storage. Despite the religious prohibition, medieval Muslim

ALEPPO anthologists list the ingredients of a wide variety of fermented beverages that were made and consumed by Muslims as well as Jews and Christians. Because wine was used in both Jewish and Christian religious ritual, it was always permitted for those communities living among Muslims in Islamic lands. This sometimes caused tension and even violence because of the cognitive dissonance between Islam’s legal support for the consumption of alcohol by the otherwise socially restricted religious minorities while maintaining its strict prohibition for Muslims. Therefore, although they were legally forbidden for Muslims, alcoholic beverages were always accessible through Christians and Jews, if not directly from Muslims themselves. Notwithstanding the strict prohibition against imbibing actual alcohol, spiritual or poetic drunkenness through the bacchic wine poem (labeled technically as the ‘‘wine poem’’ or hamriyya only during the modern period) was a regular theme in the repertoire of the Arabic poets. Beginning even before the emergence of Islam, it reached its poetic heights during the second Islamic century with Abu Nuwas (Al-Hasan b. Hani’ al-Hakami, d. 813–815), and it continued in various forms into modernity. Perhaps the best-known forms in the West include the spiritual intoxication that epitomizes the medieval mystics, who are spiritually drunk with their love for God. A different expression is found in the poetry of medieval Islamic Spain, where the bacchic poem is associated with the pleasure of life, the quest for love, and a deep and profound communion with nature. The Andalusian wine poem became so much a part of shared medieval culture that Christians and Jews wrote them in Arabic as well. Jews also wrote wine poems in their own unique genre of poetry in the Hebrew language, which developed along the same lines as the Arabic poetry of their day. Pour me a drink, and another, of the wine of Isfahan or the wine of old Chosroes or the wine of Qayrawan. There is musk in the wine cup or in the hand of the one who pours it; or perhaps it was left in the wine when they drew it from the jar. Deck me with crown and diadem, and sing me my own poems. The wine cup is a springtime you can touch with your fingers, and the heat of the wine seeps slowly from my tongue all the way to my feet. Abu Nuwas


Further Reading Bencheikh, J.E. ‘‘Khamriyya.’’ In EI2 4 (998–1009). Hussaini, Mohammad Mazhar, and Ahmad Hussein Sakr. Islamic Dietary Laws and Practices. Chicago: Islamic Food and Nutrition Counsel of America, 1983. Klein, Ernest. A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. Amsterdam: Elsevier, 1966. Kueny, Kathryn. The Rhetoric of Sobriety: Wine in Early Islam. Albany: State University of New York, 2001. Lewis, Bernard. Music of a Different Drum: Classical Arabic, Persian, Turkish and Hebrew Poets. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001. Al-Qaradawi, Yusuf. The Lawful and the Prohibited in Islam (Al-Halal Wal-Haram Fil Islam). (Translation of Al-Halal Wal-Haram Fil Islam. Beirut: Dar al-Qur’an al-Karim, 1978.) Indianapolis: American Trust Foundation, undated.

ALEPPO Aleppo (in Arabic, Halab) is a city in northern Syria, and it is second in size and importance to Damascus, which is the capital of the modern republic. The site has been continuously inhabited since at least the twentieth century BCE. The large, centrally situated fortified mound that still dominates the city dates from this period. The mostly Christian population of Aleppo surrendered to the conquering Muslim armies in AH 16/636 CE. After relative obscurity during the time of the Umayyads and early ‘Abbasids, the city enjoyed a brief but splendid prominence as capital of the Hamdanid ruler Sayf al-Dawla, who captured Aleppo from its Ikshidid governors in 333/944. Among the literary figures whom Sayf al-Dawla (see Hamdanids) patronized at his court was the Syrian poet al-Mutanabbi. The interlude came to an end in the winter of 351/962, when the Byzantine general (later emperor) Nicephorus Phocas stormed and sacked the city. Then followed half a century of disorder during which Hamdanid rule over Aleppo was repeatedly challenged by the Fatimids, the Byzantines, and neighboring Arab statelets. After a brief period of Fatimid rule at the beginning of the eleventh century, the Bedouin Arab Mirdasid dynasty took control of the city under the nominal suzerainty of the Fatimids; fifty years of progressively weakening Mirdasid rule followed. An end was put to Arab rule over Aleppo in 479/1086, when the Seljuk sultan Malikshah captured the city and installed a governor. Turkish rule was to continue in one form or another until Saladin took Aleppo in 579/1183. After the death of Malikshah, a small Seljuk dynasty was founded in Aleppo by Malikshah’s brother, Tutush.



Aleppo. Detail of the entrance. Captured during the second crusade. Ayyubid and Mamluk periods, thirteenth to sixteenth c. Credit: Werner Forman/Art Resource, NY. Citadel, Aleppo, Syria.

However, the state was too small and weak to offer meaningful resistance to the Crusaders, to whom Aleppo had to pay tribute in an effort to forestall attack. Seljuk rule gave way to a short-lived period under the ineffective control of the Ortoqid dynasty of Mardin. The weakened and disordered city was only saved from Crusader occupation in 518/1124 as a result of the enterprise of the city’s qadi (Islamic judge), Ibn al-Khashshab. Aleppo’s fortunes began to change when, in 523/ 1129, it was taken by ‘Imad al-Din Zanki, governor of Mosul and atabak (guardian) of two sons of the Seljuk Sultan Mas‘ud. Zanki’s military successes took Frankish pressure off the city. After Zanki’s death in 541/1146, his son Nur al-Din Mahmud not only continued his father’s struggle against the Crusaders but also restored Aleppo’s administrative order and material fabric. Nur al-Din rebuilt the city’s fortified walls, the citadel atop the central mound, and the Great Mosque. To assert the orthodox Sunni nature of Zankid rule in a city with a long history of Shi‘is activity, he founded six madrasas (Islamic schools) in which an orthodox curriculum was taught. 28

Medieval Aleppo attained its greatest prosperity under the next ruling dynasty, the Ayyubids. In 579/ 1183, Saladin took the city from Nur al-Din’s successors. Three years later he gave it to his fourth son Ghazi, who was first governor and then, after Saladin’s death, ruler, with the title of al-Malik al-Zahir. Under al-Zahir and his two successors, Aleppo became the capital of a strong and prosperous state, the city itself benefiting especially from trade with the Venetians, who established a permanent factory there. As part of an extensive reconstruction program, al-Zahir rebuilt the citadel, thereby creating one of the most impressive military installations in the Near East. Madrasas continued to be built, and there developed a remarkable intellectual life that nurtured people like the traveler and teacher ‘Ali ibn Abi Bakr al-Harawi and the chronicler and encyclopedist Ibn al-‘Adim. But it was not to last. In 658/1260, Aleppo was taken by the Mongols under Hulagu and sacked. The last Ayyubid ruler of the city, al-Zahir’s grandson alMalik al-Nasir Yusuf II, who had abandoned Aleppo to its fate, was later captured and killed. The city was occupied by the Mamluks after their victory over the

ALEXANDER Mongols at ‘Ayn Jalut in the same year, but it was lost to the Mongols several more times before being finally recovered by the Mamluks at the beginning of the following century. Aleppo took years to recover from the depredations of the Mongols. The situation was made worse by the continuing threat of further Mongol attack and by political instability. Another setback occurred in 803/ 1400, when Tamerlane sacked the city. This notwithstanding, the century before the Ottoman occupation of Aleppo after the Ottoman victory over the Mamluks at the battle of Marj Dabiq in 522/1516 saw another revival in the fortunes of the city. Aleppo benefited from disruption of the existing commercial routes to the north and grew rich on the trade that came its way. The suqs (markets) expanded, khans (enclosed warehouses) proliferated, and the walls of the city had to be extended to accommodate the increased population. DAVID MORRAY See also Architecture, Secular: Military; Excellences Literature; Madrasa; Merchants, Christian; Muslim– Byzantine Relations; Muslim–Mongol Diplomacy; Silk Roads; Sunni Revival; Trade, Mediterranean Primary Sources Ibn al-‘Adim. Zubdat al-Halab fi ta’Rikh Halab, ed. Sami al-Dahhan, 3 vols. Damascus: Institut Franc¸ais de Damas, 1951–1968.

Further Reading Edde´, Anne-Marie. La Principaute´ Ayyoubide d’Alep (579/ 1183–658/1260). Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1999. Ibn al-Shihna al-Saghir. al-Durr al-Muntakhab fi Ta’rikh Mamlakat Halab. (Translated by J. Sauvaget as Les Perles Choisies d’Ibn ach-Chihna. Mate´riaux pour Servir a` l’histoire de la Ville d’Alep.) Beirut, 1933. Morray, David W. An Ayyubid Notable and his World: Ibn al-‘Adim and Aleppo as Portrayed in his Biographical Dictionary of People Associated with the City. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994.

ALEXANDER During the medieval Islamic period, Alexander the Great was most closely associated with the figure Dhu al-Qarnayn, who was mentioned in 18:83–101. Many of the literary motifs and themes developed in the Greek Alexander Romance, which in turn appears to be based on the Epic of Gilgamesh, can be found in Muslim exegeses, histories, and related genres. Early Muslim exegetes identify the figure Dhu al-Qarnayn with various historical and mythical

figures, including Moses, an angel, and different South Arabian kings, although the identification with Alexander predominates in later literature. Other medieval recensions of the Alexander Romance, including the Ethiopic and Persian, likewise identify Alexander with Dhu al-Qarnayn. The figure of Khidr, which was alluded to in 18:60–82 just before the account of Dhu al-Qarnayn, also appears in many of the Islamic recensions of the Alexander Romance, and he may be associated with figures mentioned in Syriac, Greek, and Armenian recensions. Other sources associate Dhu al-Qarnayn and Khidr with the prophet Abraham. In his history, Tabari relates that there were two Dhu al-Qarnayns: one living in the time of Abraham and another being Alexander. Muslim exegetes conflate Dhu al-Qarnayn with Abimelech, the king who presides over Abraham’s claim to the well of Beersheba in Genesis 21:22–34 in the Bible. Ibn Kathir preserves a number of sources that report Dhu al-Qarnayn’s visit to Abraham at Mecca during his building of the Ka‘bah. Dhu al-Qarnayn is also conflated with Moses and the Prophet Muhammad. The epithet ‘‘Dhu al-Qarnayn’’ is usually understood to denote a person with two horns or a person who traveled to the two ends of the earth. Moses is portrayed as horned in the Vulgate and in medieval Christian texts, and in his encounter with Khidr in 18:60–82 is said to have traveled to the ends of the earth. The Prophet Muhammad’s night journey to the ends of the earth appears to be modeled on the journeys of Dhu al-Qarnayn and Alexander in the different recensions of the Alexander Romance. The journeys of both the Prophet Muhammad and Dhu al-Qarnayn to the two cities at the ends of the earth, where a remnant of the Israelites is living, may also be compared to the exegesis in 7:159, Rabbinic traditions of the ‘‘Lost Tribes,’’ and the pseudoepigraphical History of the Rechabites. Dhu al-Qarnayn’s world travels in 18:83–101 are interpreted in the light of Alexander’s world conquests, and his building of the wall against Gog and Magog is a motif that is found in a wide variety of texts from Josephus to the medieval Jewish and Christian apocalypses. BRANNON WHEELER Further Reading Anderson, A.R. Alexander’s Gate, Gog and Magog and Enclosed Nations. Medieval Academy of American Publications 12. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1932. Clay, George. The Medieval Alexander, ed. D.J.A. Ross. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956; reprint, 1967.


ALEXANDER Ethe´, C. Herman. ‘‘Alexanders Zug zum Lebensquell im Land der Finsterniss.’’ Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Mu¨nchen, 1871: 343–405. Friedla¨nder, Israel. Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman. Leipzig: B.G. Teubner, 1913. Kroll, W. Historia Alexandri Magni. Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1926. ‘Ukasha, ‘Abd al-Mannan. Ya’juj wa Ma’juj: Sifatuhum wa ‘Adaduhum wa Makanuhum wa Qissat Dhi al-Qarnyan ma‘Ahum. Cairo: Maktabat al-Turath al-Islami, 1989. Wheeler, Brannon. Moses in the Quran and Islamic Exegesis. Curzon Studies in the Quran. London: Curzon, 2002.

ALEXANDRIA Alexandria, which is presently known as the shining pearl of the Mediterranean, is the second-largest city and the main port of Egypt. Situated northwest of the Nile delta, it stretches along a narrow land strip between the Mediterranean Sea and Lake Mariut.

Founding When Alexander the Great reached Memphis (Egypt) on his expedition of conquest, he was welcomed by the people who supported him in overthrowing Persian rule. In 331 BCE, Alexander then ordered a city to be founded there to serve as a regional capital. He was later buried there.

However, as the Christian population grew, so did the Roman emperors intensify their persecution against those who resisted it. Persecution reached unprecedented levels during the ‘‘Era of the Martyrs’’ around AD 284, when an estimated 144,000 martyrs—including St. Menas, St. Catherine, and St. Peter of Alexandria—were killed. When, in October 312, Emperor Constantine announced Christianity as the official religion of the Empire, Alexandria was ready for the change. During the next two centuries, the spiritual power of the Coptic Church in Alexandria grew among Egyptians. However, the power of the ‘‘Royal’’ Patriarchs, appointed by the Roman emperor, was more political than religious. The Coptic Patriarchs, on the other hand, had no political interests. During the early seventh century, both the Persian Empire and the Roman Empire started to fall apart. In 617, the Persians peacefully captured Alexandria for a short period of five years. By the time the Roman Emperor Heraclius regained his forces and recaptured the lost provinces, the world was ready to witness the birth of a new power. From the desolate Arabian Peninsula came the Arab forces that swept both the Romans and the Persians; they were spiritually powered by the new religion of Islam, and they established an empire that would last for over a thousand years. After negotiating with the Roman Patriarch, Cyrus, who was also serving as the Roman ruler of Egypt, Alexandria was peacefully captured by the Arab commander ‘Amr ibn al-‘As on November 8, 642 CE and ‘Amr and his soldiers entered a city which ‘‘contained 4000 palaces, 4000 baths, and 400 theatres’’.

The Roman City (30 BC–AD 641) By the time the Romans conquered Egypt, there was an Egyptian community centered around the old site of Rhakotis, a Greek community downtown, and a Jewish community occupying the eastern districts. Octavian, the new Roman Emperor, founded a new town, Nicopolis, just east of Alexandria (it is now part of the greater city, known as El-Raml). Higher taxes were imposed, but Octavian’s successors were less harsh. Matters improved when the Red Sea Canal was cut to link the Nile to the Red Sea, serving as a forerunner to the modern Suez Canal. During the early rule of the Romans in Egypt, Christianity was introduced into Alexandria by St. Mark, who was martyred in AD 62 for protesting against the worship of Serapis. As Christianity took root, leading ecclesiastical centers such as the oratory of Saint Mark and later the Catechetical School were established as the first of their kind in the world. 30

The Arab–Islamic City The Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, who ruled from Medina, appointed ‘Amr ibn al-‘As governor of Egypt, and he promptly relocated the capital to Fustat, which was the nucleus of modern Cairo. For the next thousand years or so, the glamour of Alexandria declined. However, the Arabs greatly admired the city, and the most descriptive accounts of the Pharos Lighthouse and the pre-Islamic monuments come from Arab historical, geographical, and travel accounts such as those from Ibn Khurradadhbih, Ibn Jubayr, al-Harawi, and Ibn Battuta. Medieval accounts also locate the tombs of Alexander and Aristotle in the city. When significant parts of the lighthouse collapsed during the 956 and 1323 earthquakes, it was not repaired. In 1498, the medieval fort of the Mamluk

ALGEBRA sultan Qaytbay was eventually constructed on the foundation of the Pharos. However, this failed to bring Alexandria back to prominence after the discovery of the new route around Africa to the Far East. Alexandria was also an important port center for Arab and foreign merchants down to the early fourteenth century. European consulates and traveler hostels such as those of the Venetians were established in the city. Alexandria also served as a port of transit for goods to and from India and the Far East. Likewise, it was an important center for the manufacture of textiles. During the Middle Ages, a number of famous scholars and Sufis hailed from or came to be associated with Alexandria, such as the famous hadith scholar Abu Tahir al-Silafi (d. 1180); the Shadhili Sufi Ibn ‘Ata’ Allah (d. 1309), the author, an important work of Sufi biography; and al-Busiri (d. 1294), the author of the famous Ode of the Mantle (burda) of the Prophet Muhammad. Today, greater Alexandria stretches nearly seventy kilometers along the Mediterranean coast, with urban areas covering more than one hundred square kilometers. Her rich population of more than four million still reflects her ancient history and close ties to the Mediterranean. With ethnic minorities including Armenians, Greeks, Italians, Lebanese, Maltese, and Syrians, among others, Alexandria is considered the most culturally diverse of all Egyptian cities. KHALID DHORAT AND JOSEF W. MERI Further Reading Davidson, Basil. The African Past. London: Penguin, 1966. Doi, ‘Abdur Rahman. Islam in a Multi-Religious Society: Nigeria: A Case Study. Kuala Lumpur: A.S. Noordeen, 1992. Fage, J. (ed.). Cambridge History of Africa. Cambridge, 1978.

ALGEBRA The word algebra is a Latinized form of the Arabic word al-jabr, which means restoration. The word appears in the title Book on al-Jabr and al-Muqabala; this is the introductory treatise in Arabic on the solution of linear and quadratic equations, which Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarizmi wrote around 830 CE in Baghdad. During the twelfth century, after Spain had been conquered by the Christians, the work was translated as the Book on Algebra and Almucabala, from which the field of algebra got its name. During the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the meaning of the word algebra has changed from

the science of the solution of equations to the science of a particular class of mathematical structures. Because al-Khwarizmi’s work in algebra is fundamental, a brief summary is presented here. Al-Khwarizmi discusses linear and quadratic equations without algebraic symbolism, and he even writes all numbers out as words. For example, one of his equations is called capital, and ten roots are the unknown amounts of money. Because the product of the root times itself is supposed to be equal to the capital, the equation can be expressed in modern symbols as x2 þ 10x ¼ 39. Al-Khwarizmi does not use zero and negative numbers, so he has to distinguish three different types of mixed quadratic equations; in modern notation these would be the following: x2 þ bx ¼ c, x2 ¼ bx þ c, and x2 þ c ¼ bx, with b, c > 0. He also discusses the two simple quadratic equations x2 ¼ bx and x2 ¼ c and the linear equation x ¼ c. For each of these six standard forms, he explains a general method of solution in words, using numerical examples. The solutions of x2 þ bx ¼ c, x2 ¼ bx þ c, and x2 þ c ¼ bx are equivalent to the modern algebraic formula, but al-Khwarizmi only gives positive roots. He correctly states that x2 þ c ¼ bx only has a solution of b2 4c, but he does not clearly explain that the equation has two different roots if b2 > 4c. Al-Khwarizmi illustrates the solutions of the three mixed quadratic equations using geometrical figures. He then shows how any quadratic equation can be reduced to one of the standard forms. Al-jabr (restoration) is the operation of removing defective terms in the equation. For example, if our equation is one capital except two roots is equal to 10 dirhams, we ‘‘restore’’ the missing two roots to both sides of the equation, and we conclude that one capital is equal to two roots and 10 dirhams. This equation is in the standard form x2 ¼ bx þ c, with b ¼ 2 and c ¼ 10. Al-Khwarizmi then presents a long series of examples of problems that can be reduced to equations, and he explains how each equation can be solved according to the preceding theory. He adds a brief section on surveying, which has no relation to algebra. His work was a great didactical success, and he is rightly regarded as the founder of Islamic algebra. In his preface, al-Khwarizmi says that his work contains a certain amount of material that people constantly use in computations. It is true that the contents of his work were indeed known in 1000 B.C. in ancient Babylonia, which is the same area in which he wrote his work. Al-Khwarizmi’s statement has been uncritically interpreted by modern historians in the sense that Arabic algebra was ‘‘practical’’ and that the quadratic equations were motivated by practical applications. Al-Khwarizmi 31

ALGEBRA presents ‘‘applications’’ of algebra in Islamic inheritance problems, but his examples are very artificial and only lead to linear equations in which bx ¼ c. As a matter of fact, there were few if any applications of quadratic equations in the medieval Islamic tradition; the motivation for algebra seems to have been primarily recreational. Al-Khwarizmi’s work was translated into Latin because it was available in Islamic Spain during the eleventh century CE, just before Spain was reconquered by the Christians. In the meantime, algebra developed in the Eastern Islamic world beyond the level reached by al-Khwarizmi. During the late ninth century, Abu Kamil started to solve equations that had irrational coefficients such as root two. He also studied systems of linear equations involving several unknowns. Meanwhile, mathematicians were also beginning to look at equations of higher degree. The Iranian mathematician al-Mahani (ca. 860) studied a problem that Archimedes mentioned but did not solve in his work On the Sphere and Cylinder. The problem was a preliminary to the division of a sphere by a plane into two parts such that their volumes have a given ratio. Al-Mahani showed that a problem that Archimedes had left unsolved was equivalent to a cubic equation (of the form ax2 ¼ x3 þ c). Unfortunately, the formula for the solution of cubic equations (discovered in Italy during the sixteenth century) produces x as the sum of two complex numbers. Such numbers were meaningless to ancient and medieval mathematicians, and therefore al-Mahani could not solve the equation. During the mid-tenth century, Abu Ja‘far alKhazin constructed a line segment of length x in a geometrical way by means of a hyperbola. After this breakthrough, other Islamic mathematicians also started to work on geometrical solutions of cubic equations. The famous Iranian mathematician and poet ‘Umar al-Khayyam wrote a treatise on algebra that contained geometrical solutions of all types of cubic equations by means of parabolas, hyperbolas, and circles. Just like al-Khwarizmi, al-Khayyam only worked with positive coefficients, and therefore he had to distinguish many types of cubic equations, which were equivalent to the modern x3 ¼ ax2 þ c, x2 þ ax2 ¼ c, x3 þ c ¼ ax2, x3 þ c ¼ ax2, x3 þ ax2 ¼ bc þ c, and so on, with a, b, c > 0. ‘Umar al-Khayyam did not use modern symbolism. His work was not complete according to medieval mathematical standards, because he did not use the precise conditions for the existence of the solutions. Other algebraic advances were also made. During the tenth century CE, the Iranian mathematician al-Karaji explained how one can draw the square


roots of a polynomial such as (in modern symbolism) x4 þ 6×3 þ 13×2 ¼ 12x þ 4. He did this by generalizing the way in which square roots of decimal and sexagesimal numbers were extracted. He only discussed cases in which the result comes out nicely (in the above example, x2 þ 3x þ 2). During the twelfth century, al-Samaw‘al explained the same for negative coefficients, and he showed how polynomials can be divided by the same method as decimal and sexagesimal numbers. Also during the twelfth century, Saraf al-Din al-Tusi (who is not the same as Nasir al-Din) discussed rather complicated methods for the numerical approximation of the (positive) root of a cubic equation. He also showed at what points the exact roots of cubic equations exist, and thus he solved one of the problems that al-Khayyam had left open. Neither al-Khayyam nor Sharaf al-Din realized that the cubic equation x3 þ bx ¼ ax2 þ c can have three (positive) roots. It is perhaps surprising that the Islamic advances in algebra were made without algebraic symbolism. During the fourteenth century, Western Arabic mathematicians used abbreviations of words in equations in much the same way as Diophantus (c. 250) did in his Arithmetica and as the mathematicians did in sixteenth-century Europe. JAN P. HOGENDIJK See also Mathematics; Geometry; Numbers Further Reading Hogendijk, Jan P. ‘‘Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi on the Number of Positive Roots of Cubic Equations.’’ Historica Mathematica 16 (1989): 69–85. Kasir, D.S. The Algebra of Omar Khayyam. New York: Columbia University, 1931. Rashad, R. Sharaf al-Din al-Tusi: Oeuvres Mathematiques, 2 vols. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1986. Rosen, Fr., ed. The Algebra of Mohammed ben Musa. London: 1831; reprints: Hildesheim: Olms, 1986; and Frankfurt: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Sciences, 1997. Winter, H.K.K., and W. Arafat. ‘‘The Algebra of ‘Umar Khayyam.’’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal Science 16 (1950): 27–78.

ALHAMBRA/AL-QASR AL-HAMRA’ Alhambra/al-Qasr al-Hamra’ derives its name from the Arabic hamra’ (red), which is probably a reference to the color of the dirt that makes up the high hill (the Sabika) beside the Darro river from which the Alhambra commands panoramic views of Granada and the surrounding countryside. The complex dates

ALHAMBRA/AL-QASR AL-HAMRA’ largely to the middle- to late-fourteenth century and to the reigns of Nasrid sovereigns Yusuf III and Muhammad V; only the Tower of the Infantas and Christian alterations and additions are known to have been added later. Somewhat removed from the city, its placement follows traditions that began with the ‘Abbasids and that are also reflected in the ruling and dwelling spaces built by the Ayyubids and Mamluks in Syria and Egypt as well as Madinat al-Zahra’, the earlier Andalusian palace built by the Umayyads outside of Co´rdoba during the tenth century. The high walls and towers present a forbidding fac¸ade to the visitor, who today approaches the palace through a gate (known as the Puerta del Vino) some distance down the hill; he or she is then confronted with the Renaissance-style facade of the Palace of Charles V, which was placed by Spanish architect Antonio Machuca directly against the eastern side of the Palace of the Lions and over the walkway that led through the royal cemetery. The earliest known architectural activity on the site dates to the eleventh century CE, when Granada was ruled by the Berber Taifa dynasty of the Banu Ziri. This is perhaps connected to the patronage of the Jewish vizier Samuel ha-Levi ben Nagrila; remains from the Arabic al-Qasba (fortress) were found in the southern tip of the complex, which is known as the Alcazaba. These structures were largely functional, and their relationship to the putative vizier’s palace has never been determined with certainty. It is also believed that the fountain from which the Palace of the Lions derives its modern name is owed to the Jewish vizier’s patronage. It is with the Nasrids, however (the dynasty began in 1238 under Muhammad I Ibn Ahmar, with Granada as its capital), that spaces clearly planned for royal use were designed and built. The earliest of these structures, the Palace of the Generalife, was probably begun under Isma‘il in 1314 and destined for relaxation and pleasure in a tradition that is often deemed a quintessentially ‘‘Islamic’’ one, although it was also adopted by medieval Christian sovereigns in Castile, Aragon, and Sicily. The palace’s salons and miradors (related to the Arabic manzara, or belvedere—a place from which to enjoy a view) open onto a long, rectangular–pooland-garden complex that is now considerably restored. Interiors are adorned with panels of vegetal and geometric ornamentation; their similarities to Nasrid textiles have often been noticed, but the true object of contemplation is the constructed landscape and gardens. The Palaces of the Myrtles and the Lions (built between 1333 and 1391) are the best preserved and the most altered, whether during the adaptations

of the palace to Christian use carried out under Ferdinand and Isabel (as well as their son, Charles V) or during modern restoration; these two spaces have also fostered the most contention among scholars. Earlier schools of interpretation viewed the complex composed by these two palaces as imbued with a single plan and conception; recent studies have given greater attention to the differences between the two palaces and to the fact that each possessed its own bath complex, orientation, and possibly even entrance, thereby stressing the particular architectural, ornamental, and even poetic coherence of each. The Palace of the Myrtles (in Spanish, arraya´nes), which is also referred to as the Palace of Comares, is the earliest of the two; it was possibly begun by Isma‘il and substantially developed under Yuˆsuf, but it also owes much to the patronage of Muhammad V. It is preceded by a still poorly understood area referred to as the Mexuar (from the Arabic mashwar), which probably served administrative purposes (petitions and other matters of civic import), although disagreements exist regarding the specific function to be attributed to each area. Corridors then lead past a small oratory and into the throne room proper, which is often referred to as the Sala de Comares. It looks out onto a central patio and pool complex, and it is separated from the latter by a long, narrow space known as the Sala de la Barca (probably from the Arabic baraka, or blessing); it is mirrored on the opposite side of the pool by a similar complex of rooms. The stunning effects produced by reflections of the architecture in the still rectangular pool have been commented on by numerous poets and modern scholars; they contribute to a sense of stasis that is echoed in the throne room (and, according to specialists, in the panegyric and battle-centered subject matter of the poetic compositions that adorn the walls), for which a cosmological reading based in what most read as a representation or evocation of the seven heavens in the ceiling. The poetic inscriptions—verses throughout the palace—were taken from longer compositions by three principal poets: Ibn al-Jayyan, Ibn Zamrak, and Ibn al-Khatib, although those authored by the latter would have been effaced after his fall from grace serve to support this interpretation. Again, the throne room participates in a particularly Andalusi tradition of royal spaces; however, Christian sovereigns such as Alfonso X and Muhammad V‘s contemporary Pedro I (‘‘el Cruel’’) did not hesitate to adapt them to their own purposes, perhaps even contributing to the development of the Islamic prototype. During the fourteenth century, it is possible that the two doorways that punctuate the impressive facade of the Palace of the Myrtles were originally located on the


ALHAMBRA/AL-QASR AL-HAMRA’ southern extreme of the Patio of the Myrtles, which constitutes the palaces’ most formal and elaborate entrance, and which led directly into the throne room. Entrance would have been effected through a small space topped by a dome and followed by the Salon of the Suras; this mirrors the Sala de la Barca, which precedes the throne room. This debate has awakened considerable controversy, and much work remains to be done before the hypothesis can be fully substantiated; however, such an arrangement would be in keeping with the tradition of Hispano-Islamic palaces, and it would help to explain Charles V’s decision to place his palace where he did. From the Palace of the Myrtles, one passes into the Palace of the Lions. Here, with the exception of the verses in the Mirador of Lindaraja (probably the privileged position occupied by the sovereign when this palace was in use), inscriptions concentrate more on the themes of beauty—specifically those of architecture and gardens—than did those of the Salon of Comares. This fact gives rise to an interpretation that is now believed by many scholars to overemphasize the pleasurable (and even paradisiacal) aspects of the palace and to give short shrift to what was possibly an official or judiciary function. The patio, which is oriented in the opposite direction of that of the Myrtles and punctuated in the center by the famous Fountain of the Lions, is flanked on all four sides by rooms that are covered with spectacular muqarnas vaults and embellished with small fountains that are channeled from the central one. The east and west rooms are preceded by porch-like structures that evoke pavilions, and columns are grouped so as to suggest movement and invite perambulation. Interpretations of the Court of the Lions vary, as noted earlier, from that of a pleasure palace with no other purpose to a new Mexuar to a Sufi madrasa and tomb complex. Although scholars of the nineteenth century viewed the Nasrid palace through a Romantic lens that emphasized its uniqueness and quintessentially Islamic qualities, the Alhambra in fact gives ample evidence of interactions with contemporary cultures, both Christian and Muslim. Relationships to Marinid Morocco have been suggested on the basis of both shared ornamental tastes and the particular plan of the Palace of the Lions, which the structure in turn shares with the original state of the cloister of a convent of Poor Claires that was established in the Castilian villa of Tordesillas by Pedro I ‘‘el Cruel’’ of Castile in 1373 (the building was previously a palace built under his and his father’s patronage). Numerous and as yet incompletely studied interchanges are documented in the corpus of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century


architecture and ornament built or adapted by Christian or Jewish patrons according to Islamic models known as mude´jar. The textiles that ornamented the Alhambra’s salons and walls evidence intriguing similarities to those produced throughout the Mediterranean, including Italy. The painted leather ceilings, moreover, that adorn the so-called Sala de Justicia at the eastern end of the Patio of the Lions are clearly related to European models, although their program has yet to be fully deciphered. Finally, it is known that Isabel I spent a considerable amount of time in the palace before her death and was in fact buried (in the habit of the Poor Claires) for a time in one of the miradors of one of the complex’s older palaces that she had donated to the Franciscan order so that a convent might be founded on the palace grounds, which now belonged to her. CYNTHIA ROBINSON See also Architecture, Religious; Architecture, Secular; Civil Architecture, Secular; Palaces; Baths and Bathing; Beauty and Aesthetics; Gardens and Gardening; Painting, Monumental and Frescoes; Poetry, Arabic; Poet; Water

Further Reading Al-Andalus: The Islamic Art of Spain, ed. Jerrilynn D. Dodds New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art; Harry N. Abrams, 1992. Arie´, Rachel, and Luis A. Garcı´a Moreno. Espan˜a Musulmana: (Siglos VIII-XV), 1st ed., 16th printing. Barcelona: Labor, 1994. ———. El Reino Nasrı´ de Granada, 1232–1492. Madrid: Editorial MAPFRE, 1992. Bargebuhr, Frederick P. The Alhambra Palace of the Eleventh Century. Worcester, England: 1956. Cabanelas, Darı´o. El Techo del Salo´n de Comares en la Alhambra: Decoracio´n, Policromı´a, Simbolismo y Etimologı´a. Granada: Patronato de la Alhambra y Generalife, 1988. ———. Literatura, Arte y Religio´n en los Palacios de la Alhambra. (Discurso de apertura del curso Acade´mico 1984–1985.) Granada: Universo de Granada, 1984. Cabanelas, Darı´o, and Antonio Ferna´ndez-Puertas, ‘‘Inscripciones Poe´ticas del Generalife.’’ Cuadernos de la Alhambra 14 (1978): 3–86. ———. ‘‘Inscripciones Poe´ticas del Partal y del Palacio de Comares.’’ Cuadernos de la Alhambra 10–11 (1974–1975): 117–99. ———. ‘‘El Poema de la Fuente de los Leones.’’ Cuadernos de la Alhambra 15–17 (1979–1981): 4–88. ———. ‘‘Los Poemas de las Tacas del Arco de Aceso a la Sala de la Barca.’’ Cuadernos de la Alhambra 19–20 (1983–1984): 61–152. Dı´ez Jorge, Marı´a Elena. El Palacio Isla´mico de la Alhambra: Propuestas para una Lectura Multicultural. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1998.

‘ALI AL-RIDA Dodds, Jerrilynn D. ‘‘The Paintings in the Sala de Justicia of the Alhambra: Iconography and Iconology.’’ Art Bulletin (1978): 186–97. Fairchild Ruggles, D. Gardens, Landscape, and Vision in the Palaces of Islamic Spain. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2000. ———. ‘‘The Eye of Sovereignty: Poetry and Vision in the Alhambra’s Lindaraja Mirador.’’ Gesta 36, no. 2 (1997): 180–89. Ferna´ndez-Puertas, Antonio. The Alhambra, 2 vols. London: Saqi Press, 1997. ———. La Fachada del Palacio de Comares (The Facade of the Palace of Comares). Granada: Patronato de la Alhambra, 1980. ´ rabes en los Muros y Garcı´a Gomez, Emilio. Poemas A Fuentes de La Alhambra, 2nd ed. Madrid: Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Isla´micos en Madrid, 1996. ———. Ibn Zamrak, el Poeta de la Alhambra. Granada: Patronato de la Alhambra, 1975. ———. Foco de Antigua Luz Sobre la Alhambra. Madrid: Instituto Egipcio de Estudios Isla´micos en Madrid, 1988. Gonzalez, Vale´rie. Beauty and Islam: Aesthetics in Islamic Art and Architecture. London: Saqi Press, 2001. Grabar, Oleg. The Alhambra, 2nd ed., revised. Sebastopol, Calif: Solipsist Press, 1992. Jesu´s Bermu´dez y Pareja. El Palacio de Carlos V y la Alhambra Cristiana. Granada: Albaı´cin, 1971. ———. ‘‘El Ban˜o del Palacio de Comares, en la Alhambra de Granada. Disposicio´n Primitiva y Alteraciones.’’ Cuadernos de la Alhambra 10–11 (1974–1975): 99–116. ———. ‘‘Identificacio´n del Palacio de Comares y del Palacio de los Leones en la Alhambra de Granada.’’ In Actas del XXIII Congreso Internacional de Historia del Arte, 55–6. Granada, 1976. ———. Palacios de Comares y Leones. Granada: Caja de Ahorros de Granada, 1972. Lo´pez, Jesu´s Bermu´dez, and Pedro A. Galera Andreu. The Alhambra and Generalife: Official Guide. Granada: Editorial Comares, 1999. Muhammad ibn Yusuf Ibn Zumruk, Yusuf, King of Granada. Diwan Ibn Zumruk al-Andalusi, ed. Muhammad Tawfiq Nayfar. Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1997. Puerta Vı´lchez, Jose´ Miguel. Los Co´digos de Utopı´a de la Alhambra de Granada. Granada: Diputacio´n Provincial de Granada, 1990. ´ rabe: al-Andalus ———. Historia del Pensamiento Este´tico A ´ rabe Cla´sica. Madrid: Ediciones Akal, y la Este´tica A 1997. ———. In Historia del Reino de Granada, ed. Rafael G. Penado Santaella. Granada: Universidad de Granada: Legado Andalusı´, 2000. Rubiera Mata, Marı´a Jesu´s. Ibn al-Jayyaˆb, el Otro Poeta de la Alhambra. Granada: Junta de Andalucı´a, Consejerı´a de Cultura y Medio Ambiente: Patronato de la Alhambra y Generalife, 1984. ———. ‘‘Los Poemas Epigra´ficos en Ibn Yayyaˆb en la Alhambra.’’ Al-Andalus XXV (1970): 453–73. ———. ‘‘De Nuevo Sobre los Poemas Epigra´ficos de la Alhambra.’’ Al-Andalus XLI (1976): 207–11. Ruiz Sousa, Juan Carlos. ‘‘El Palacio de los Leones de la Alhambra: Madrasa, Zawiya y Tumba de Muhammad V?’’ Al-Qantara 22, no. 1 (2001): 77–120. Santiago Simo´n, Emilio. El Polı´grafo Granadino Ibn al-Jatib y el Sufismo: Aportaciones para su Estudio. Granada: Excma. Diputacio´n Provincial, Instituto Provincial de

Estudios y Promocio´n Cultural: Departamento de Historia del Islam de la Universidad, 1983. Seco de Lucena, Luis. La Alhambra de Granada, 8th ed. Leo´n: Editorial Everest, 1986.

‘ALI AL-RIDA Eighth Imam of the Twelver Shi‘is and heir to the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mun, Abu ’l-Hasan ‘Ali ibn Musa ibn Ja‘far al-Sadiq was born sometime during the late 760s in Medina, the son of the seventh Imam Musa al-Kazim and a Nubian slave wife. His father designated him as his successor before he died in prison in 799. None of his brothers claimed the imamate, although some of them—along with his uncle Muhammad ibn Ja‘far—revolted against the ‘Abbasids. The real split in the Twelver community took place between al-Rida’s supporters and those who insisted that al-Kazim was the messianic Mahdi of the last days and that he had not died but merely gone into occultation. The Waqifiyya, as they became known (particularly in the heresiographies), were prominent in Iraq and withheld the payment of the khums from al-Rida. In Medina, al-Rida narrated hadith from his forefathers, but it seems that he was not received well by Sunni traditionists (or, rather, by the later constructors of hadith criticism), because few Sunnis transmitted from him; however, at the same time, when al-Rida went to Khurasan, famous Sunni traditionists such as Ibn Rahawayh and Yahya ibn Yahya were said to have met him in Nishapur. In 816, the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mun invited alRida to Khurasan and, in a radical policy shift, designated al-Rida, an ‘Alid, as his successor and married his daughter Umm Habib to him. Some of the sources, especially the Twelver accounts, make much of al-Rida’s ‘‘royal progress’’ to Marv, although it is unclear whether he had even accepted al-Ma’mun’s proposal at the time. In an official ceremony in March 817, al-Rida was formally designated an heir apparent. Historians have debated the intentions of all the protagonists; recent research suggests that al-Ma’mun had decided that the best candidates for the caliphate ought to come from the wider pool of Hashimites and that ‘Ali ibn Musa was the best candidate. He even gave him the title al-Rida, no doubt as a preemptive move against Shi‘i rebels who often raised the banner of al-Rida min Al Muhammad, the chosen (messianic) candidate from the family of Muhammad. Al-Rida was given a high status at the court of al-Ma’mun, where he often took part in religious disputations; accounts of this were recorded later in Ibn Babuwayh’s ‘Uyun akhbar al-Rida, the main collection of reports about him. Twelver sources


‘ALI AL-RIDA categorically state that al-Rida accepted the post reluctantly; he had little taste for political power, and he suspected bad faith on the part of alMa’mun. Certainly there is a sense in which the disputations were designed as set pieces to embarrass alRida, and it seems unlikely that he would ever have succeeded the much younger al-Ma’mun. Suspicions were further raised by the sudden death of al-Rida at Tus in September 818. Most accounts allege that he was poisoned; most Twelvers historians blamed alMa’mun. The sudden change in al-Ma’mun’s policy and the attempt to eradicate his memory (despite the immediate signs of grief and funeral arrangements that placed al-Rida’s body in the tomb of Harun al-Rashid) seemed to confirm these suspicions. According to Twelver tradition, al-Rida was succeeded by his son Muhammad al-Jawad, whose minority raised issues about the ontological status of the Imam and his knowledge. The tomb near Tus became a major pilgrimage site for the Imam martyred in foreign lands. Pilgrimage to his shrine city, which was renamed Mashhad (place of martyrdom) in his honor, was commended in Shi‘i pilgrimage manuals. Miracles ascribed to him in his life multiplied after his death; pilgrims were cured, dilemmas solved, and spiritual guidance found. Three works are attributed to al-Rida. Al-Risala al-Dhahabiyya fi ’l-Tibb is a treatise on Prophetic medicine that is said to have been commissioned by al-Ma’mun and copied in golden ink. Despite questions concerning its provenance, it remains popular in Twelver circles. Sahifat al-Rida is a collection of 240 hadith mentioned in some early Imami sources. Fiqh al-Rida, which is a work that purports to record alRida’s legal pronouncements, was unknown until the Safavid period; it is in fact the legal work, Kitab altaklif, of the Imami heresiarch Muhammad ibn ‘Ali al-Shalmaghani (d. 934). SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also al-Ma’mun; Messianism; Nishapur; Shi‘ism; Shi‘i imams Primary Sources al-Mufid. Kitab al-Irshad: The Book of Guidance, trans. I.K.A. Howard. London: The Muhammadi Trust, 1981, 461–79.

Further Reading Bayhom Daou, T. The Imami Shi‘i Conception of the Knowledge of the Imam and the Sources of Religious Doctrine in the Formative Period from Hisham ibn al-Hakam to alKulini. Ph.D. dissertation. London: School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 1996.


Buyukkara, M.A. The Imami-Shi‘i Movement in the Time of Musa al-Kazim and ‘Ali al-Rida. Ph.D. dissertation. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University, 1997. Cooperson, M. Classical Arabic Biography: The Heirs of the Prophet in the Age of al-Ma’mun. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Gabrieli, F. al-Ma’mun e gli ‘Alidi. Leigzig: Pfeiffer, 1929. Hakami, N. Pe`lerinage de l‘Emaˆm Rezaˆ: Etude Socio-e´conomique. Tokyo: Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, 1989. Madelung, W. ‘‘New Documents Concerning al-Ma’mun, al-Fadl b. Sahl and ‘Ali al-Rida.’’ In Studia Arabica et Islamica: Festschrift for Ihsan ‘Abbas, ed. W. al-Qadi, 333–46. Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1981. Modarressi, H. Crisis and Consolidation in the Formative Period of Shi‘ite Islam. Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1993.

‘ALI IBN ABI TALIB ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib (c. 599–661) was the first cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad; the fourth of the four Rightly Guided Caliphs (al-khulafa’ al-rashidun); and the first of the Imams deemed by all Shi‘is Muslims to be appointed by divine mandate. The word Shi‘is itself is derived from the term shi‘at’ ‘Ali, which means ‘‘partisans of ‘Ali.’’ Few figures of nascent Islam had as pervasive and enduring an influence—both symbolic and actual— on the unfolding of Islamic thought, culture, and spirituality as ‘Ali. Referred to by the Prophet as the ‘‘gate’’ to the city of prophetic science, one of the most noticeable features of his legacy for medieval Islam is indeed the range of disciplines—from theology and exegesis to calligraphy and numerology, from law and mysticism to grammar and rhetoric— that are regarded as having been first adumbrated by ‘Ali.

As Companion of the Prophet ‘Ali was about five years old when he was taken into the household of Muhammad, and, from this time until the death of the Prophet, was his constant companion. He was one of the first to accept the mission of the Prophet, although he was still but a youth. After the migration (al-hijra) to Medina (622), ‘Ali distinguished himself principally as the most outstanding warrior in the early battles fought by the Muslims, his valor and strength assuming legendary dimensions through the reports of the battle of Khaybar in 629. He was also one of the scribes of the verses of the continuing revelation of the Qur’an. In Medina, the Prophet instituted a pact of brotherhood between the emigrants from Mecca and the

ALMOHADS ‘‘helpers’’ (the Muslims of Medina), and he adopted ‘Ali as his brother. The Prophet married ‘Ali to his daughter, Fatima, who was considered (along with her mother, Muhammad’s first wife, Khadija) to be a paragon of feminine sanctity in Islam. The Prophet’s ahl al-bayt (‘‘people of the House’’)—the members of which the Qur’an refers to in 33:33 as being purified of all defilement—was indicated by the Prophet as consisting of himself, ‘Ali, Fatima, and their two sons, Hasan and Husayn. In one of the most famous and controversial sayings of the Prophet, known as the Hadith al-Ghadir, ‘Ali is referred to as the mawla (guide/master/nearest) of all those who regard the Prophet as their mawla. For Shi‘is, this implied a clear designation (nass) by the Prophet of ‘Ali as his successor. It was belief in ‘Ali as the true, divinely appointed successor (khalifa) and heir (wasi) of the Prophet that formed the theological basis of the distinctive political philosophy of Shi‘ism. Such Shi‘ite dynasties as the (Isma‘ili) Fatimids (q.v.) and the (Ithna‘ashari) Safawids (q.v.) were founded on this political philosophy.

recent scholarship suggests that most of the material in it can in fact be attributed to ‘Ali (Djebli, 56). The numerous commentaries on this text—the most important being that of the Mu‘tazilite, Ibn Abi l-Hadid (d. 655)—greatly amplified its influence on theological speculation, philosophical thought, and literary discourse. With regard to ‘Ali’s spiritual legacy, this was transmitted in the Sunni world principally through the widespread Sufi brotherhoods (turuq, s. tariqa, q.v.), all of which trace their spiritual genealogy back to him through an unbroken chain of initiatic masters. In the Shi‘i context, his spiritual influence is discerned in the tradition of what came to be called ‘irfan (gnosis; q.v.), which partly overlaps with Sufism but is distinct from it in certain respects. ‘Ali’s shrine in Najaf, near Baghdad, remains one of the most important places of pilgrimage in the Muslim world. REZA SHAH-KAZEMI

Further Reading

As Caliph The short caliphate of ‘Ali (656–661) was marked principally by the first civil wars within Islam. He fought three major battles: that of Jamal (656) against the forces of Talha, Zubayr (two leading companions), and ‘A’isha (one of the Prophet’s wives); that of Siffin against Mu‘awiya (657); and that of Nahrawan (658) against the ‘‘Seceders’’ (Kharijites [q.v.]; those who seceded from his own ranks). Although victorious in the first and last of these battles, the second resulted in a stalemate and an attempt at arbitration. When this attempt collapsed, ‘Ali roused his forces for a resumption of the war against Mu‘awiya but was attacked by a Kharijite during morning prayers at the congregational mosque in Kufa on 28 January 661; he died from his wounds two days later.

Intellectual and Spiritual Legacy The chief vehicle of ‘Ali’s intellectual legacy is the Nahj al-Balagha, a text of sermons, letters, and aphorisms that was compiled by al-Sharif al-Radi (d. 1016), a renowned Shi‘i scholar of ‘Abbasid Baghdad. Few texts have exerted a greater influence on the field of Arabic literature and rhetoric than the Nahj. Despite ongoing questions about the authenticity of the text,

Chirri, Mohammad Jawad. The Brother of the Prophet Mohammad, 2 vols. Detroit: 1979, 1982. Djebli, Moktar. ‘‘Encore a` Propos de l’Authenticite´ du Nahj al-Balagha!’’ Studia Islamica LXXV (1992): 33–56. Ibn Ishaq. The Life of Muhammad, trans. A. Guillaume. London: 1968. Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muhammad—A Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge: 1997. Poonawala, I.K. ‘‘‘Ali b. Abi Taleb.’’ In Encyclopedia Iranica, Part i, 838–43. al-Radi, al-Sharif. Nahjul Balaghah (The Peak of Eloquence), trans. Sayed Ali Reza. New York: 1996. al-Tabari, Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Jarir. The History of al-Tabari, trans. Adrian Brockett. New York: 7. See in particular vol. XVI, ‘‘The Community Divided—The Caliphate of ‘Ali I, A.D. 656–657/ A.H. 35–36’’ and vol. XVII, ‘‘The First Civil War—From the Battle of Siffin to the Death of ‘Ali, A.D. 656–661/ A.H. 36–40.’’

ALMOHADS The Almohads were the Berber dynasty that ruled the Islamic West (Morocco, Algeria, Tunis) and alAndalus (Muslim Spain) from the sixth/twelfth century to the first half of the seventh/thirteenth century. The name Almohads derives from the Arabic almuwahhidun (the Unitarians), which was adopted by the followers of an Islamic reformist movement originating with the teachings of the Masmuda Berber Ibn Tumart, who led a doctrinal opposition against what he saw as the religious and moral corruption of Almoravid times. The sources of Ibn Tumart’s thought, which are to be understood within the theological 37

ALMOHADS and legal debates about the acquisition of certainty in the interpretation of God’s revelation, are still open to discussion. Ibn Tumart’s life in Almohad sources follows the paradigm of the Prophet Muhammad’s biography, which makes the disentangling of legend from history difficult. Ibn Tumart performed an emigration (517/ 1123) with his disciples to the village of Tinmallal (Atlas mountains) to escape Almoravid persecution. There, having gained the allegiance of neighboring Berber tribes, the religious movement transformed itself into a revolutionary army that engaged in military fighting against the Almoravids. Purges of dissidents were carried out, and Ibn Tumart proclaimed himself (or was proclaimed) Mahdi (rightly guided one), a title with Messianic overtones. After Ibn Tumart’s death, his disciple ‘Abd alMu’min (Zanata Berber) proclaimed himself caliph (r. 524/1130–558/1163), eventually adopting an Arab (Qaysi) genealogy. ‘Abd al-Mu’min was the founder of the Almohad empire, managing to conquer Marrakech (the Almoravid capital) in the year 542/ 1147. He introduced changes in the composition of the Almohad Berber army, incorporating the Arab tribes (Sulaym, Hilal) that had been moving westward in North Africa since the fifth/eleventh century. ‘Abd al-Mu’min was also responsible for the creation of the religious elites known as talaba. Al-Andalus was partly occupied during ‘Abd alMu’min’s times, and so was Tunis, where he defeated the Normans of Sicily. His successors Abu Ya‘qub Yusuf (r. 558–580/1163–1184) and Abu Yusuf Ya‘qub al-Mansur (r. 580–595/1184–1199) had to face the Almoravid Banu Ghaniya and internal opponents as well as continue the struggle in the Iberian Peninsula against both local Andalusi independent rulers and the Christians. These groups were defeated at the battle of Alarcos (591/1195), although some years later the Almohads would prove unable to stop them; and by the third decade of the seventh/thirteenth century, major towns such as Seville and Cordoba were lost to the King of Castile. The ruling dynasty was weakened by internal splits, some of which were associated with the maintenance or abandonment of the original Almohad ideology. The empire disintegrated during the first half of the seventh/thirteenth century, and former Almohad territory was divided among the Marinids in Morocco, the Hafsids in Tunis, and the ‘Abd al-Wadids in Algeria. The Almohad movement had aimed at a complete religious renewal that was conceived as a return to the situation of the early Muslim community, when the Prophet ensured the correct understanding and implementation of God’s design for the believers. By this, they were proclaiming a break with the existing 38

society, because it represented the degradation of the original community. This break showed itself in certain Almohad peculiarities that aimed at proving the beginning of a new era: the qibla of the mosques was changed; changes were introduced in the public call to prayer; in the Almohad coins, the square shape predominated over the round; and the study of the fundamentals of belief and law was promoted. The Almohad period also witnessed the flourishing of Sufism in the Islamic West and also of philosophy; the main representative of this was Ibn Rushd alHafid (d. 595/1198), known in the Latin West as Averroes. The effort for propagating Almohad doctrine among the population led to the use of the Berber language in ritual and writings, while at the same time the penetration of Arab tribes in Morocco would eventually help the process of linguistic Arabization. MARIBEL FIERRO See also Ibn Tumart; Almoravids Further Reading Overviews EI2, s.v. al-muwahhidun [M. Shatzmiller], Leiden, 1960. Guichard, P. ‘‘Les Almohades.’’ In Etats, Socie´te´s et Cultures du Monde Musulman Me´die´val: Xe`me-XVe`me Sie`cle, 3 vols., vol. 1, 205–31. ed. Jean-Claude Garcin et al. Paris: 1995. Huici Miranda, A. Historia Polı´tica del Imperio Almohade, 2 vols. Tetuan: 1956–1957. (Reprinted in Granada: 2000). Viguera, M.J., ed. ‘‘El Retroceso Territorial de al-Andalus. Almora´vides y Almohades.’’ In Historia de Espan˜a, ed. R. Mene´ndez Pidal, siglos XI al XIII, vol. VIII/2. Madrid: 1997.

Partial Studies (Published in the Last Twenty Years) Conrad, L.L., ed. The World of Ibn Tufayl. Interdisciplinary Perspectives on ‘‘Hayy ibn Yaqzan.’’ Leiden: 1996. Cornell, V. Realm of the Saint. Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism. Austin: 1998. Ferhat, H. Le Maghreb aux XIIe`me et XIIIe`me Sie`cles: Les Sie`cles de la Foi. Casablanca: 1993. Fierro, M. ‘‘The Legal Policies of the Almohad Caliphs and Ibn Rushd’s Bidayat al-mujtahid.’’ Journal of Islamic Studies 10/3 (1999): 226–48. Fricaud, E. ‘‘Les Talaba dans la Socie´te´ Almohade (le Temps d’Averroe´s).’’ Al-Qantara XVIII (1997): 331–88. Karmi, M. La Chute de l‘Empire Almohade. Analyse Doctrinale, Politique et E´conomique. Lille: Atelier National de Reproduction des The`ses, 1998. Nagel, T. Im Offenkundigen das Verborgene. Die Heilszusage des Sunnitischen Islams. Go¨ttingen: 2002. Sabbane, A. Le Gouvernment et l‘Administration de la Dynastie Almohade (XIIe-XIIIe Sie`cles). Lille: Atelier National de Reproduction des The`ses, 1999.

ALMORAVIDS Urvoy, D. Pensers d‘al-Andalus. La Vie Intellectuelle a` Cordoue et Sevilla au Temps des Empires Berberes (Fin XIe Sie`cle–De´but XIIIe Sie`cle). Toulouse: 1990. Vega Martı´n, M., S. Pen˜a Martı´n, and M. C. Feria Garcı´a. El Mensaje de las Monedas Almohades: Numisma´tica, Traduccio´n y Pensamiento. Castilla-La Mancha: Servicio de Publicaciones de Castilla-La Mancha, 2002.

ALMORAVIDS The Almoravids were the dynasty that ruled Morocco and al-Andalus (Muslim Spain) from the fifth/eleventh century to the first half of the sixth/twelfth century. The Almoravids were recruited from among Berber Sanhaja nomads who inhabited southern Morocco and the Sahara and who were involved in the salt, gold, and slave trades. They were known in Arabic as al-murabitun, which means those who engage in ribat (this term refers to a fortified convent on the frontiers of Islam but also metaphorically to a spiritual discipline that could be directed to military aims). The origins of the Almoravid movement are connected by sources to the desire of a leader of the Gudala tribe to improve the religious life of his tribesmen (and their relatives, the Lamtuna), convincing a Maliki scholar, Ibn Yasin, to settle with them in what is now Mauritania. Ibn Yasin, while keeping for himself the political and religious leadership, appointed Yahya ibn ‘Umar al-Lamtuni leader of the army after the Sanhaja had been organized into a raiding force. They conquered the Sahara and southern Morocco. Ibn Yasin died in 450/1058 while fighting the heretic Barghawata Berbers; although mention is made of some spiritual successors, the movement eventually united under a single religious, political, and military leadership. Yahya ibn ‘Umar died in 447–448/1055–1057 and was succeeded by his brother Abu Bakr, who left for the Sahara to put order there and who appointed as commander of the army in Morocco his cousin Yusuf ibn Tashufin (d. 500/1107). The latter became the supreme authority of the Almoravid movement, which he led to the conquests of Morocco, part of Ifriqiya (see North Africa), and al-Andalus. The capital of the empire was established in Marrakech. Ibn Tashufin and his successors, who claimed a Himyari (Southern Arab) genealogy, adopted the title Prince of the Muslims (amir al-muslimin) and are said to have acknowledged the ‘Abbasid caliphate. The Andalusi Taifa kings (see Party Kings [Iberian Peninsula]), unable to stop Christian military advance in the Iberian Peninsula, asked for Ibn Tashufin’s help; he crossed the Strait of Gibraltar, obtaining a resounding victory at Zallaqa (479/1086). This and

later military interventions eventually led to the dethronement of those same Taifa kings, and al-Andalus became part of the Almoravid empire. The Almoravid dynasty was supported by the Sanhaja murabitun, who constituted a military and political elite, and by the employment of Christian mercenaries and black slaves in the army. In the religious and legal spheres, the Maliki jurists had great influence, because the Almoravid rulers usually tried to back their political and religious decisions with fatwas (see Law and Jurisprudence). Although the Almoravid movement has usually been portrayed as fanatical and conservative, supporting those Malikis who opposed theology and Sufism (with the episode of the burning of al-Ghazali’s Ihya’ ‘ulum al-din [Revivification of the Religious Sciences] figuring prominently in this regard), recent scholarship indicates a more complex situation. The Almoravid program of religious reform, which centered on jihad and the abolition of illegal taxes, went in fact together with an increasing interest in theology, the fundamentals of religion (usul al-din), and the rational sciences, as well as with the flourishing of Sufism, thus prefiguring in many ways the subsequent Almohad intellectual and religious revolution. The Almoravids, who were weakened by their fight against the Christians of al-Andalus, lost their power at the hands of the Almohads, who accused them of heterodoxy for their un-Islamic dressing (the men were veiled and the women were not) and for their anthropomorphism. In al-Andalus, the disintegration of Almoravid power was the result of the formation of independent polities led by charismatic leaders (e.g., the Sufi Ibn Qasi), military men, or urban notables (mostly judges). Almost all of these autonomous political entities disappeared with the Almohad intervention in the Iberian Peninsula. Only the branch of the Massufa Banu Ghaniya managed to survive, ruling first in the Balearic Islands and then in Ifriqiyya. MARIBEL FIERRO See also Jihad; Gibraltar Further Reading Overviews EI2, s.v. al-murabitun [H.T. Norris and P. Chalmeta]. Leiden, 1960. Bel, A. Les Benou Ghaniya. Paris: 1903. Bosch Vila, J. Los Almora´vides. Tetuan: 1956. (Reprinted with an introduction by E. Molina; Granada: 1990.) Codera, F. Decadencia y Desaparicio´n de los Almora´vides en Espan˜a. Zaragoza: 1899. (Reprinted with an introduction by M.J. Viguera; Zaragoza: 2004.) Dandash, I.A.L. Al-Andalus fi Nihayat al-Murabitin waMustahall al-Muwahhidin. _Asr al-Tawa_if al-Thani


ALMORAVIDS (510–546 H./1116–1151 M.). Beirut: Ta’rikh Siyasi waHadara, 1988. Guichard, P. ‘‘Les Almoravides.’’ In Etats, Socie´te´s et Cultures du Monde Musulman Me´die´val: Xe`me-XVe`me Sie`cle, ed. Jean-Claude Garcin et al, 3 vols. Paris: 1995. Lagarde´re, V. Les Almoravides Jusqu‘au Re`gne de Yusuf b. Tashfin (1039–1106). Paris: 1989. ———. Le Vendredi de Zallaqa (23 Octobre 1086). Paris: 1989. ———. Les Almoravides. Le Djihad Andalou (1106–1143). Paris: 1998. Viguera, M.J., ed. ‘‘El Retroceso Territorial de al-Andalus. Almora´vides y Almohades.’’ In Historia de Espan˜a, ed. R. Mene´ndez Pidal, Siglos XI al XIII, vol. VIII/2. Madrid: 1997.

Partial Studies al-Q. Butshish, I. al-Maghrib wa-l-Andalus fi asr al-Murabitin: al-Mujtama’, al-Dhihniyyat, al-Awliya’. Beirut: 1993. Dandash, I.A.L. Adwa‘ Jadida ‘ala al-Murabitin. Beirut: 1990. Dreher, J. ‘‘L‘Imamat d’Ibn Qasi a` Me´rtola (Automne 1144–E´te´ 1145): Le´gitimite´ d’Une Domination Soufie?’’ MIDEO 18 (1988): 195–210. Fierro, M. ‘‘The qadi as ruler.’’ In Saber Religioso y Poder Polı´tico, 71–116. Actas del Simposio Internacional, Granada, 15–18 October 1991. Madrid: 1994. Messier, R. ‘‘The Almoravids, West-Africa Gold and the Gold Currency of the Mediterranean Basin.’’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17 (1974): 31–47. ———. ‘‘Re-thinking the Almoravids, Re-thinking Ibn Khaldun.’’ In North Africa, Islam and the Mediterranean World. From The Almoravids to the Algerian World, ed. J. Clancy-Smith, 58–80. London: 2001. Serrano, D. ‘‘Los Almora´vides y la Teologı´a as‘arı´: ¿Contestacio´n o Legitimacio´n de una Disciplina Marginal?’’ In Estudios Onoma´stico-Biogra´ficos de al-Andalus, ed. C. de la Puente, XIII. Identidades Marginales, 461–516. Madrid: 2003. Urvoy, D. Pensers d’al-Andalus. La Vie Intellectuelle a` Cordoue et Sevilla au Temps des Empires Berberes (Fin XIe Sie`cle–De´but XIIIe Sie`cle). Toulouse: 1990. Viguera, M.J. ‘‘Las Cartas de al-Gazali y al-Turtusi al Soberano Almora´vid Yusuf b. Tasufin.’’ Al-Andalus XLII (1977): 341–74.

ALP ARSLAN Alp Arslan (r. 1063–1073 CE) was the second sultan of the Great Seljuk Empire. Born in 1029, he was a son of Chaghri Beg, a grandson of Seljuk ibn Duqaq (the eponymous founder of the Seljuk dynasty), and a nephew of Toghril Beg, the first sultan of the Great Seljuk Empire (of which Chaghri and Toghril were cofounders). Soon after their conquest of the Middle East began in 1040, Chaghri became ruler of Khurasan, using Merv as his capital. Other regions of the empire were subsequently parceled out to other members of the family. Alp Arslan was close to his father, who, as early as 1043, sent him as the 40

head of forces against the Ghaznavids. In 1050, he plundered Fasa far to the west, in Fars. He fought the Ghaznavids again, successfully, in 1053–1054. When Chaghri died around 1059, Alp Arslan succeeded him as ruler of Khurasan and placed Nizam al-Mulk, who had previously entered his service, in charge of its administration. At about the same time, he marched to Rayy, the capital of the Seljuk Empire, to help Toghril crush a revolt by his cousin Ibrahim Yinal. Toghril died childless in 1063. Before he died, he married one of Chaghri’s wives, whose son he designated his heir. With the support of powerful amirs, Alp Arslan rid himself of his half-brother, overcame rebellious family members (the most formidable of whom was his brother Qavurt, the ruler of Kirman), and took the throne at Rayy, placing Nizam al-Mulk in charge of running the empire. Shortly thereafter, the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im recognized him as sultan; he then concentrated on continuing the Seljuk conquests. In 1064, Alp Arslan marched to Azerbaijan. From there he invaded Georgia and conquered the Armenian cities of Kars and Ani, and afterward he returned to Rayy. In 1065, he consolidated his hold on Transoxania and campaigned beyond the Jaxartes (Syr Darya). In 1067, he turned south to crush a revolt by Qavurt and then returned to the western frontier where, in the meantime, Turkmen raiders had been penetrating ever more deeply into Byzantine territory. In 1068, he again invaded Georgia, and, in 1070, he moved into northern Syria, besieging Edessa and Aleppo. In 1071, while in Syria, he made plans to overthrow the Fatimid caliphate in Egypt. His attention was diverted, however, when he learned that the Byzantine emperor Romanus IV Diogenes was marching into eastern Anatolia. The emperor had decided to put an end to the growing Turkish menace by taking the fortresses of Manzikert and Akhlat, thus sealing off major immigration routes into Anatolia. At Manzikert, Alp Arslan defeated the Byzantine army and captured the emperor. Byzantine defenses in Anatolia collapsed, and Turkish immigration began on a large scale, driven by a desire for booty and pastures. There is no evidence that Alp Arslan ordered a systematic conquest of Anatolia. Indeed, he immediately returned east to face hostilities with the Qarakhanids in Transoxania. In 1073, in the midst of this campaign, a captive Castellan managed to stab him to death; his son Malikshah succeeded him. GARY LEISER See also ‘Abbasids; Armenia, Byzantine Empire; Fatimids; Muslim–Byzantine Relations; Raids; Seljuks; Seljuk Warfare; Turks

ALPHABETS Primary Sources Ibn al-Athir. The Annals of the Saljuq Turks, trans. D.S. Richards. London: Routledge-Curzon, 2002.

Further Reading Bosworth, C.E. ‘‘The Political and Dynastic History of the Iranian World (A.D. 1000–1217).’’ In The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5, The Saljuq and Mongol Periods, ed. J.A. Boyle. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968. Luther, K.A. ‘‘Alp Arslan.’’ In Encyclopaedia Iranica.

ALPHABETS The Arabic alphabet (abjad, abajad, or abu jad) consists, in its present state (which has been attested to since the end of the seventh century) of twenty-eight graphemes that are consonantal phonemes. They are as follows (here with a simplified transliteration and numerical value): alif (’, 1), ba’ (b, 2), ta’ (t, 400), tha’ (voiceless gingival or interdental: th, 500), jim (j, 3), ha’ (h, 8), kha’ (voiceless spirant fricative: kh, 600), dal (d, 4), dhal (voiced gingival: dh, 700), ra’ (lingual vibrant: r, 200), zay (z, 7), sin (s, 60), shin (voiceless cacuminal spirant, hushing sound, 300), sad (voiceless velar postdental, 90), dad (voiced velar occlusive, 800), za’ (voiced velar interdental spirant, 900), ‘ayn (voiceless fricative spirant: ‘, 70), ghayn (voiced fricative spirant: gh, 70), fa’ (f, 80), qaf (voiceless backvelar occlusive, together with occlusion of the larynx, 100), kaf (k, 20), lam (l, 30), mim (m, 40), nun (n, 50), ha’ (voiceless breath: h, 5), waw (w and long u, 6), and ya’ (y and long i, 10). Like other Proto-Sinaitic–derived scripts, Arabic does not have letters for vowels (haraka [motion]). However, at a later period, diacritical signs were invented to mark the vowels of Arabic and other phenomens of pronunciation. The marks for the short vowels are as follows: fatha (a), kasra (i), and damma (u). The marks of the short vowels, when doubled, are pronounced with the addition of the sound n (an, in, un); this is called tanwin (nunation, from the name of the letter nun). The long vowels and diphthongs are indicated by alif (long a), ya’ (for long i and ay), and waw (for long u and aw). When alif is not a mere letter of prolongation (i.e., a long a) but rather a consonant, pronounced like the spiritus lenis, it is distinguished by the mark hamza, which means compression, and is shown as follows: ’. With the vowels u and a, it is written over the alif; with the vowel i, it is written under. In special conditions, it is put over a ya’ or a waw; in others, it is

directly on the line, without a support. The alif maqsura (the alif that can be abbreviated) and the ta’ marbuta (the tied ya’) are in their forms, respectively, variants of the ya’ and the ha’. The sukun (rest) corresponds to the sheva quiescens of the Hebrew: it indicates the absence of vowel or a consonant. A consonant that is to be doubled without the interposition of a vowel is marked by a shadda (strengthening mark). When the vowels with hamza (’a, ’i, ’u) at the beginning of a word are absorbed by the final vowel of the preceding word, the elision of the spiritus lenis is marked by the sign wasla (union). There are at least two positions among Western scholars regarding the origin of the Arabic alphabet and writing: the Nabatean Aramaic one and the Syriac one (via the towns of Anbar and Hira). It should be noted that, for most of the ancient Muslim scholars, the Arabic script came from these towns to Mecca. There are also several legends surrounding the origin of the Arabic script. According to the Kufian Ibn al-Kalbi (d. AH 204/819 CE or 206/821), the first to form it was a group of Bedouin Arabs, whose names were Abu Jad (Abdjad), Hawwaz (or Hawwiz), Hutti, Kalamun (or Kaliman), Safas (or Safad), and Qurusa’at (or Qarishat, Qarashat). These legendary persons are supposed to have been kings of Midian (Madian). These names are actually combinations of the letters of the alphabet in the traditional order of the Semitic alphabet that have been combined in groups of four, three, four, and four, from aleph to taw. Other languages are written in Arabic script: Hausa, Kashmiri, Kazak, Kurdish, Kyrghyz, Malay, Morisco, Pashto, Persian/Farsi, Sindhi, Tatar, Turkish (before the reform of Ata Turk), Uyghur (in the Xinjiang Uyghur autonomous region of China and also in Afghanistan), and Urdu. Also present are the following consonant alphabets: ancient Berber, Divehi Akuru (Maldivian IndoAryan language—‘‘island letters’’ that were replaced, after the conversion of the Maldives to Islam in 1153, by a new Arabic-influenced alphabet known as Thaana), Hebrew, Mandaic, Middle Persian, Nabatean, Parthian, Phoenician, Proto-Hebrew, Psalter (a variant of Persian script), Sabean, Samaritan, South Arabian, Syriac, Tifinagh, and Ugaritic. Tifinagh is thought to have derived from ancient Berber script; it could mean ‘‘Phoenician letters,’’ or it may come from the Greek pinaks (writing tablets). Since September 2003, the Tifinagh alphabet has been taught in primary schools in Morocco; it is also used by the Tuaregs, particularly the women, for private notes and decoration. CLAUDE GILLIOT 41

ALPHABETS Primary Sources Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah. In An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal, 3 vols., vol. III, 111–70. New York: Bollingen Foundation; Princeton, NJ; Princeton University Press, 1967. Ibn al-Nadim. ‘‘The Fihrist of Ibn al-Nadim.’’ In A TenthCentury Survey of Muslim Culture, ed. and trans. Bayard Dodge, 2 vols., vol. I, 5–10. New York: Columbia University Press, 1970.

Further Reading Czapkiewicz, Andrzej. The Views of the Medieval Arab Philologists on Language and its Origin in the Light of as-Suyuˆtıˆ’s ‘‘al-Muzhir.’’ Cracovia: Universitas Iagellonica (Acta Scientiarum Litterarumque, CMIX, «Schedae Grammaticae», Fasciculus XCI), 1988. Drucker, Johanna. The Alphabetic Labyrinth. The Letters in History and Imagination. London: Thames and Hudson, 1995. Endress, Gerhard. ‘‘Herkunft und Entwicklung der Arabischen Schrift.’’ In Grundriss der Arabischen Philologie, ed. Wolfdietrich Fischer, 165–97. Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1982. Gruendler, Beatrice. ‘‘The Development of the Arabic Scripts. From the Nabatean Aea to the First Islamic Century According to Dated Texts.’’ Harvard Semitic Studies 63 (1993). Naveh, Joseph. Early History of the Alphabet. An Introduction to West Semitic Epigraphy and Paleography. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1982. Silvestre de Sacy, Antoine-Isaac. ‘‘Me´moire sur l’Origine et les Anciens Monuments de la Litte´rature Parmi les Arabes,’’ Me´moires Tire´s des Registres de l’Acade´mie Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres L (1785): 247–441. Troupeau, Ge´rard. ‘‘Re´flexions sur l‘Origine Syriaque de l‘E´criture Arabe.’’ In Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau, ed. Alan S. Kaye, vol. II, 1562–1570. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1991.

AMIR KHUSRAW (1253–1325) Nasir al-Din Abu ’l-Hasan, the son of a Turkish soldier and Indian mother, was born in Patiala in the Punjab in 1253. Perhaps the greatest Persian poet of pre-Mughal India, he took great pride in his Indian origins and was recognized as being the ‘‘Parrot of India’’ for singing its praises. As a boy, his grandfather encouraged his poetic talents; once in Delhi, he found patronage with Sultan Balban and his son Boghra Khan. Amir Khusraw joined the prince on campaign to Multan, which was promptly sacked by the invading Mongols in 1284. The prince was killed, and Amir Khusraw was taken prisoner. Once released, he found favor with the Khalji sultans of Delhi, especially ‘Ala’ al-Din (d. 1315), under whose patronage he wrote most of his compositions. Like other medieval poets, he moved from one royal


patron to another; this occurred quite often given the vicissitudes of political life in the Delhi sultanate. Amir Khusraw wrote a cycle of five epic poems (khamsa) in imitation of Nizami, odes to the conquests of his patrons, and Hindi love poems and riddles; he is credited with the invention of Hindustani music. He was also a close disciple of the great Chishti Sufi of Delhi Nizam al-Din Awliya’. Throughout his work, Amir Khusraw stressed his Indianness and even wrote a poetic work in nine meters entitled Nuh Sipihr that was about nine spheres of existence, with India elevated above all others. Amir Khusraw died in 1325, shortly after his beloved Sufi master and was buried next to him. SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also Delhi; Chishti; Epics, Persian; Poetry, Persian; Sufism Further Reading Amir Khusraw: Seventh Century Celebrations. Hyderabad: Abul-Kalam Azad Research Institute, 1972. Brend, B. Perspectives on Persian Painting: Illustrations on Amir Khusrau’s Khamsah. London: Routledge-Curzon, 2003. Mirza, W.A. The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau. Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1935. Rizvi, S.A.A. A History of Sufism in India. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1983.

AMULI, Al‐ Al-Amuli, Al-Sayyid Haydar al-Husayn (d. after AH 787/1385 CE) was an early proponent of the close association between Sufism and Imami Shi‘ism and of the notion that the Imams had been guides for their own followers but also for travelers along the mystical path. He was also one of the earliest Imami thinkers to have incorporated the thought of Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 638/1240) into his writings. Al-Sayyid Haydar initially studied in his hometown of Amul, in Mazandiran, which was long known for its Shi‘i proclivities, and then later in Astarabad and Isfahan. Having returned to Amul, he became close to and served the local ruler, whose assassination in 750/1349 coincided with Haydar’s abandonment of life at court for Sufism. He visited different Shi‘i shrines and also traveled to Jerusalem and the Hijaz, and thereafter he settled in Iraq. In Baghdad he studied with such prominent Shi‘i figures as Fakhr al-Din Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Hilli (d. 771/1370) (son of the famous Twelver scholar alHasan ibn Yusuf, al-‘Allama) and Ibn al-Mutahhar al-Hilli (d. 726/1325). He later resided in the Shi‘i shrine city of Najaf.

AL-ANDALUS Of the more than forty works authored by Amuli, seven have survived, and some have been published. Perhaps the most famous is Jami‘ al-Asrar (A Compendium of Secrets), which was completed in 752/ 1351. His Asrar al-Shari‘a, which was mentioned in the Jami‘, has been translated into English as Inner Secrets of the Path (1989) and includes Muhammad Khajavi’s 1982 essay about Amuli and his thought. Amuli insisted on the common origins of Shi‘ism and Sufism, understanding all knowledge as having derived from the Imams. His project involved an effort to transcend both the normal literal/juridical approach to Islam, especially Shi‘i Islam, and those dimensions of Sufism that rejected the grounding of its doctrine and practices in those of the Imams. The Compendium is especially noteworthy for Amuli’s efforts to reconcile aspects of Ibn al-‘Arabi’s thought with Twelver Shi‘ism, particularly his reference to pure monotheism and inner/ontological monotheism; in addition, he postulated that the former was taught by the prophets and the secrets of the latter by the awliya’ (sing. wali). ‘Ali was the seal of the universal walaya, and the Mahdi—who, for Amuli, is the twelfth Imam—was the seal of the Muhammadan walaya. By contrast, for Ibn al-‘Arabi, Jesus was the seal of the former. Amuli’s efforts to establish a synthesis between Sufism and Shi‘ism were continued by Mir Damad (d. 1630), Mulla Sadra (d. 1640), Hadi Sabzavari (d. 1873), and the Ayatollah Khomayni (d. 1989). Khajavi’s contribution and Corbin’s recently translated 1981 lecture remain the only English-language essay-length studies of Amuli’s legacy. Kohlberg offers a list of non-English editions of Amuli’s published works. ANDREW J. NEWMAN Further Reading Corbin (1986); Kohlberg, E. (1985); J. van Ess (1982) [AJN]. Corbin, H. ‘‘The Science of the Balance and the Correspondences Between Worlds in Islamic Gnosis, According to the Work of Haydar Amuli, eighth/fourteenth century.’’ In Temple and Contemplation, trans. Philip Sherrard. London: 1986. van Ess, J. ‘‘Haydar-i Amuli.’’ EI2 Suppl. 5–6 (1982): 363–65. Kohlberg, E. ‘‘Amoli, Sayyed Baha’-al-Din Haydar.’’ EIr I (1985): 983–85.

AMULETS See Talismans and Talismanic Objects

AL-ANDALUS Al-Andalus is the name used to refer to the Iberian peninsula territories that were ruled by Islamic regimes between 711 and 1492; scholars have yet to reach agreement about the origin of this name. For some, the meaning of al-Andalus is ‘‘the land of the Vandals’’; others suggest ‘‘the Island of the Atlantis,’’ whereas some believe that it comes from the German expression Landahlauts, which means ‘‘land allotment.’’ The expressions Muslim Spain and Andalusia are inaccurate renditions of al-Andalus and should therefore be rejected, because they reflect neither the historical nor the geographical reality of al-Andalus. The territorial limits of al-Andalus varied over time, although they diminished steadily from the eleventh century onward. The political control of the territory also varied significantly from urban centers to rural areas and to the territories on the border with the Christian kingdoms. However, certain elements were constant, including the following: 1. Al-Andalus constituted an Islamic Mediterranean society (which meant a disruption with the previous Hispano-Roman and Visigoth society), and it was distinct from the feudal societies of Christian Medieval Europe. Another important characteristic was its ‘‘frontier society’’ character. 2. Al-Andalus has to be set in the wider context of the premodern Islamic West. The discontinuity with the previous historical reality is evident in the new forms of government, territory organization, production, fiscal system, legal system, religious life, and generational and patrimonial transmission within the family. In addition, a significant aspect of Andalusi collective identity was its majority ascription to the Maliki juridical school. From the second half of the eighth century (after the arrival of the Umayyad prince ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Mu‘awiya), al-Andalus became an Umayyad emirate. During this period, all kinds of exchanges with the rest of the Islamic world occurred. At the beginning of the tenth century, one of ‘Abd alRahman’s descendants, ‘Abd al-Rahman III, proclaimed himself caliph. When the caliphate collapsed at the beginning of the eleventh century, al-Andalus was fragmented into a series of independent kingdoms (ta’ifas) that were unable to face the growing strength of the Christians of the North. At the end of the eleventh century, al-Andalus was under the ruling of the North African dynasties of the Almoravids and Almohads. Lastly, Andalusi political power was


AL-ANDALUS limited to the kingdom of Granada (thirteenth– fifteenth centuries), which continued in a precarious fashion until 1492. Political power fluctuated between the two sides of the Strait of Gibraltar, being marked by the supremacy of al-Andalus during the first stage, whereas the Maghrib had priority over al-Andalus after the end of the eleventh century. The Romance language was preserved in alAndalus. The Andalusi population spoke Romance along with Arabic, although it is impossible to determine the actual scope of its use. However, the written production that has been preserved had Arabic as its main language of use. Andalusis’ input into the development of Islamic culture was derived from Eastern influences, sometimes advancing their Oriental sources. Al-Andalus also played a significant role in the transmission of classical thought and Islamic science to the medieval Christian West. The end of the Islamic state did not put an end to the presence of Islam in the peninsula. Muslim communities, known as mudejars, continued to be present in some of the territories conquered by the Christians until the sixteenth century. After the conquest of Granada, their inhabitants were obliged to convert to Christianity. Many of these neoconverts, known as moriscos, secretly kept their faith until they were finally expelled from the peninsula at the beginning of the seventeenth century. By this time, some of these moriscos (mainly the elite classes) had already migrated, with the Maghrib as their main destination. To this date, an Andalusi origin in the Maghrib is an important identity mark of their descendants. DELFINA SERRANO RUANO Further Reading Arie´, R. Espan˜a Musulmana, Siglos VIII-XV. Barcelona: Labor, 1993. Chalmeta, P., et al. ‘‘Al-Andalus: Musulmanes y cristianos (VIII-XIII).’’ In Historia de Espan˜a Dirigida por Antonio Domı´nguez Ortiz, vol. 3. Barcelona: Planeta, 1997. Corriente, F. ‘‘Andaluz y andalu´s y Andaluz.’’ In Diccionario de Arabismos y Voces Afines en Iberorromance. Madrid: 1999. Fierro, M. Al-Andalus: Saberes e Intercambios Culturales. Barcelona: Icaria, 2001. Fierro, M., and Samso´, J., eds. The Formation of al-Andalus. Part 2: Language, Religion, Culture and the Sciences. Aldershot, Hampshire, UK, and Brookfield, Vt: Ashgate, 1998. Garcı´a-Arenal, M. Los Moriscos. Granada: Universidad, 1996. Garcı´a Sanjua´n, A. ‘‘El Significado Geogra´fico del Topo´´ rabes.’’ Anuario de nimo al-Andalus en las Fuentes A Estudios Medievales 33/1 (2003): 3–36. Glick, T. Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1979.


Guichard, P. Al-Andalus. Estructura Antropolo´gica de una Sociedad Isla´mica en Occidente. Granada: Universidad, 1995. Halm, H. ‘‘Al-Andalus and Gothica Sors.’’ In The Formation of al-Andalus. Part 1: History and Society, ed. M. Marı´n, 27–50. Jayyusi, S. Kh., ed. The Legacy of Muslim Spain. Leiden– New York–Cologne: Brill, 1992. Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E. ‘‘Espan˜a Musulmana Hasta la Caı´da del Califato de Co´rdoba,’’ trans. E. Garcı´a Go´mez. In Historia de Espan˜a Dirigida por Ramo´n Mene´ndez Pidal, vols. IV and V. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1950 and 1957. Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E., L. Torres Balba´s, and G.S. Colins. ‘‘AlAndalus’’ In EI2. Makki, M.‘A. Ensayo Sobre las Aportaciones Orientales en la Espan˜a Musulmana y su Influencia en la Formacio´n de ´ rabe. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios la Cultura Hispano-A Isla´micos, 1968. Marı´n, M. Individuo y Sociedad en al-Andalus. Madrid: Mapfre, 1992. ´ ndalus y los Andalusı´es. Barcelona: Icaria, ———. Al-A 2000. ———, ed. The Formation of al-Andalus. Part 1: History and Society. Aldershot, Hampshire, UK, and Brookfield, Vt: Ashgate, 1998. ———, coord. ¿Co´mo Entender al-Andalus? Reflexiones Sobre su Estudio y Ensen˜anza. Madrid: Anaya, 1999. Samso´, J. Las Ciencias de los Antiguos en al-Andalus. Madrid: Mapfre, 1992. Vallve´, J. ‘‘El Nombre de al-Andalus.’’ Al-Qantara 4 (1983): 301–55. ´ rabe en Oriente y Occidente. Vernet, J. La Cultura Hispano-A Barcelona: Akal, 1978. ———. El Islam en Espan˜a. Madrid: Mapfre, 1993. Viguera, M.J. ‘‘De las Taifas al Reino de Granada. AlAndalus, Siglos XI a XV.’’ In Historia de Espan˜a (Historia 16), vol. 9. Madrid: 1995. ———. ‘‘Planteamientos Sobre la historia de al-Andalus.’’ In El Saber en al-Andalus. Textos y Estudios, 2nd ed., ed. J.M. Carabaza Bravo and A.T.M. Essawy, 121–32. Sevilla: 1999. ———, coord. ‘‘Los Reinos de Taifas. Al-Andalus en el Siglo XI and El Retroceso Territorial de al-Andalus. Almora´vides y Almohades. In Historia de Espan˜a Mene´ndez Pidal, vols. VIII-1 and VIII-2. Madrid: Espasa Calpe, 1994 and 1997. Viguera, M.J., and Castillo, C., eds. Al-Andalus y el Mediterra´neo. Barcelona: Lunwerg, 1995. Watt, W.M. Historia de Espan˜a Isla´mica. Madrid: Alianza, 1970. Wycichl, W. ‘‘‘Al-Andalus’ (Sobre la Historia de un Nombre).’’ Al-Andalus 17 (1952): 449–50.

ANGELS The Arabic word for angel is malak (pl. mala’ika; Persian, firishta). The Arab lexicographers and exegetes consider it original to Arabic, but in fact it dates back to early north–west Semitic. In Ugaritic, ml’k means ‘‘messenger’’ (Hebrew, malak; Aramaic, mal’ak). Some Western scholars believe that the

ANGELS approximate source of the word in Arabic was the Ethiopian mal’ak (pl. mal’eket), which is presumably a loanword into Ethiopic from Aramaic or Hebrew. According to some scholars, it is more likely that the word mal’ak had already crept from Abyssinia and was known to the people of Mecca before Muhammad used it. To believe in angels is an article of Muslim creed. The following is from the first article of one of the Creeds that is attributed to Abu Hanifa: ‘‘The heart of the confession of the unity of God and the true foundation of faith consist in this obligatory creed: I believe in God, His Angels, His Books, His Apotels, the resurrection after death, the decree of God the good and the evil thereof, computation of sins, the balance, Paradise and Hell; and that all these are real.’’

The angels play a role in three major themes of the Qur’an (creation, revelation, and eschatology), and they play a still greater role in hadith and Qur’anic commentary and in special books about them and about eschatology. The imagination of Muslim scholars with regard to angels seems to have no limit. In the Qur’an, the angels are called the ‘‘heavenly host’’ or ‘‘multitude’’ (al-mala’ al-a‘la) (37:8; 38:69). They are supposed to guard the walls of heaven against the ‘‘listening’’ of the jinns. The Qur’an stresses the absolute submission of the angels to God (21:19–20). Some of the angels are named in the Qur’an. The Meccan Qur’an mentions the spirit Gabriel that was sent to Mary to announce the conception of Jesus (19:17). Later in Medina, however, Muhammad gave the name Gabriel (Jibril) as that of the messenger by whom the Qur’an was communicated to him (2:97). Muhammad possibly learned this name from the Jews of Mecca, among whom was his secretary Zayd b. Thabit (who knew Aramaic and/or Hebrew before Muhammad came to this town, according to al-Ka‘bi [Abu l-Qasim al-Balkhi, d. 319/931]). Mika’il (or Mikal; i.e., Michael ), which is a word that may have come directly from the Hebrew or the Syriac, is mentioned together with Gabriel, also in the Medina Qur’an (2:98). Commentators claim that the two are contrasted: Gabriel is the opponent of the Jews, and Michael is their protector. In the same sura (2:102), Harut and Marut meet. Muhammad probably became acquainted with the names of these mythical figures in the form in which they are found in the Avesta (i.e., Harvotat and Amurtat—Perfection and Deathlessness). In the Slavonic Book of Enoch, they appear as Orioch and Marioch. The Syriac (Aramaic) Marut (Mastery, Lordship) may have been known by the Jews of Medina, and especially by Zayd b. Thabit, the ‘‘Secretary of Revelation’’ and one of the redactors of the Qur’an.

In sura 32:11, the mythical Angel of Death (malak al-mawt) appears, but not by name; he is identified in traditional Muslim literature as ‘Izra’il (‘Azra’il). Special books were written about the angels, including al-Haba’ik fi Akhbar al-Mala’ik (The Orbits of the Stars: On the Stories of the Angels), by Suyuti (d. 911/1505). This is a collection of legendary and mythical stories taken from Prophetic hadith or from early Muslim scholars. CLAUDE GILLIOT See also Al-Suyuti

Primary Sources Abu Hanifa (attributed to). Creeds. Al-Ghazali. ‘‘Kitab Dhikr al-Mawt wa-ma ba‘Dahu.’’ (‘‘The Remembrance of Death and the Afterlife.’’) In Ihya’ ‘Ulum al-Din (Book XL of The Revival of the Religious Sciences), trans. and intro. by T.J. Winter. Cambridge, UK: Islamic Texts Society, 1989. Al-Taftazani. Sharh al-‘Aqa’id al-Nasafiyya (Commentary of the Creed of Abu Hafs al-Nasafi), ed. Claude Salame´. Damascus: Ministery of Culture, 1974. Elder, Earl Edgar, trans. and intro. A Commentary on the Creed of Islam. New York: Columbia University Press, 1960.

Further Reading Amir-Moezzi, Mohammad Ali. Le Guide Divin dans le Shi’isme Originel. Aux Sources de l’E´sote´risme en Islam (The Divine Guide in Early Shi‘ism. The Sources of Esoterism in Islam), trans. David Streight, E´ditions Verdier, 1992. Albany: SUNY, 1994. Eichler, Paul Arno. Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran. Inaugural dissertation. Leipzig: Universite´ de Leipzig, Lucka in Thu¨ringen, 1928. Eickmann, Walther. Die Angelologie und Da¨monologie des Korans im Vergleich zu der Engel-un Geisterlehre der Heiligen Schrift. New York and Leipzig: 1908. Gilliot, Claude. ‘‘Le Coran, Fruit d’un Travail Collectif?’’ In al-Kitab, ed. Daniel De Smet. La acralite´ du texte dans le monde de l‘Islam, Actes du Symposium international tenu a` Leuven et Louvain-la-Neuve du 29 mai au 1 juin 2002. Brussels: Louvain-la-Neuve, Leuven: Acta Orientalia Belgica. Subsidia III, 2004, 185–231. Jeffery, Arthur. The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’an. Baroda: Oriental Institute, 1938. ———. Jewish Proper Names and Derivatives in the Koran. Hildesheim: Georg Olsms, 1964. Niekrens, Wilhelm. Die Engel- und Geistervorstellungen des Korans. Inaugural dissertation. Rohstock: University of Rohstock, 1906. O’Shaughnessy, Thomas. The Development of the Meaning of Spirit in the Koran. Pontificium Institutum Orientalium Studiorum (Orientalia Christiana Analecta) 189 (1953): 51–7. Sweetman, James Windrow. Islam and Christian Theology, 2 parts, 3 vols. London: Lutterworth Press, 1945–1967.


ANGELS Vorgrimler, Herbert, et al. Engel. Erfahrungen Go¨ttlicher Na¨he. Freiburg: Herder, 2001. Wensinck, Arent Jan. The Muslim Creed. Its Genesis and Historical Development. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1932.

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY Animal husbandry was critical to medieval Islam because of Islamic dietary laws. Some animals, such as pigs, for example, were forbidden (haram) to eat because they were scavengers. However, shellfish and most animals that lived underwater were lawful (halal) and could be eaten, save for those that breathed both air and water (i.e., amphibians and crocodiles). This exception allowed for industries like the ancient pearl fisheries in the south of the Persian Gulf. Although what an animal ate determined its appropriateness for consumption, some animals were set outside of food purposes regardless. Dogs were considered unclean, although not so much as pigs. Other animals, such as cats, were favored by the Prophet and therefore forbidden as food. Aside from the statutes in the Qur’an, some early Islamic sources discussed the subject, showing a keen, scientific interest in the raising of camels, horses, and sheep. Ya’qub ibn akhi Hizam wrote about veterinary matters in his book on horsemanship in 785 CE. ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Quraib al-Asmai (740–828), a philologist from Basra, wrote about zoology, human anatomy, and animal husbandry. His books Kitab al-Ibil (The Book of the Camel), Kitab al-Khail (The Book of the Horse), Kitaba al-Sha (The Book of the Sheep), and Kitab al-Wuhush (The Book of Wild Animals) had great influence in the field through the ninth and tenth centuries. During the same period, Jabril Ibn Bakhtyshu (d. 828–829), a Christian physician, wrote a book about animal husbandry called Manaeh al-Hiwan (The Uses of Animals). Their contemporary, Abu ‘Uthman Al-Jahiz (776–868), wrote a book about zoology called Kitab al-Hawayan (The Book of Animals), which discussed the effects of diet on animals. The early Islamic Meccan economy prized herd animals like camels, horses, cattle, sheep, and goats. In a dry environment in which agriculture was not possible in many places, raising herd animals could maximize the use of marginal land. Even then, pasture land needed to be close to sources of good water. The Qur’an stated that animals had as much right to life as humans and that humans were only more important than animals because of humans’ role as stewards of the earth. According to Islamic law, animals should not be deprived of water where it is available (an important consideration in a desert 46

environment), nor should an animal be forced to witness another animal being slaughtered before it or to see the knife used to kill it sharpened before it. In Islam, animals should be slaughtered as painlessly as possible, with a single cut to the throat that would bleed out most of the blood. Blood, carrion meat from dead animals not slaughtered properly, and meat taken from live animals were also forbidden; this derived from the pre-Islamic Arabian practice of cutting the humps off of camels or the tails off of sheep so that the animals could be eaten yet kept alive for further use. Muhammad condemned the practice and forbade meat taken from living animals as carrion. Islamic law also forbade the unnecessary caging of birds and animals. The Qur’an frowned on the unnecessary killing of animals (i.e., for sport rather than food) and favored kindness toward them, especially cats. One early story states that a man who killed a bird would answer to the creature at the Last Judgment; another story put a woman who starved a cat to death in Hell. However, hunting was popular enough to make hawk raising an important part of animal husbandry. Hawks were used to hunt other birds, but only for sport. Pigeons had the more useful function of carrying messages. These usages, like the keeping of zoos, indicate that practice could differ widely from law. Camels were especially important for use in transportation in addition to the production of milk, meat, and hides, with early Meccan caravans including up to 2,500 camels. Cattle also appeared repeatedly in the Qur’an as an important commodity, providing— like camels—milk, meat, and hides. Oxen also pulled plows and provided the power for other agricultural machinery. Sheep and goats provided milk, meat, wool, and hides. Horses were prized and carefully bred for racing, war, and transportation. By 1285, Muslims were practicing artificial insemination on these animals. Animal husbandry was sufficiently lucrative to be one of the commodities covered under the zakat (alms) tax, specifically herds of camels, cattle, sheep, and goats (but only over a certain number). This tax was paid in kind. Animal husbandry represented the management of a critical source of movable wealth, especially among the more nomadic elements of Islamic society. PAULA R. STILES See also Ayyubids; Camels; Hunting; Tulunids; Zoological Parks Further Reading Jayakar, A.S.G. Ad-damiri’s Hayat Al-Hayawan: A Zoological Lexicon. Bombay: D.B. Taraporevala Sons & Co., 1908.

‘ANTARA IBN SHADDAD Lemu, B. Aisha. Animals in Islam. East Lansing, Mich: Spectrum Books Ltd., 1993. Stein, Gil J. ‘‘Medieval Pastoral Production Systems at Gritille.’’ In The Archaeology of the Frontier in the Medieval Near East: Excavations at Gritille, Turkey, ed. Scott Redford, 181–209. Philadelphia: University Museum Publications (Archaeological Institute of America Monographs, N.S.3), 1998.

section is the poet’s ‘‘warrior’s boast,’’ which praises his own nobility and generosity, his prowess in battle, and his heroic deeds. ‘Antar’s mu‘allaqa is his most famous poem.


‘Antara Ibn Shaddad, the Historical Character ‘Antar (‘‘the valiant one’’), also known as ‘Antara (‘‘courage in war’’), was a member of the ‘Abs tribe who lived in Arabia shortly before Islam (c. 525–615 CE). ‘Antar composed one of the seven famous ‘‘suspended odes,’’ which were known individually as mu‘allaqa. ‘Antar’s factual and fictional exploits are recorded in the Sirat ‘Antar, the most important romance of chivalry in Arabic literature; it is for his exploits as recounted in this epic that he is best known today. Verifiable historic facts about ‘Antar are sketchy. Classical Arab scholars such as al-Tibrizi (d. 1109) and Ibn Qutayba (826–889) agree that ‘Antar was the son of Shaddad, born a slave of a black African mother. He is portrayed as a great knight and preIslamic poet. Both literary and historical sources mention that ‘Antar participated in the battle known as Dahis wa al-Ghabra’ between the ‘Abs and Fazara tribes. The most widely accepted account of ‘Antar’s death is that he was killed by al-Asad al-Rahis, a knight from the Tayyi’ tribe, with a poisoned arrow.

Many other poems are also attributed to ‘Antar in the Sirat ‘Antar, the epic story of his life. This work was discovered by Europeans in 1801, when the Austrian Joseph Von Hammer-Purgstall came across a manuscript of it in Cairo. In 1820, Terrick Hamilton partially translated the work into English. No European-language translation of the 5,300-page work exists. The Sirat ‘Antar paints a striking portrait of the Arabs before Islam and the qualities that the Bedouins admired. Some of the epic’s highlights are Shaddad’s capture of the beautiful Abyssinian slave Zabiba; his later recognition of ‘Antar as the legitimate son of this union; ‘Antar’s rise in importance in the ‘Abs tribe; his adventures while seeking a dowry to marry ‘Abla; his voyages to far-flung kingdoms; and the hero’s death. The last volume of the Sirat ‘Antar touches on Islam and Muhammad’s miracles. Thanks to the Sirat ‘Antar, ‘Antar remains alive as an eternal hero in the popular mind throughout the Arabic-speaking world. DRISS CHERKAOUI See also Abyssinia; Adab; Folk Literature, Arab; Heroes and Heroism; Historical Writing; Ibn Qutayba; Ibn Shaddad; Ka‘ba (Kaaba); Names; Poets; Popular Literature; Sira; Slaves and Slave Trade, Western Islamic World; Women Warriors

Primary Sources

‘Antara Ibn Shaddad, the Poet Ibn Qutayba recounts how ‘Antar composed his mu‘allaqa in response to an insult about his skin color. Respected scholars attribute various numbers of verses to this poem; al-Tibrizi says it consists of 74 verses. The poem’s tripartite structure is common to the highly stylized form of classical Arabic poetry: the nasib (opening section) describes the poet’s beloved ‘Abla and the ruins of her nomad camp; the second section, known as the journey section, describes ‘Antar on his horse and then describes a camel, the pre-Islamic Arabs’ most important animal; the third

Anonymous. Sirat ‘Antar, 8 vols. Beirut: Al-Maktaba Thaqafiyya, 1979. Ibn Manzur, Muh: ammad Ibn Mukarram. Lisan al-‘Arab, Beirut: Dar Sadir. Ibn Qutayba, Abu Muhammad Abdullah. Al-Shi‘r wa lShu‘ara’. Beirut: Da¯r al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1985. al-Tibrizi, Yahhya Ibn ‘Ali. Sharh al-Tibrizi ‘ala Hamasat Abi Tammam. Cairo: Bulaq, 1888.

Further Reading Cherkaoui, Driss. Le Roman de ‘Antar: Perspective Litte´raire et Historique. Paris: Pre´sence Africaine, 2001. ———. ‘‘Kings and Heroes as Friends and Foes: the Example of Sı¯rat ‘Antar.’’ Al-Arabiyyah: Journal of the American Association of Teachers of Arabic 34 (2001): 1–21.


‘ANTARA IBN SHADDAD ———. ‘‘The Pyramidal Structure in the Arabic Siyar, the Example of Sı¯rat ‘Antar.’’ Al-‘Us: u¯r al-Wus: ta¯, the Bulletin of Middle East Medievalists, Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (2001): 6–9. Heath, Peter. The Thirsty Sword. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1996. Norris, H.T. The Adventures of Antar. Wilts, England: Aris & Phillips Ltd., 1980. Richmond, Diana. ‘Antar and ‘Abla, A Bedouin Romance. London: Quartet Books, 1978.

APOSTASY Apostasy (irtidad) is the abandonment of Islam by either a declared desertion of Islam in favor of another religion or a clandestine rejection of Islam that is often combined with secretly practicing another religion. From the earliest time of Muslim law in the seventh century, Muslim jurists agreed that apostasy from Islam bears the death penalty. During the early period, jurists also developed institutions to circumvent this harsh punishment; these institutions set the standard for what counts as apostasy from Islam so high that before the eleventh century, practically no judgment of apostasy could have been passed. This changed during the eleventh century, when jurists lowered the criteria that prevented the death penalty from being executed. During the following centuries, judges could interpret the law in various ways, setting either high or low criteria for apostasy from Islam. The Qur’an does not mention the case of explicit rejection of Islam after conversion. However, it does address the assumed clandestine apostasy of a group of people at Medina called the hypocrites (almunafiqun). No worldly penalty is ordained for them so long as they refrain from rebellion, but harsh punishments are proclaimed for them in the afterlife. In Qur’an 49:14, a group of Bedouins is described as Muslims but not believers. This led to heated discussions of the criteria for being a Muslim, understood in terms of legal membership in the Islamic community, versus being a believer (Mu’min), understood as someone deserving otherworldly salvation. The dispute about the meanings of Muslim and Mu’min is one of the subjects that led to the First Civil War (656–662). One party, the Kharijs, claimed that committing a capital sin (kabira) constitutes unbelief (kufr). A group of radical Kharijis felt justified to kill grave sinners as unbelievers and thus legitimized the killing of the second caliph, ‘Uthman (644–656). At about the same time, Muslims agreed on the death penalty for apostasy from Islam; this judgment is based on the authority of a report (hadith) of the Prophet that said, ‘‘whoever changes his religion has his head cut off.’’ After the Kharijis lost the First 48

Civil War, the various groups of their enemies, who dominated the early development of Muslim law, were terrified by the prospect of Muslims killing each other over accusations of apostasy and worked to abate the harsh punishment the Prophetical hadith provides. Muslim jurists agreed that actions other than the explicit rejection of belief in Islam could not constitute apostasy. In other words, committing a sin could not be an act of apostasy. Apostasy was regarded as the declared rejection of Islam and could only be sufficiently established after a person accused of apostasy had been invited three times to repent and return to Islam. The legal institution of the invitation to repent (istitaba) is mentioned neither in the Qur’an nor in the Prophetical hadith; in early Muslim law, it nevertheless became a necessary condition for convicting an apostate. It safeguarded the ability of an accused apostate to have a chance to return to Islam, fully avert punishment, and be reinstated in all rights as a Muslim. Subsequently, only those Muslim apostates could be punished who openly declared their breaking away from Islam and who maintained their rejection in the face of capital punishment. Most early jurists understood that the general application of the invitation to repent effectively ruled out any penalty for apostasy. They allowed persons accused of apostasy to declare their return to Islam, even when it was understood to be nominal; this became the accepted position in the early Hanafi and Shafi‘i schools of law. Their views fit well into a situation during the eighth and ninth centuries, when conversion to Islam happened collectively and often only nominally. Malik ibn Anas (715–795), the founder of the Maliki school of law, ruled differently, saying that zanadiqa should not be given the right to repent and could thus be killed straightaway. Zanadiqa here means clandestine apostates, but later jurists interpreted the term more widely. This ruling meant that the Maliki school of jurisprudence was, in practice, less tolerant toward heterodox Muslim views than the others, and it allowed Maliki jurists to apply the death penalty to accused apostates who had never explicitly broken with Islam. In these cases, heterodox views were regarded as evidence of clandestine apostasy. During the eleventh century, the consensus of the Hanafi and Shafi‘i jurists regarding the general application of the invitation to repent broke down. Hanbali jurists had already argued that some points of religious doctrine were so central to the Muslim creed that a violation should be regarded as apostasy from Islam and punished by death. During the middle of the eleventh century, scholars from all schools argued that, in the case of the political agents of the

APPRENTICESHIP Isma‘ili counter-Caliphate, no invitation to repent should be granted, and the agents could be killed as apostates. This view was shared by the influential Shafi‘i jurist al-Ghazali (1058–1111), who wrote systematically about the criteria of apostasy. Whoever held the views that the world was not created at one point in time, that God is not omniscient, or that the resurrection in the afterlife does not extend to the body was, according to al-Ghazali, an apostate and could be killed. FRANK GRIFFEL See also Hadith; Heresy and Heretics; Fatimids; Ibn Hanbal; Kharijs; Malikism; Schools of Jurisprudence Further Reading Griffel, Frank. ‘‘Toleration and Exclusion: al-Shafifii and al-Ghazali on the Treatment of Apostates.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 64 (2001): 339–54. ———. Apostasie und Toleranz im Islam. Die Entwicklung zu al-Gazalis Urteil Gegen die Philosophie und die Reaktionen der Philosophen. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Peters, Rudolph, and Gert J. J. de Vries. ‘‘Apostasy in Islam.’’ Welt des Islam 17 (1976/1977): 1–25. Jackson, Sherman A.. On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam: Abu Hamid al-Ghazali’s Faysal alTafriqa. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

APPRENTICESHIP Defined by a variety of terms (mubtadi, terbiye, nazil, yig˘it, s¸agird), an apprentice was the lowest member of a guild in the medieval Islamic world. He was always initiated into a guild along with others who would work under a master teacher (u¨stad, usta) and the founder of the individual guild (pir). The apprentice’s place in the hierarchy was indeed small; his master and the guild founder were themselves part of a greater hierarchy in which masters would form their own councils to select a founder, and the founders of a city’s individual guilds played a prominent part in representing the urban social order. At the top of the order were a series of local judicial officials (naib, muhtesib, kadi) who were in charge of keeping the social and moral order of the town. Although the apprentice was at the bottom step of this urban social order, he immediately gained important privileges. As a member of the guilds, he was likely to live in the town or city itself, and he had much less of a fiscal burden than many peasants in the countryside. Peasants were often tied to the land and forced to deliver a variety of customs and dues. The apprentice was particularly privileged if he was a Muslim urban resident, because only

non-Muslims were subject to a special poll tax (harac¸, cizye). The apprentice also had the chance to work his way up the social ladder, changing from a novice to journeyman and, if fortunate, becoming a master of a craft. He could likewise participate in the various social councils, and he might be able to represent his trade, city quarter or even his whole town, if the situation occurred. The role of guildsmen as manufacturers was confused at times with both religious and military hierarchies. Beginning in the tenth century, apprentices—like all guildsmen—tended to be associated with Sufi orders, and they could play a role in the formation of these institutions; sometimes they could even rise to the level of sheikh (a head of a Sufi organization and/or an urban district). During the sixteenth-century Ottoman Empire, guildsmen were often associated with the janissaries (the slave elite that had dominated the sultan’s army until the seventeenth century). Association with the military meant that guildsmen were even more autonomous from central control, having the theoretical right to practice arms, if need be. These opportunities for an apprentice’s advancement and social privileges created tensions within the guilds. On the one hand, most apprentices were themselves sons of guild members who wished to carry on the trade of their fathers. The urban hierarchy typically favored this succession and often created legal measures to ensure it. For instance, there are a variety of injunctions in the rules and regulations of guilds that were drawn up in elaborate regulatory documents (fu¨tu¨vvet-name). Eventually, by the sixteenth century, the Ottomans gave many guildsmen the right to pass on their place in the guild to their sons (gedik). Nevertheless, many had ambitions to enter the guilds despite all obstacles. Indeed, it is interesting that the first mention of guilds after the Arabic conquest refers to apprentices as fityun, a term that also meant ‘‘young ruffians.’’ Such apprentices were allowed by authorities in towns that were starved for working populations; this was particularly true in frontier societies, where the rulers themselves felt threatened and needed a subject population that would support their cause. The clearest examples of this phenomenon can be seen in fifteenth-century Andalusia and in the Ottoman outposts in the Magreb and the Balkans during the mid-sixteenth century. Scholars have also tended to see apprentices as part of the stagnant urban order that characterized the Islamic city. Apprentices were supposedly new generations of Muslims who carried the ideal of a noncompetitive social order, who promoted public welfare, and who contended with one’s place at the expense of competition, profit, and commercial 49

APPRENTICESHIP authority. Although it is true that religious orders played a prominent role in the guilds, there were also times when the guilds would act according to the needs of the market and the society around them. This was demonstrated by the participation of apprentices and guildsmen in the military-item market and pious foundations in the emerging market town of Sarajevo during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. The guild members played a critical role not only in supplying the empire’s military needs but also in helping establish cash-credit institutions that could give credit to parties independently of the will of the central government. Thus, at least in some cases, apprentices appeared to be the youngest members of emerging Islamic civil societies. YORK ALLAN NORMAN

Further Reading Faroqhi, Suraiya. Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia, Trade, Crafts and Food Production in an Urban Setting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. I˙nalcik, Halil. Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empire. The Journal of Economic History 29; No.1, The Tasks of Economic History (1969): 97–140. Lewis, Bernard. The Islamic Guilds. The Economic History Review 8 (1937): 20–37. Norman, York A. ‘‘Urban Development in Sarajevo.’’ In Islamization in Bosnia, 1463–1604. Forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation. Washington, DC: Georgetown University. ¨ zdemir Nutku. ‘‘Sınıf.’’ In Raymond, A., W. Floor, and O Encyclopedia of Islam, online edition, 2001. Yi, Euonjeong. Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul: Fluidity and Leverage. Leiden: Brill, 2004.

AQSA MOSQUE The Aqsa mosque (al-Masjid al-Aqsa) and the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem constitute the area known as al-Haram al-Sharif (the Noble Sanctuary), which corresponds to the Temple Mount area and which is regarded by large numbers of Muslims as the third Islamic sacred sanctuary after Mecca and Medina. The Aqsa mosque is located on the southern side of al-Haram al-Sharif, and it has been identified in medieval and modern Islamic scholarship as the place referred to in the chapter of the Qur’an known as ‘‘Al-Isra’’’ (‘‘The Night Journey’’) (17:1): ‘‘Praise be to Him who made His servant journey in the night from the sacred sanctuary (al-masjid al-haram) to the remotest sanctuary (al-masjid al-aqsa) which we have surrounded with blessings to show him of our signs.’’ It is primarily this identification of the Aqsa mosque as the location of the Prophet Muhammad’s night journey that has bestowed on the site its most significant 50

religious importance in Islam; the legend describes how the Prophet Muhammad rode the heavenly creature al-Buraq and was transported by night from Mecca to Jerusalem, where he led the prophets in prayers on the spot of the Aqsa mosque. It is not clear when the association between the Qur’anic reference and the Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem was first established, but it is almost certain that it was made some time after the building was erected. Early Qur’an commentators were in disagreement about the location of the Qur’anic al-masjid al-aqsa; some located it near the town of Mecca, whereas others associated it with the Temple in Jerusalem. Gradually the association with the Temple became cemented in Islamic scholarship and popular imagination. Another equally fundamental religious belief that Muslims in later centuries have employed in explaining the sanctity of the Aqsa mosque is that it was erected by Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (r. AH 13–23/634–644 CE) when he visited Jerusalem. This tradition is questionable as well, being another likely case of later projection; the mosque built by Caliph ‘Umar, if he actually made it to Jerusalem, was adjacent to or part of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. One can ascertain, however, that a small mosque built by the Umayyad Caliph Mu‘awiya ibn Abi Sufyan (r. 41–60/661–680) stood on the site, and it was destroyed to make room for the Aqsa mosque, which was built by orders from the Umayyad Caliph al-Walid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik (r. 86–96/705–715), the son of Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik b. Marwan (r. 65–86/ 685–705), who had ordered the erection of the Dome of the Rock a few decades earlier. The structure has been subjected to a number of major renovations and even reconstructions over the years, largely because of devastating earthquakes. For instance, it is very likely that the dome was added to the mosque in one of the reconstructions undertaken by orders from the ‘Abbasids. The form of the current structure, however, dates to the middle of the eleventh century, because the Aqsa mosque was rebuilt by the Fatimids after a devastating earthquake that leveled most of the city of Jerusalem. During the early Crusader period, the Aqsa mosque was occupied by the Knights of the Templar order, who used it as a residence and transformed part of it into a chapel. Usama ibn Munqidh (d. 584/1188) reports how his close friendship with some of the Templars earned him permission to pray in the Aqsa mosque, which was otherwise inaccessible to Muslims. The centrality of Jerusalem and the significance of the Aqsa during the Crusader period are also attested to by the efforts of Sultan Nur al-Din (d. 569/1174) to employ them in his ideological and

AQUEDUCTS religious propaganda to rally the Muslims of Syria around him when fighting the Christian invaders. In preparation for the liberation of Jerusalem, he ordered a masterpiece minbar to be built in the hope that he would transport it himself to the mosque. However, it was left for his successor Sultan Saladin (r. 569–589/1174–1193) to bring the minbar, when he reconquered Jerusalem in 1187 and ordered minor renovations to the Aqsa mosque; the minbar in question was unfortunately destroyed in the fire of 1967, which destroyed parts of the mosque. SULEIMAN A. MOURAD See also Jerusalem; Muhammad, the Prophet; ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab; al-Walid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik; Usama ibn Munqidh; Nur al-Din; Saladin Further Reading Busse, Heribert. ‘‘Jerusalem in the Story of Muhammad’s Night Journey and Ascension.’’ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 14 (1991): 1–40. Elad, Amikam. Medieval Jerusalem and Islamic Worship: Holy Places, Ceremonies, Pilgrimage. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Grabar, Oleg. The Shape of the Holy: Early Islamic Jerusalem. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Johns, Jeremy, ed. Bayt al-Maqdis: Jerusalem and Early Islam (Oxford Studies in Islamic Art IX.2). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999.

AQUEDUCTS An aqueduct (L. aquaeductus) is a structure for artificially conveying a constant supply of water; it consists of a channel that passes underground, that continues on the surface (where topographical conditions are not suitable), that is usually covered to prevent evaporation and/or pollution, and that is supported on piers over valleys, roads, and so on and cut through hills. Numerous remains of aqueducts from the medieval Islamic civilization survived, with the most impressive ones being in Istanbul. Knowledge of water supply to the urban settlements and irrigation of agricultural areas was based on the ancient civilization. The shadouf, noria (na’ura), quanat, saqiya, and hafirs are the inventions of the Middle East. Besides these, available water sources were utilized by transporting water under pressure and over long distances with aqueducts during the Roman period to supply the heavily populated cities, which were one of the features that shaped the urban landscape during the Roman times in the Middle East; this was continued in some areas during medieval times. Traces of these aqueducts exist in almost all areas that were once under Roman rule.

These pre-Islamic aqueducts did in fact need maintenance, and soon after most of them collapsed. Two aqueducts in Ceasarea built during the reign of Herod were such examples. The more monumental of the two was renovated under Hadrian, and it is now partially freed from the sand that buried it for so long. Several other aqueducts were constructed during the early Islamic period in the Middle East and Europe. One notable example is the system that was built for the holy city of Mecca by Princess Zubaida, wife of the ‘Abbasid Caliph Harun al-Rashid (786–809 CE). This aqueduct was later repaired with the addition of cisterns and bends (reservoirs/dams) and extended into the city by Mihrimah Sultana (br. 1522), daughter of Su¨leyman the Magnificent. The king Al-Mansur Ya‘qub Ibn Yusuf also built an aqueduct to supply the capital city Marrakech in Morocco in 1190. The Magra–El-Oyon Aqueduct is another important Islamic monument in Cairo, and it extends between El-Saida Zeineb and Misr–El Kadima. Many quanat (underground canals) discovered in Jordan, Syria, and Iran are also connected to or built in connection with the aqueducts. Noria (paddle wheels) that were powered by either wind or animals, or water-driven ones mounted vertically in front of an aqueduct, were also commonly used in medieval Islamic countries. Aqueducts were also used to supply power to the wheels of wheat or olive-oil mills in the rural areas. Istanbul is one of the most important cities in the world, and aqueducts from both Roman and Ottoman times can be encountered there. There were four main systems built during Roman times: (1) the aqueduct built by Hadrian (117–138), although there is no sign of a definite route it followed; (2) another major line that came from the Stranca Mountains (Yıldız Dag˘lari) in Thrace and that was most probably begun by Constantine between 324 and 357; (3) one built by Valens (364–378) that is thought to cross over the Mazul Kemer Aqueduct; and (4) one built by Theodosius I that runs through Belgrade Forest to the north of the city. When the Ottoman Turks conquered Istanbul, they stopped using the Byzantine cisterns, for both religious and hygienic reasons. Therefore, Mehmet the Conqueror immediately ordered the restoration of the old and damaged water-supply systems; this was done, and new ones were also built to supply water to the city. Monumental aqueducts, as well as smaller ones, were used commonly throughout the empire, with the most imposing ones being those that supplied water to Istanbul. Uzun Kemer (710 m), which had two tiers with fifty upper arches and fortyseven lower arches, and Maglova Aqueduct (258 m in length and 25.30 m in height) are the two aqueducts 51

AQUEDUCTS of the Kirkc¸esme water-supply system that were built during the reign of Su¨leyman II (Su¨leyman the Magnificent) by Sinan, the great architect. The main sources of water in Istanbul were the bends (reservoirs) that were fed by the springs of the Belgrade Forest. These waters were conducted to the city by aqueducts; the grandest, which was two tiered, was built by Justinian. This aqueduct and others carried water to the taksim (distribution point) at Egrikapı, where the main flow reached the Aqueduct of Valens in the middle of the old city between the mosques of Fatih and Shehzade. These aqueducts were repaired by the Ottomans and properly maintained. However, the Valens Aqueduct was considerably rebuilt by Sinan, the great architect, during the reign of Su¨leyman the Magnificent in the 1560s, which resulted in the increasing number of fountains. It is easy to distinguish the Turkish stonework, but it is difficult to date some sections of the work, because Mustafa II also ordered extensive repairs to the same aqueduct. The Uzun Kemer (Long Aqueduct) on the Belgrade Forest follows the Byzantine pattern of tiers of tall arches that are pointed but not rounded, and these may have been built in accordance with Sinan’s plan; however, the short Kavas Aqueduct, which has only eleven arches, is likely to date from soon after the conquest. The aqueducts of both Roman and Byzantine origin were usually of equal widths at both the bottom and the top. For this reason, only very thick ones survived, Valens being one of these. The aqueducts built by Sinan demonstrate more engineering calculations. Unlike a normal aqueduct, over which water is transported via an enclosed conduit that consists of a series of arches supported on massive piers, the system used in the Maglova Aqueduct shows further technical solutions. Sinan designed the width of the arches to be even smaller, and he enlarged the piers perpendicular to the arches and extended them in pyramidal shape, like buttresses, toward the ground, thereby forming three-dimensional rather than twodimensional forms. For this reason, these aqueducts are more durable against the horizontal friction forces, and they retain the equilibrium force to remain at a 1:3 ratio. In addition, on each of these piers Sinan constructed three discharging arches to prevent any damage during flooding; these, when incorporated into the main piers, gave a sense of streamlined unity. The structure is uniquely successful and almost expressionist in nature; vertical, horizontal, and diagonal stresses are uniformly absorbed. The expressionist effect is most obvious in the way in which the static forces are distributed throughout the structure and visibly expressed on that structure. This work of Sinan represents the most important departure from 52

the traditional form of the aqueduct, which had shown little change up to that point since classical Rome. There are several aqueducts in Balkan and African countries that were under the Ottoman sovereignty, some of which are attributed to the Roman times. There is an aqueduct that is located two kilometers northwest of Skopje (Yugoslavia) that is built of stone and bricks and that has fifty-five arches supported on massive pillars; this structure used to be attributed to Romans or Byzantines, but it was recently discovered that it had in fact been built by I˙sa Bey during the sixteenth century. Several aqueducts were built in Cyprus during the Ottoman period, the most notable being the Bekir Pasha Aqueduct in Larnaca, the harbor town in which the holy shrine of Hala Sultan (Umm ul Haram bint Sultan) is also located. It has become clear through written records inherited from medieval times and through manuscripts and inscribed stone tablets that water systems of the Islamic societies were built by local people as charitable works of waqf. Three important sources about the aqueducts constructed by Sinan during the reign of Su¨leyman the Magnificent and others are the books Tezkiretu¨‘l Bu¨nyan (1583–1584), Tezkiretu¨‘l Ebniye (1586–87), and Tuhfetu¨‘l Mimarin (1590). Several inscription tablets still attached to the monuments, in addition to manuscripts about deeds performed by pious foundations, mention the aqueducts. NETICE YILDIZ See also Irrigation; Mehmet, the Conqueror; Sinan; Water Further Reading Aslanapa, Oktay. Turkish Art and Architecture. London: Faber, 1971. Ates¸, I˙brahim, ed. ‘‘Deed of Trust for Free Water Supply Endowed by Sultan Su¨leiman the Magnificent.’’ In Kanuni Sultan Su¨leyman’in Su Vakfiyesi. Ankara: Publications of Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 1987. Ayto¨re, A. Turkish Water Architecture. 1st International Congress of Turkish Art Proceedings, 1959. Ankara, 1962. Binst, Olivier, ed. The Levant, History and Archaeology in the Eastern Mediterranean. France: Ko¨nemann, 2000. C ¸ ec¸en, Kaˆzim. Mimar Sinan ve Kirkc¸es¸me Tesisleri (Sinan, the Architect and the Water System of Kirkc¸es¸me). Istanbul: I˙SKI˙, 1988. C ¸ ec¸en, Kaˆzim. I˙stanbul’un Osmanlı Do¨nemi Su Yolları (Water Supplying Systems in Istanbul), ed. Celaˆl Kolay. Istanbul: I˙SKI˙, 1999. Curl, James Stevens. Oxford Dictionary of Architecture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999. Dalman, Olof Knut. Der Valens Aqua¨duktin Konstantinopel. Bamberg, 1933. Goodwin, Godfrey. Sinan. London, 1993.

ARABIA ———. A History of Ottoman Architecture. London: Thames and Hudson, 1997. Harris, Cyril M., ed. Illustrated Dictionary of Historic Architecture. New York: Dover Publications, 1977. http://www.WaterHistory_org.htm Lightfoot, Dale R. ‘‘Qanats in the Levant: Hydraulic Technology at the Periphery of Early Empires.’’ Technology and Culture 38/2 (1997): 432–51. Oliver, Paul, ed. Encyclopedia of Vernacular Architecture of the World, vol. I, Theories and Principles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Saˆˆı Mustafa C ¸ elebi. Yapılar Kitabi: Tezkiretu¨’l-Bu¨nyan ve Tezkiretu¨’l-Ebniye (Mimar Sinanin Anıları) (Memoirs of Sinan, the Architect), eds. Hayati Develi and Samih Rifat, transcribed by Hayati Develi, preface by Dog˘an Kuban. Istanbul: Koc¸bank, 2002. So¨zen, Metin. Sinan, Architect of Ages. Ankara: Ministry of Culture and Tourism of the Turkish Republic, 1988. Yıldız, Netice. ‘‘Turkish Aqueducts in Cyprus.’’ Turkish Art, 10th International Congress of Turkish Art Proceedings, Ge´neve 17–23 Sept 1995, Fondation Max Berchem, Geneve´ 1999: 775–84.

ARABIA The Arabian peninsula lies in southwest Asia, with Syria to the north, the Indian Ocean to the south, the Persian Gulf to the east, and the Red Sea to the west. Its highest elevations stand in the west, with the peninsula sloping downward to the east, except for the Hajar Mountains of Oman. Most of Arabia is desert, although there is ample vegetation in mountainous areas. Arabs of the peninsula are traditionally said to be descendants of the tribes of ‘Adnan and Qahtan, originating, respectively, from the north and the southwest of the peninsula. The most important groupings were as follows: In the ‘Adnan group: 1. Rabi‘a: Bakr, Taghlib, ‘Abd al-Qays 2. Mudar: Tamim, Huthayl, Asad, Quraysh, Qays Aylan In the Qahtan group: 1. Kahlan: Tayyi’, Hamdan, Kinda, Azd 2. Himyar: Quda‘a(?), Tannukh, Kalb, Juhayna Enmity existed between the Rabi‘a and the Mudar, which often led the former to forge alliances with Arabs of the southwest against the latter. Tribes emerged on the basis of what was believed to be genealogical origin, and tribalism (‘asabiyya) became an essential factor in social life. This tendency facilitates understanding of many historical events before and after the rise of Islam, along with much of Arabia’s poetry and literature. Two important commercial routes crossed the peninsula. One ran between Syria and Yemen; the other

linked Yemen to Bahrain, crossing through Yamama and terminating in Iraq and Persia. Urban settlements were established along these routes and thrived when commerce flourished. This contributed to the diffusion of foreign cultures and of Judaism and Christianity during the pre-Islamic era. Competition for leadership was common, and, during the early history of the Arabs, a number of powerful figures emerged; this was accompanied by numerous wars. The people were known for their courage and generosity and for their close attachment to their tribal affiliations. The character of the Arabs was shaped by their physical environment. The influence of the desert was evident in their lifestyle and their means of expressing themselves. This can be seen in early Arab poetry, with its frequent reference to the sands and to the flora and fauna of the desert, and in the ethics, traditions, and beliefs that governed all aspects of life. Poetry was an important aspect of Arab culture in both the pre-Islamic and Islamic eras, together with the oral stories (‘‘ayyam al-‘Arab’’) that people shared in social gatherings. People ate simple food and wore simple clothes, and medical knowledge was limited to herbal remedies. The lunar calendar was observed, and it was adapted to approximate the solar year to fix dates for the religious and trading seasons.

The Rise of Islam Islam had a powerful impact on the Arabs of the peninsula, uniting them for the first time and enabling them to conquer vast areas. The new religion helped to eradicate tribal fanaticism, because it classed all Muslims as equal, regardless of race. In addition, the Arabs rallied in the belief that it was their duty to spread the religion throughout the world, because Islam was the last of the divinely revealed faiths. This conviction inspired them to venture to the lands of older civilizations, as far away as China and Spain. The conquests stimulated massive migrations out of Arabia. This weakened the peninsula itself, dissipating the unity that had been established during the early years of Islam. Spectacular victories by the Muslims in the Ridda wars, together with the initial confrontations against the Byzantine and Sasanian Empires, led Arabs to flock to take part in battle and then migrate to the newly acquired territories. Once there, the ideas and beliefs of the immigrants were influenced by the culture of the local populace. Persian converts to Islam, for example, did not abandon their traditions, and over time the melding of cultures affected the doctrines and practices of 53

ARABIA Islam, along with Arabic language and literature. The Arabs also built on the heritage of the Greco– Roman past, particularly in the domains of philosophy and the sciences. All of these influences were transmitted back to the peninsula. As a result, the people of Arabia came to be intimately connected with a wider Islamic world. The most tangible link was the annual pilgrimage (hajj), which drew thousands of Muslims to Mecca and Medina. During medieval times, the most important provinces of Arabia were Hijaz, Yamama (or Najd), Yemen, Oman, and Bahrain.

The Hijaz With the emergence of Islam, the Hijaz became the center of the new community and the destination of the hajj. During the lifetimes of Muhammad the Prophet and the Rashidun Caliphs (622–660 CE), Medina was the capital of the Islamic state, and it was from there that the first armies of conquest set out. Even after the seat of government moved outside of Arabia, Mecca and Medina remained the loci of the conflicts that raged throughout the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid periods. These included activities by sects whose ideas contravened the policies of the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid authorities as well as violent rebellions that depleted the economic and military capacities of both states.

The Hijaz during the Umayyads (661–749 CE) During 680–692 CE, ‘Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr rose against the Umayyad government in Damascus and, from Mecca, gained control over most of the territory of the Islamic state. He was killed in Mecca in 692 CE. Traces of his movement continued to influence the Muslim community in Mecca, which became the symbol of Sunni opposition to the central authority. In 746, Abu Hamza al-Khariji, a member of the Yemeni movement led by Talib al-Haqq, was briefly able to take control of Mecca and Medina. Leading figures among the sons of the Companions of the Prophet, such as Ibn ‘Abbas and Ibn ‘Umar, concentrated on religious matters and set up, in two mosques of Mecca and Medina, religious groups that laid down the basis of the schools of Fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) that later emerged, becoming the well-known Sunni schools of law. 54

During the Umayyad era, poetry, song, and literature flourished in the Hijaz, with the salon of Sakina bint al-Husain being the best-known gathering. Intermingling among men and women was commonplace in such salons, and strict rules regarding women’s apparel had not yet emerged. The Umayyads rebuilt the two grand mosques of Mecca and Medina and introduced a number of new facilities for residents and pilgrims alike.

Hijaz during the Abbasid Period (741–1258 CE) When the ‘Abbasids assumed power, the leaders of the ‘Alawites refused to pledge allegiance to them. In 762 CE, Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya rose in rebellion in the Hijaz, which became a major center of ‘Alawite opposition. Al-Husain ibn al-Hasan rebelled in 785, followed by Ibrahim ibn Musa al-Kazim in 817, Isma‘il ibn Yusuf in 865, and Muhammad ibn Sulayman in 913. Although these rebellions were suppressed, the ‘Abbasids failed to eradicate ‘Alawite political and religious influence in the region. In 929, the Qarmathians invaded Mecca under the leadership of Abu Tahir al-Qurmuti, carrying the Black Stone to Bahrain, where it remained for twenty-two years. From 942 to 968, the Ikhshidids of Egypt controlled the Hijaz. During the ‘Abbasid period, the Hijaz attracted religious students and collectors of the traditions of Muhammad the Prophet (hadith), the most renowned of whom was Imam Malik. The influx of scholars generated a tendency toward asceticism in local society. At the same time, many of the region’s singers, poets, writers, and merchants migrated to the more congenial atmospheres of Baghdad and Egypt. By the end of the ‘Abbasid era, the Shafi‘i school of law replaced the Maliki school as the dominant body of legal interpretation in the Hijaz.

The Hijaz during the Fatimids (909–1171 CE) The coming of the Fatimids to Egypt in 969 CE opened the door for the ‘Alawite Sharifs of the Hijaz (969–1924 CE), who declared their own state during the same year that the Fatimids founded Cairo. ‘Abbasids and Fatimids competed to win the loyalty of the Sharifs, hoping thereby to enhance the legitimacy of their respective caliphates. This competition, however, prompted power to shift from one ‘Alawite family to another.

ARABIA Fatimid influence affected religious and social life more profoundly, and Shi‘ism spread widely during the years of Fatimid dominance. Meanwhile, trade with Egypt became more active, and Jeddah’s harbor thrived.

The Hijaz during the Ayyubids of Egypt (1171–1250 CE) Sharifian rule over the Hijaz persisted despite the fall of their Fatimid allies and renewed efforts by the ‘Abbasids to destroy them. Competition for hegemony over the Hijaz continued until the end of the ‘Abbasid state in 1258. Throughout these years, education was restricted to the study of religious doctrine and jurisprudence. The influence of Shi‘ism was reduced, and the Shafi‘i school of law prevailed once again. Ibn Jubayr, who visited Mecca in 1183, left lively descriptions of social life and economic affairs.

The Hijaz during the Mamluks (1250–1517 CE) During their long rule in Egypt, the Mamluks intervened in the Hijaz, forcing the Sharifs to recognize their spiritual authority over Mecca and Medina. Persistent tension marked the relationship, and this was accompanied by many wars. In addition, the rulers of Yemen moved in at the end of the thirteenth century. Mamluk influence peaked during the fifteenth century, when the authorities in Cairo appointed and removed the Sharifs at will. They paid great attention to the pilgrimage and the ritual covering of the Ka‘aba, which was sent from Cairo each year. Widespread cultural and social exchange cemented relations between the Hijaz and the rest of the Muslim world. Religious teaching remained the area’s most salient activity, and the Hanbali school of law began to spread.

Yamama Yamama, which is now a term used for central Najd, was applied during the medieval period to the whole area between Bahrain and the Hijaz. It was a center for Arab migration both northward and eastward. In pre-Islamic times, Yamama’s capital was Hajr,

and the area was known for its abundant water and fertile soil. During the sixth century, the Hanifa tribe replaced the Kinda as the dominant power, deriving its strength from commerce and wheat cultivation. The Hanifa chief, Huda ibn ‘Ali, was closely allied with the Sasanians. Other tribes included the Tamim, the Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a, the Bahila, the Dabba, the Numair, and the Quda‘a. In struggles for pasture and water sources, weaker tribes generally allied with stronger ones. Although Nestorian Christianity was strong in central and eastern Arabia at that time, pagan elements were also present. Yamama was one of three important religious centers, the others being Mecca and Ta’if. Huda ibn ‘Ali died before the death of Muhammad the Prophet in 632, and he was succeeded by Musaylima ibn Habib, who claimed to have received revelations from God. Musaylima resisted Islam and defeated two armies sent against him by Caliph Abu Bakr. His army of forty thousand men was eventually defeated at the decisive battle of ‘Aqraba in 634 by an army led by Khalid ibn al-Walid. This was the most ferocious war yet fought by the Muslims, with many people killed on both sides. After the war, the Qur’an was collected and written down for the first time. Yamama then lost its political importance, instead becoming a center for amassing armies to send against Iraq. During the Umayyad period (660–749), the only event of importance in Yamama was the rise of the Khariji movement. ‘Abbasid influence in Yamama weakened from the middle of the ninth century, and the area fell to the tribes and their neighbors in Bahrain. During the ninth and tenth centuries, the tribes of ‘Amir ibn Sa‘sa‘a increased their power in central and eastern Arabia. This coincided with the rise of the Qarmathians (c. 900–1076), with whom they shared political interests. Together they defeated the Yamama rulers and the Banu al-Ukhaydir in 928; the Banu ‘Amir supported the Qarmathians in their wars in the peninsula, Iraq, and Syria. The trans-Arabian land route declined with the growth of Red Sea navigation during the Fatimid period. When Nasir-i Khusraw visited Yamama in 1051, he found it to be of minor importance. From the twelfth century C.E. onward, Yamama was intimately connected to Hasa (Bahrain). HASAN M. AL-NABOODAH See also Arabs; Islam; Bahrain; Oman; Yemen; Mecca; Medina; Poetry, Arabic; Hajj; ‘Abbasids; Umayyads; Fatimids; Kharijis; School of Jurisprudence; Tribes and Tribal Customs 55

ARABIA Further Reading Al-Askar, Abdullah. Al-Yamama in the Early Islamic Era. Reading, UK: Ithaca Press, 2002. Ashtor, E. A Social Economic History of the Near East In the Middle Ages. London: Collins, 1976. Brockelmann, C. History of the Islamic People. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1982. Browne, E.G. ‘‘Some Account of the Arabic Work Entitled: Nihayatu‘l-irab fi Akhbar‘l-Furs wa‘l-Arab.’’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1900): 195–260. Crone, P. ‘‘Were the Qays and Yemen of the Umayyad Period Political Parties.’’ Der Islam 71 (1994): 1–57. Donner, F.M. ‘‘Mecca’s Food Supplies and Muhammad’s Boycott.’’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 20–3 (1983): 249–66. ———. The Early Islamic Conquests. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981. Hill, D.R. The Termination of Hostilities in the Early Arab Conquests: A.D.634–656. London: Luzac & Company, 1971. Hitti, P. History of the Arab. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd., 1982. Kister, M.J. Studies in Jahiliyya and Early Islam. London: Variorum Reprints, 1980. Krenkow, F. ‘‘The Annual Fairs of the Pagan Arabs.’’ Islamic Culture 21 (1947): 111–13. Lane, E.W. Arabian Society in the Middle Ages. London: Curzon Press, 1987. Lecker, M. Muslims, Jews & Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995. Nicholson, R. A Literary History of the Arabs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985. Nobiron, L. ‘‘Notes on the Arab Calendar Before Islam.’’ Islamic Culture 21 (1947): 135–53. O‘Leary and D.D. De Lacy. Arabia Before Muhammad. London: Kegan Paul, 1927. Shaban, M.A. Islamic History: A New Interpretation, 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981. Shoufani, E. AI-Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973. Stillman, Y.K. Arab Dress From the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times: A Short History. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2000. Teitelbaum, Joshua. The Rise and Fall of the Hashemite Kingdom of Arabia. New York: New York University Press, 2001. Van Grunebaum, G.E. ‘‘The Nature of the Arab Unity Before Islam.’’ Arabica 10 (1963): 5–25.

ARABIC Arabic language includes the formal medieval and modern written idioms (al-‘arabiyya al-fusha; Classical Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic), past and present dialects (Neo-Arabic), and varying degrees of mixture between these two levels during the premodern period (Middle Arabic). Following Akkadian and Aramaic, Arabic became the third Semitic lingua franca along the Eastern rim of the Mediterranean as a result of the Islamic conquests, and it extended its linguistic reach to Central Asia, North Africa, and the Iberian Peninsula, 56

coinciding with most of the areas formerly served by Latin in classical antiquity. As the language of Islam, it was further used in liturgy and, in epigraphic form, in architecture by Muslim communities in Middle Africa, Central Asia, Western China, Northern India, and the Southeast Asian archipelago. The basic grammar of Classical Arabic has remained stable over thirteen centuries. A language of prestige, it developed a rich intertextuality, conferred status on those who mastered it (irrespective of their ethnic background), and retained a unique bimodal transmission in which oral and written media complemented each other. Successor to both the Byzantine and the Sasanian territories, Arabic–Islamic culture selectively incorporated part of its lexicon and written heritage, especially through the ‘Abbasid translation movement from the eighth to the tenth century CE. Inversely, Arabic terms and genres played an important role in the flourishing of Medieval Hebrew, Old Spanish (Castilian), and New Persian (Farsi) literature.

A Semitic Language Arabic belongs to the Semitic language family, itself forming part of the Afro-Asiatic phylum. Arabic exhibits the typical Semitic features of emphatic (velarized) sounds; a morpheme structure based on a triliteral root that conveys a basic meaning; a highly integrated system of inflection, derivation of word structures (internal flexion), and apophony, which adds semantic nuances to the root; a verbal system with prefix and suffix conjugation; a paratactic syntax; and a list of vocabulary cognates. Nevertheless, the specific place of Arabic within the Semitic family remains unresolved. Advocates of a genetic-tree model place it within the Central Semitic group, together with Canaanite and Aramaic, whereas proponents of natural language change and linguistic drift assign it to the Southwest Semitic group, together with the Ethiopian and South Arabian languages, the latter model being perhaps better suited to the close coexistence and succession of related tongues within the same geographical area, which characterize the Semitic family.

Proto-Arabic Beginning with the ninth century BCE, Arabic names and terms are seen in Akkadian, Biblical, Greek, Coptic, and late Aramaic sources, whereas, from the sixth century BCE. to the fourth century CE, short epigraphic texts in Old North Arabian

ARABIC (recorded in a derivative of the South Arabian alphabet) survive in the Arabian Peninsula and SyroPalestine. Their language differs from later Classical Arabic in many ways; for example, the article ha- is seen, as opposed to later Classical Arabic al-. Between the third and sixth centuries, five short inscriptions in Syro-Palestine show the adoption of a late Aramean (Nabatean) cursive by writers of Arabic. From Nabatean, the Arabic script inherits salient traits, such as the nondenotation of short vowels (abgad type) and inflectional endings and the lam-alif ligature. Sporadic positional variants and connections and the mergers of letters (e.g., r and z) in late Nabatean were fully systematized in Arabic, and merged letters were distinguished by diacritic markers.

Pre-Classical and Classical Arabic The Arabian Peninsula was home to numerous Arabic dialects that were sporadically recorded by later medieval Arabic grammarians, which permits a rough subdivision into a western (e.g., Hudhayl, Tayyi’), an eastern (e.g., Tamim), and a southern group of tribes (e.g., Kinda, Hamdan). Highly complex heroic poetry was composed from the sixth century CE in a supratribal idiom and was notably characterized by inflectional endings (i‘rab; literally ‘‘making Arabic’’), which were absent in many dialects. Scholars still debate whether inflectional endings in the early dialects disappeared long before the onset of Islam or whether they were lost only during the early conquests and the massive adoption of Arabic by foreigners, with the former option being the more likely one. The most influential Arabic text was the Qur’an, which was revealed in 610–632 in a language that was close to the poetic idiom but that displayed certain Western traits. The codification of Islam’s holy book as well as communication within the rapidly expanding Arabic– Islamic state required a unified official tongue, which Arabic came to fulfill under the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik around 700. It then became the task of grammarians during the mid-eighth century to synthesize prestige literature (the Qur’an, prophetic tradition [hadith], and pre-Islamic poetry and prose) with data gleaned from qualified Bedouins, who were considered experts in the pure Arabic language (‘Arabiyya). Grammarians selected core languages (e.g., those of the tribes of Tamim and Hudhayl), and, when these diverged, they chose features according to their prestige (e.g., the hamza [glottal stop]), frequency, or analogical derivation (qiyas). The result was a reduction and systematization of

morphology, syntax, and lexicon, and this was completed with the works of al-Khalil (d. 793) and Sibawayhi (d. 791), the respective founders of Arabic lexicography and grammar. The grammarians, however, did not create Classical Arabic; however, through established principles and fieldwork, they homogenized and systematized its disparate and redundant ingredients into a codified common tongue. They then proceeded to link the varied phenomena of language (furu‘) to a few underlying principles (usul) to demonstrate the perfection of the language that God had chosen for His revelation. Classical Arabic sounds consist of twenty-eight consonants and three short or long vowels. The noun (ism) is modified by genus (male or female), number (singular, dual, or plural), state (indeterminate, determinate, or construct), and inflection (subject, possessive, or object cases). The verb (fi‘l) has both a prefix and a suffix conjugation and expresses time or aspect (perfect or imperfect), mood (indicative, subjunctive, or jussive), voice (active or passive), person, gender, and number. A third and indeclinable word type is the particle (harf ); its syntax includes both nominal clause (topic or comment) and verbal clause (verb, subject, or object), which may be built into compound sentences, although the older language tends toward parataxis. During the same period, Arabic script was made to more accurately reflect spoken Classical Arabic by the addition of (mainly) supralinear symbols for short vowels, hamza, long alif (madda), the doubling of letters (tashdid), and the elision of the initial vowel (wasla). From contact with preceding civilizations on its territory and in particular the ‘Abbasid translation movement, Arabic incorporated vocabulary from Aramaic, Greek, and Middle Persian (Pahlavi), among others. The foreign words entered the language as simple borrowings, or they were likened to Arabic morphological patterns ( jins; ‘‘species’’ from the Greek genos), recreated by derivation (ishtiqaq; e.g., kayfiyya, which means ‘‘quality’’ or, literally, ‘‘how-ness’’), or again reproduced as Arabic calques. A further method was to extend an existing Arabic root with a meaning it had in another Semitic language; for example, darasa, meaning ‘‘to be effaced,’’ was thus acquired in addition to the root’s Aramaic meaning of ‘‘to study’’ (e.g., madrasa, meaning ‘‘school; religious college’’).

Neo-Arabic The inflective, synthetic language represented by Classical Arabic coexists with a noninflecting analytical 57

ARABIC type called Neo-Arabic, thereby forming a situation of diglossia. No agreement has been reached about the date of the inception of Neo-Arabic, whether it was extant long before Islam or brought about by the Islamic conquests. Neo-Arabic has many regional dialects, although they share a number of features. Most of these may be subsumed under the analytical trend (fixed word order, expression of the verbal mood by prefixes and of the possessive and object cases by the particle l- rather than by inflection) and reduction of the paradigm (the loss of hamza and of the interdentals dh and th, the merger of the emphatic d and z, the loss of the dual and feminine plural forms, the merger of different types of defective verbs, and the loss of inflection of the relative pronoun), although some (e.g., the i-vowel in the imperfect verb) may derive from ancient Arabic dialects or contact with other Semitic languages. The common traits of Neo-Arabic are attributed to convergence, drift, and parallel developments and are no longer motivated by a koine` that supposedly evolved in the Islamic army camps, although the conquests undoubtedly propelled the development of Neo-Arabic. One medieval dialect that, although extinct (unlike most Arabic dialects, which survive today), has been preserved in written documents is Andalusi Arabic.

Middle Arabic This label covers all texts whose writers strayed from the rules of Classical Arabic (thus denoting not a chronological period but a level of language). Middle Arabic is characterized by a mixture of dialectal and Classical Arabic forms and pseudocorrections (i.e., instances in which the writer aimed for and missed the more prestigious register and created a form that existed neither in Classical Arabic nor in his native [Neo-Arabic] dialect). Accordingly, Middle Arabic offers a wide spectrum, ranging from the informal level of the uneducated scribe to the grammatical nonchalance or dramatic purpose of the literary author. Middle Arabic is generally divided into three groups of Muslim texts (early papyri, scientific texts, and historiographical and popular literature since the thirteenth century CE), Jewish texts (or Judeo-Arabic, written in Hebrew characters), and Christian texts (occasionally written in Syriac script), although the evidence for the last group is limited. Today Arabic is the official language of approximately two hundred million speakers in twenty sovereign nations, of the Arab citizens of Israel and the Palestinians, and of communities in Central Asia and 58

East Africa; it is the liturgical language of approximately one billion Muslims. BEATRICE GRUENDLER See also Arabs; Arameans; Books; Bureaucrats; Education; Libraries; Folk Literature, Arabic; Greeks; Linguistics, Arabic; Persians; Qur’an and Arabic Literature; Qur’an and Manuscripts; Scribes

Primary Sources Bateson, Mary Catherine. Arabic Language Handbook. Washington: 1967. Reprint: Leiden: Brill, 2003. Bennet, Patrick R. Comparative Semitic Linguistics: A Manual. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1998. Blau, Joshua. A Handbook of Early Middle Arabic. Jerusalem: Max Schloessinger Memorial Foundation, 2002. Corriente, Federico. A Grammatical Sketch of the Spanish Arabic Dialect Bundle. Madrid: Instituto Hispano-Arabe de Cultura, 1977. Ferrando, Ignacio. Introduccio´n a la Historia de la Lingua ´ rabe: Nuevas Perspectivas. Zaragoza: Navarro & A Navarro, 2001. Fischer, Wolfdietrich, ed. Grundriß der Arabischen Philologie, vol. 1: Sprachwissenschaft. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1982. Holes, Clive. Modern Arabic. Structures, Functions and Varieties. London & New York: Longman, 1955. Khalil, Hilmi. al-Muwallad fi l-‘Arabiyya: Dirasa fi Numuww al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya wa-Tatawwuriha ba‘d al-Islam (Innovation in the ‘Arabiyya: A Study of the Evolution of the Arabic Language and Its Development in Islamic Times’’). Beirut: Dar al-Nahda al-‘Arabiyya, 1985. Versteegh, Kees. The Arabic Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1997. Al-Zaydi, G.Y. Fiqh al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya (‘‘Arabic Linguistics’’). Mosul: 1987. Zwettler, Michael. The Oral Tradition of Classical Arabic Poetry: Its Character and Implications. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1978.

Further Reading Arabica 48 (2001). (Contains articles reviewing the state of research in various subfields such as Epigraphic South Arabian, Middle Arabic, linguistic contacts between Arabic and other languages, and Arabic sociolinguistics). Bergstra¨sser, Gotthelf. Introduction to the Semitic Languages, transl. Peter T. Daniels. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1983. Blau, Joshua. Studies in Middle Arabic and Its JudaeoArabic Variety. Jerusalem: Magnes, 1988. Chejne, Anwar. The Arabic Language: Its Role in History. Minneapolis, 1969. Fleisch, Henri. Traite´ de Philologie Arabe, 2 vols. Beirut, 1961–1979. Hetzron, Robert, ed. The Semitic Languages. London: Routledge, 1997. al-Rajihi, ‘Abduh. al-Lahajat al-‘Arabiyya fi l-Qira’at alQur’aniyya (Arabic Dialects in the Readings of the Qur’an). Cairo, 1968. Reprint: Riyadh: Maktabat al-Ma‘arif lil-Nashr wa-l-Tawzi‘, 1999. Robin, Christian. ‘‘L‘Arabie Antique de Karib’il a` Mahomet: Nouvelles Donne´es sur l‘Histoire des Arabes Graˆce

ARABS aux Inscriptions’’ Revue du Monde Musulman et de la Me´diterrane´e, 61 (1991–1993). Aix-en-Provence: Edisud. Versteegh, Kees. Landmarks in Linguistic Thought III: The Arabic Linguistic Tradition. London & New York: Routledge, 1997.

ARABS Arabs, who are considered to belong to Semitic tribes, are the biggest community of these tribes. Aside from where they may reside as a result of different unions, it is accepted that their homeland is Arabia. The word Arab came after Semite nations established various states with different names in Yemen and Mesopotamia. The oldest information we have about the Arab Peninsula and the communities that lived there is found in the tenth chapter of Genesis in the Old Testament of the Bible. Arab, which also means ‘‘desert’’ and which has an origin that is still not clarified, was first seen in an Assyrian document dating back to 853 BCE. There had been a long period of contact between Arabs and Assyrians in the fields of politics and the military. Both Assyrians and north Arabian tribes were ruled by the Babylonian King Nabonidus. It is possible that, when Alexander the Great conquered Syria and Egypt, he also took north Arabia during his Asian expedition. Meanwhile, The Arab peoples, then a tribal society, and Persians had friendly relations. Arab historians divide Arabs into two groups, Arab Ba‘idah and Arab Baqiyyah. Ba‘idah Arabs lived in ancient times and then disappeared. ‘Ad, Thamoud, Madyan, ‘Ubayl, Jasim, Tasm, Jadis, and Amaliqa are among the important branches of the Ba‘idah. Information related to these groups is only found in the Holy Books and in Arab poetry. Arab Baqiyyah refers to still extant Arabic groups. These are divided into two groups: Arab ‘Aribah and Arab Musta‘ribah, which are mentioned in the Old Testament. Arab genealogists assume that all Arabs are descendants of Abraham; the Old Testament is the basis of this belief, and the Qur’an also states that Arabs are descendants of sons of Abraham. Again, according to the same genealogists, people of north Arabia are descendants of Samuel, and the inhabitants of south Arabia, who have a settled life, are descendants of Qahtan. The people of both regions were always migrating for economic reasons. Arab ‘Aribah, whose homeland is Yemen, are also called Qahtanis. The most famous tribes are Jurhum and Ya‘roub. Ya‘roub also has two branches, Kahlan and Himyar, and many tribes and branches descend from these. Arab Musta‘ribah (or Arab Muta‘arribah) were comprised of tribes that were Arabized afterwards.

These were the majority of nomadic Arabs who settled in the area in the central regions of Arabia extending from Hijaz to Badiyah al-Sham; Adnanis, Isma‘ilis, Ma‘addis, and Nizaris are included in these tribes. Among the main tribes belonging to Adnan, there are Adnan, Ma‘ad, Nizar, Rabi‘ah, Muzar, Qays, ‘Aylan, Ghatafan, Ilyas, Kinanah, Quraysh, Qusayy, and Abd Manaf. The tribes called Adnanis are descendants of Adnan’s son Ma‘ad. Some tribes of Adnanis settled in the south, where they united with the Qahtanis and became the ancestors of today’s Arabs. The states such as the Ma‘in, Saba’, and Himyari Kingdoms were found in Yemen, and the Nabati, Tadmur, Ghassani Hira, and Kindah Kingdoms were founded in northern Arabia during the tribal period. The Arab Golden Age, during which a system based on the principles of freedom and equality (especially in the tribes during the Jahiliyyah period) was seen, started with Islam. During Caliph Abu Bakr’s period, Damascus was conquered in 635 and Jerusalem was conquered in 638. Iraq was conquered after the Nihawand war in 642, opening the doors of Iran to Islam. In addition, two important encampment cities were founded in Iraq (Basra and Kufah), and these played an important role in the conquest of Iran. Meanwhile, Khalid Ibn Walid’s victory in the war of Ajnadayn on July 30, 634, opened the doors of Byzantium to the armies of Islam. Actually, this war opened the doors of the Syrian and Palestinian states to the Arabs and ended the Ghassani state, which was founded as a buffer state of Byzantium. In the Ajnadayn war, the Arabs defeated the Byzantines soundly; after this war, they started conquering the fortresses and cities in Jordan, Syria, and Palestine, and they finally conquered all of Syria during the period of Caliph Umar. Amr Ibn As conquered Egypt in 641 and Babylon in 641. Alexandria was conquered on September 17, 642. During this period, Arabs progressed from a small state to a major power. During this expansion period, Amr Ibn As controlled the general policies himself, and he determined policy for the conquered lands. Caliph Othman also continued the expansion period that was begun by Caliph Umar, and conquered Tripoli, Cyprus, Rhodes, Malta, and Crete. During this time, important events such as the Jamal event and the Siffin war took place, and control of Egypt and Hijaz was lost. Afterwards he sent an army commanded by Abd al-Malik Hassan Ibn Nu‘man to North Africa, and North Africa was completely conquered between the years of 697 and 703. During this period, the Berbers of Moroccan tribes accepted Islam. Islamic conquests, which came to an end as a result of caliphate fights, began again after Mu‘awiyah 59

ARABS dominated events in the country. In 647, Arab armies passed the Ceyhun river and reached Na Wara’ al-Nahr. There was a temporary decrease in the conquests, but they accelerated again during the years 705 to 715, after Walid became the caliph. The most important periods for Arabs were during the reigns of the Umayyids and the ‘Abbasids, which enlarged their borders considerably. They faced a new page in their history after the ‘Abbasids took over the caliphate. There were separations from the Islamic State during this era, and new states were formed. In the ninth and tenth centuries, new Islamic states were founded in Egypt, Syria, Yemen, and Palestine, and this breakdown continued until the reign of the Ottomans. In 945, the occupation of Baghdad by Buwayhis resulted in power being transferred to Iranians; afterward, the caliphs did not have any power. In 1258, the occupation of Baghdad by the Mongols ended Arab domination in Iraq, and, beginning in the thirteenth century, Arabs withdrew from the political stage. The conquests that began in 1517 with Yavuz and that were continued by Kanuni resulted in the dominance of the Ottomans in all the regions except the inner regions of Arabia. HU¨SEYIN YAZICI See also Arabia

Further Reading Abu ‘Ubaydah Mu‘mar al-Muthanna al-Taymi. Kitab Ayyam al-Arab qabla al-Islam. Beirut, 1987. Ali, Jawad. al-Mufassal, I–IX. Caetani, L. I˙slam Tarihi, transl. Hu¨seyin Cahid. Istanbul, 1924. ¨ ncesi Arap Taˆrihi ve Caˆhiliye C C ¸ ag˘atay, Nes¸et. I˙slaˆm O ¸ ag˘ı. Ankara: 1982. ———. I˙slaˆm Taˆrihi. Ankara, 1993. Caskel, W. Das Altarabische Ko¨nigreich Lihjan. Krefeld, 1951. Dayf, Shawqi. al-‘Asr al-Jahili. Cairo, 1986. Fayda, Mustafa. I˙slaˆmiyet’in Gu¨ney Arabistan’a Yayılıs¸ı. Ankara, 1982. Furat, Ahmet Suphi. Arap Edebiyati Tarihi. Istanbul, 1996. Grohmann, A., and others. ‘‘al-Arab.’’ In EI (Englih), vol. I, 524–33. Hasan, Hasan Ibrahim. I˙slaˆm Taˆrihi VI, transl. I˙smail Yig˘it et al. Istanbul, 1986–1988. Hitti, Philip K. I˙slaˆm Taˆrihi, I–II, transl. Salih Tug˘. Istanbul, 1989. Ibn Sa‘id al-Andalusi. Nashwah al-Tarab fi Tarikh Jahiliyyah al-Arab, I–II, ed. Nusret Abdurrahmaˆn. Jordan, 1982. I˙slam Do¨nemine Dek Arap Taˆrihi. Ankara, 1989. Jabbour, Jabra’il S. Tarikh al-Arab. Beirut, 1986. Lewis, B. Tarihte Araplar, transl. Hakkı Dursun Yıldız. Istanbul, 1979. Mantran, R. I˙slam’in Yayılıs¸ Tarihi, transl. I˙smet Kayaog˘lu. Ankara, 1981.


Sa‘d Zaghloul Abd al-Hamid, Fi tarikh al-Arab Qabla al-Islam (Adil Jasim al-Bayati). Beirut, 1986. Von Kremer, A. Culturgeschichte des Orients, Vienna 1875–1877. Paris: Cl. Huart, Histoire des Arabes, 1912. Wellhausen, J. Arap Devleti ve Sukutu, transl. Fikret Is¸ıltan. Ankara, 1963. Wu¨stenfeld, F. Genealogische Tabellen der Arabischen Stamme und Familien. Go¨ttingen, 1852. Yıldız, Hakkı Dursun. ‘‘Arap.’’ In DI˙A, vol. III, 272–76.

ARAMAEANS Aramaeans are first mentioned in Akkadian texts of the late twelfth century BCE as dangerous enemies to the west of the Assyrian empire. Their territories were organized into independent city states that eventually fell under Assyrian domination, the last being Damascus in 732 BCE. Hostilities between these states and ancient Israel are recorded in the historical books of the Bible and in a fragmentary Aramaic inscription from Tell Dan. The Aramaeans were probably nomads who had settled along the Fertile Crescent and who also spread to the southeast to southern Iraq (Beth Aramaye in Syriac sources). Certain strands of the biblical traditions that concern Jacob point to Aramaean connections, most notably the following profession: ‘‘My Father was a wandering Aramaean…’’ (Deuteronomy 26:5; the passage has subsequently been given many different interpretations). By the time of the Achaemenid Empire, ‘‘Aramaean’’ had largely lost its ethnic sense and was used instead to denote speakers of Aramaic. In the Hellenistic and Roman periods, ‘‘Aramaean’’ was understood as being synonymous with ‘‘Syrian’’ (i.e., an inhabitant of the general area of Syria). In both Jewish Aramaic and Christian Syriac sources, ‘‘Aramaean’’ also took on a new meaning of ‘‘gentile, pagan.’’ In later vocalized texts in both languages, a distinction is made between Aramaye (Aramaeans) and Armaye (gentiles, pagans). The appearance of the personal name Aram in two different genealogies in the Bible (Genesis 10:22 and 22:21) gave rise in late antiquity to many different mythographic views of the origin and relationship of the Aramaeans to other ethnic groups. According to Strabo (Geography, I.2.34; XVI.4.27), the Aramaeans were also identified by Posidonius (early first century BC) as being featured in the works of Homer. In the Middle Ages, Syriac writers continued to equate Aramaye and Suryaye. Muslim authors appear to have shown little interest in identifying the ancient Aramaeans, but they used the term Nabat to describe the Aramaic speakers of the conquered territories, especially the farmers and peasantry of Iraq.

ARAMAIC The Nabataean Agriculture (al-Filaha al-Nabatiyya), which was translated into Arabic from the ancient Syriac by Ibn Wahshiyya in the tenth century, is now thought to be based on reworked late antiquity writings that reflect local traditions. Besides agricultural lore, it contains much about pagan religion and magic. The latter materials were taken up by the Andalusian pseudo-Majriti (dates uncertain) in his Ghayat al-Hakim (The Aim of the Sage). Translated into Latin as Picatrix (1256), this work greatly influenced Western magic. During the late twentieth century, Aramaean has been taken up as an ethnic identity by parts of the Syrian Orthodox Diaspora. SEBASTIAN BROCK See also Aramaic; Syriac Further Reading Fahd, Toufic. ‘‘Nabat, II.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. 7 (1993): 835–838. Ibn Wahshiyya. al-Filaha al-Nabatiyya, ed. T. Fahd. Damascus: 1993–1995. Lipinski, Edward. The Aramaeans: Their Ancient History, Culture, Religion. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 100. Leuven: Peeters, 2000. Pseudo-Majriti. Das Ziel der Weisen, ed. Hellmut Ritter. Leipzig and Berlin: B.G. Teubner, 1933. Pingree, David, ed. Picatrix: The Latin Version of the Ghaˆyat al-Hakıˆm. London: Warburg Institute, 1986.

ARAMAIC Aramaic, like Arabic, belongs to the central group of West Semitic languages and is within the SyroPalestinian subgroup (with Ugaritic, Phoenician, Hebrew, and others). Its closest affinities are with Arabic. First seen in inscriptions of tenth/ninth century BCE, Aramaic still continues to be used in several modern dialects some three millennia later. The earliest evidence of Aramaic comes from inscriptions and documents on papyrus and skin, but, especially during the first millennium CE, it became an important literary language for three religious communities (Jewish, Christian, and Mandaean), and extensive bodies of literature survive. For well over a millennium, Aramaic (in different dialects) served as the main language of the Middle East, situated between Akkadian and Arabic. Aramaic is known through many different dialects and scripts, several of which have their own designations (e.g., Palmyrene, Syriac, Mandaic). Different classifications of these dialects have been suggested, but the following seems to be the most satisfactory:

1. Old Aramaic (tenth/ninth–eighth century BCE): This is seen in inscriptions ranging from southeast Turkey to northern Iran. 2. Official Aramaic (seventh–fourth century BCE): Aramaic was already replacing Akkadian in the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian empires; under Achaemenid rule, it became the official language of communication. Besides inscriptions, there are archives of documents from Egypt and Afghanistan; those from Egypt include the oldest fragments of a literary text in Aramaic, the story of Ahiqar, which is a political fable followed by a series of wise sayings that subsequently enjoyed great popularity in many different languages. 3. Middle Aramaic (third century BCE–second century CE): Many dialects had by now developed their own scripts (Nabataean, Palestinian Aramaic, Palmyrene, Hatran, Old Syriac), and a fairly standard form of literary Aramaic was emerging. In addition to the Aramaic portions of the biblical books of Ezra and Daniel (which preserve older features), further fragmentary literary texts have come to light among the Qumran manuscripts. 4. Late Aramaic (third century CE onward): Several dialects were used for literary texts; of the western dialects, Jewish Palestinian Aramaic has the most extensive texts, whereas those surviving in Samaritan Aramaic and Christian Palestinian Aramaic are much fewer in number. By contrast, the eastern dialects have proved much more influential. Jewish Babylonian Aramaic features most importantly in the Babylonian Talmud, but many additional texts survive; Mandaic is the vehicle for the corpus of Mandaean religious texts, whereas Syriac provides by far the largest corpus of literary texts in Aramaic. 5. Modern Aramaic (seen in written form from the seventeenth century onward in both Jewish and Christian texts): The modern spoken dialects fall into three groups: (1) Western dialects, which are spoken only in a few villages in the Anti-Lebanon; (2) Central Aramaic, which consists of the dialects of Tur ‘Abdin in southeast Turkey (collectively known as Turoyo); and (3) the much more numerous Eastern dialects (Jewish, Christian, and Mandaean). Aramaic has had a certain influence on Arabic, and some Aramaic loan words are found in the Qur’an. SEBASTIAN BROCK See also Aramaeans; Syriac 61

ARAMAIC Further Reading Conybeare, F.C., Harris, J.R. and Lewis, A.S. The Story of Ahikar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913. Jeffery, Arthur. The Foreign Vocabulary of the Quran. Baroda: 1938. Kaufman, Stephen A. ‘‘Languages (Aramaic).’’ In Anchor Dictionary of the Bible, ed. David N. Freedman. 4 (1992): 173–178. Luxenberg, Christoph. Die Syro-Arama¨ische Lesart des Korans. Ein Beitrag zur Entschlu¨sselung der Koransprache. Berlin: Das Arabische Buch, 2000.

ARCHITECTURE, SECULAR: MILITARY Islamic military architecture assumed a variety of forms—fortified city walls, citadels, castles, and palaces—that in general did not diverge significantly from the Roman and Byzantine fortifications that Muslim armies encountered in the eastern Mediterranean world or those in Sasanian Iran or Soghdian Central Asia. Many of the standard features of Islamic fortifications (towers, bent entrances, portcullises, machicolation, barbicans, and donjons or keeps) were found not only in pre-Islamic military architecture but in that of medieval Christendom as well. Evidence of early purely Islamic fortifications is scarce, perhaps because many preexisting fortified structures were simply occupied and reused by Muslim armies as a byproduct of conquest. As the Islamic world expanded, the need for new fortifications (especially on the frontiers) became paramount. The earliest Islamic structures that might properly be considered fortifications are the isolated walled enclosures that were erected as rural or desert retreats by the Umayyad dynasty of Syria (r. 661–750 CE) in the eighth century. These structures (Qasr al-Hayr East and Qasr al-Hayr West in Syria and Mshatta and Qusayr Amra in Jordan) usually featured outer walls with half-round solid towers that are descended in form rather than function from pre-Islamic Roman, Byzantine, and local architectural traditions. Among the earliest fortified cities in the Islamic world were Raqqa in Syria and the Round City at Baghdad, both dating to the eighth century and both largely the creation of the ‘Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur (r. 754–775). The surviving walls at Raqqa are mudbrick rather than stone, and there are remnants of numerous towers on the inner wall of the city. The Round City is today known only through literary evidence, but it seems also to have had mud-brick outer and inner walls punctuated by towers and a moat between the two walls. One notable feature of the Round City was the use of bent entrances in the


exterior gates, which forced anyone entering the city to make a series of repeated turns in close quarters that thus minimized the impact of frontal assaults. The bent entrance was later used in monumental gateways in many citadels and palaces (e.g., the Alhambra in Granada, Spain), although its origin is pre-Islamic. More tangible evidence of military architecture survives from a later date in the walls and gates of Cairo and the remarkable citadel at Aleppo. Cairo was founded in 969 north of the old city of Fustat, and it was originally surrounded by mud-brick walls that were subsequently replaced with stone by the Fatimid vizier Badr al-Jamali between 1087 and 1092. From this same period survive three monumental stone gates (each more than twenty meters high): Bab al-Nasr (Gate of Victory), Bab al-Futuh (Gate of Conquest), and Bab Zuwayla. The masonry techniques here are thought to derive from northern Syria. These gates have straight rather than bent entrances and in general more closely resemble earlier Roman gates than, for example, the aforementioned Islamic examples at Raqqa and Baghdad. The Ayyubid dynasty (r. 1169–1260) constructed fortified citadels at Cairo, Damascus, and Aleppo, the last of which is the most impressive and best preserved. The Aleppo citadel, which was built on an enormous, partly artificial mound, was established in 1209 and repaired in 1292 and again during the early sixteenth century. It stands nearly forty meters above street level and was preceded by a fortified gate, a bridge, a moat, and a massive barbican. Inside the enclosed citadel was a somewhat random arrangement of baths, living quarters, a mosque, and a royal audience hall—in essence a small city within the city. One area in which Islamic fortifications differ from their European or pre-Islamic counterparts is the relative lack of isolated castles in the Muslim world. To be sure, these do exist in some areas (e.g., the mountainous regions of northern Iran), but castles in general functioned as adjunct structures to fortified (or soon-to-be conquered) cities. An example of the latter is the well-known Rumeli Hisar on the Bosphorus north of Istanbul, which was built in 1451–1452 by the Ottoman sultan Mehmed II (also known as Mehmed the Conqueror; r. 1445 and 1451–1481) on the site of an earlier Byzantine fortress. It was used (along with its earlier sister fortress Anadolu Hısar on the opposite Asian shore, which was begun by Bayazid I [r. 1389–1402]) to control water traffic and communication between Constantinople (as Istanbul was then known) and the Black Sea before the Ottoman conquest of the city in 1453. The changing nature of siege warfare during Ottoman

ARCHITECTURE, SECULAR: PALACES times is marked by the provisions for gun ports in both the barbican and the easternmost tower of Rumeli Hısar. RICHARD TURNBULL See also ‘Abbasids; Agra Red Fort; Alhambra; Architecture, Secular: Ayyubids; Bayazid, Yıldırım; Conquest; Mehmet II, the Conqueror; Ottoman Empire; Palaces; Umayyads; Urbanism; Warfare and Techniques Further Reading Creswell, K.A.C. Early Muslim Architecture, 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1932–1940; reprinted, New York, 1979. ———. ‘‘Fortifications in Islam Before A.D. 1250.’’ Proceedings of the British Academy (1952): 89–125. ———. The Muslim Architecture of Egypt, 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952–1959; reprinted, New York, 1979. Grabar, Oleg. ‘‘The Architecture of Power: Palaces, Citadels and Fortifications.’’ In Architecture of the Islamic World, ed. George Michell. New York: Thames and Hudson, 1984. King, D.J. ‘‘The Defences of the Citadel of Damascus,’’ Archaeologia, XCIV (1951): 57–96. Toy, Sidney. ‘‘The Castles of the Bosphorus.’’ Archaeologia LXXX (1930): 215–28.

ARCHITECTURE, SECULAR: PALACES Except for famous complexes—like the Topkapı Saray in Istanbul, the Alhambra in Granada, Fatehpur Sikri near Agra, the Fort at Lahore, and the Red Forts at Agra (all built c. 1565–1573 CE) and Delhi— extant palaces in Islam are few. Essentially used as settings for the ceremonial of princely magnificence, they were often as flimsy as stage scenery. The lack of information about this ceremonial (see ‘‘Marasim’’ and ‘‘Mawakib’’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed.) and its relation to neighboring cultures (this information is enshrined in the Liber de Ceremoniis of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus [Stern 1950; Canard 1951; Sourdel 1960]) complicates the interpretation of excavated remains; literary descriptions, which are frequently lacunary and misleadingly hyperbolic, are limited to the public areas. Islamic palace architecture is often vernacular or domestic architecture writ large, but many palaces exhibit features that are derived from Western Asiatic cultures: a regular layout on built-up terraces, along an axis of symmetry, and a deep axial iwan, fronting, as in palaces of the first Sasanian ruler, Ardashir I (?–242 CE) at Firuzabad (Huff, Encyclopaedia Iranica), a central domed throne room, while the great iwan of the Taq (or Iwan)-i Kisra at Ctesiphon on the Tigris south of Baghdad (Kro¨ger, Encyclopaedia Iranica),

probably built by Khusraw I Anushiravan (r. 531–579 CE), became a topos for palace architecture throughout the Islamic world. The Umayyad Caliphs in Syria and Palestine favored the villa rustica of late antiquity (a large-scale agricultural enterprise with baths, audience halls, and other amenities), and they progressed seasonally from one to another. More elaborate is Khirbat al-Mafjar, north of Jericho (Baer, Encyclopaedia of Islam), a winter residence with a rectangular arcaded courtyard fronting sets of apartments, a bath with rich mosaics, and a porch with a standing figure in Caliphal robes. Later Islamic rulers also made seasonal progresses, and the stations on their route (e.g., the early twelfth-century Seljuk Ribat-i Sharaf, between Tus or Meshhed and Sarakhs) were built like major caravansarays, with inner and outer courtyards. Residences like Madinat al-Zahra outside Co´rdova and the Seljuk palaces Kubdabad (c. 1220–1230 CE) on Lake Beys¸ehir (Arık 2000) in Anatolian Pisidia also spawned local satellites (i.e., hunting lodges, garden refuges from the heat of summer, race courses, and grandstands [Northedge 1991]). In addition, the palace of Topkapı (Eldem 1969–1973; Necipolg˘u 1991) expanded both seasonally and over time to include pavilions, gardens, and summer houses (yalı) all the way up the shores of the Bosphorus. In palaces, space was ordered hierarchically, from the public to the private domain. The outermost areas included the King’s Musick (tabl-khana, naqqarakhana), government offices, the archives, the mint, the armory and stables, and the kitchens, with the hall of public audience beyond. The private areas included halls of private audience, the women’s quarters, libraries, treasuries for heirlooms or relics, an observatory, a menagerie, some luxury workshops, and architectural follies, often with glamorous names: Firdaws (The Paradise), Thurayya (The Pleiades), and Chihil Sutun (The Forty Columns, which is the traditional name for the ruins of Persepolis). These might also include belvederes, like those surmounting the towers of the Alhambra (Fernandez-Puertas 1977–1978), or apartments that were artificially cooled, employing running water with weirs and runnels to decorative effect (Rabbat, Encyclopaedia of Islam). Palaces, as seen in Cairo and Aleppo, are often fortified, both for the ruler’s security and for prestige (Behrens-Abouseif 1988; Rabbat 1995). Tamerlane’s most famous palace, the Aksaray at Shahr-i Sabz (c. 1380 CE), had a colossal tiled entrance but no protective walls. At Samarqand (Clavijo/Sreznevskj, p. 244–45), he entertained in garden pavilions such as the Dilkusha and the Bagh-i Naw, which were set on artificial mounds that were approached by steps. 63

ARCHITECTURE, SECULAR: PALACES These were wooden, with tiled dadoes and lavishly painted and gilded ceilings that, as seen in Mughal India, may be transportable. For receptions and feasts, the pavilions were expanded by tents with hangings of cloth of gold and silver (O’Kane 1993). A typical Timurid pavilion is the C ¸ inili Ko¨s¸k in Istanbul, a two-story structure of brick and stone that was built for Mehmed II in AH 877/1472–1473 CE below the walls of the Topkapı Saray, with a tiled entrance iwan on a columned terrace. Its plan is cruciform, with rectangular rooms in each corner and a domed crossing on plaster fan pendentives, an axial apse providing a view of the palace gardens below. Under Tamerlane’s descendants, the formal settings often included picture galleries (suratkhana). In the Sasanian and Byzantine traditions, rulers presented themselves as magnificent collectors. The ‘Abbasids’ marble halls, magnificent thrones, lion fountains (e.g., the Patio de los Leones in the Alhambra [Fernandez-Puertas 1997–1998]), golden trees with mechanical singing birds and other automata, pools of mercury or polished tin, displays of arms and armor, and rich wall hangings were described in al-Khatib alBaghdadi’s account of the marvels (see Qaddumi 1996, paragraphs 161–64) encountered by an embassy from the Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus that was received at Baghdad in 917 CE; these set a norm for palace decoration (Gabrieli 1959). Audience halls in the Jawsaq al-Khaqabi at Samarra (after 836 CE), the palace of the Ghaznavid Mas‘ud III at Lashkari Bazar in Afghanistan (Bombaci 1960), the Qarasaray built at Mosul by the Atabeg Badr al-Din Lu’lu’ (d. 1259 CE), and the contemporary Qasr al-Dhahab of Baybars I in the Citadel of Cairo (Rabbat 1995) bore monumental painted friezes of the ruler’s amirs. Sometimes inscriptional programs were also seen, as in the palace of Mas‘ud III at Ghazni, where there are panels of verse from the Shahnama of Firdawsi (Bombaci 1960), and on the palace walls of ‘Ala al-Din Kayqubad I’s citadel (c. 1220 CE) at Konya in Turkey (Laborde 1836; Bombaci 1969). The elaborately displayed poetical inscriptions of the Court of the Lions in the Alhambra (Ferna´ndez-Puertas 1997–1998) paralleled those of the main iwan (Melikian-Chirvani, 1991) at Takhti Sulayman in the mountains of northwest Persia, which was built around 1270 CE by the Ilkhanid ruler Abaqa and that included verses of Sufi poets as well as more extracts from the Shahnama (although there is no indication that his mastery of Persian was such that he could read it). Later palaces, like the Chihil Sutun at Isfahan (Luschey-Schmeisser, Encyclopaedia Iranica), which was begun under Shah ‘Abbas I (996–1038/1588–1629 CE) and remodeled by Shah ‘Abbas II in 1057/1647 CE, bore less 64

intellectually taxing but more splendid paintings of victories and triumphal celebrations. The Islamic palaces the Topkapı Saray in Istanbul, which were built in the later 1460s C.E. for Mehmed II, were inhabited for four hundred years, despite the discomfort caused by the heat of summer and the scanty protection against the savage winter climate (Davies 1970; Eldem and Akozan 1982; Necipog˘lu 1991). To European visitors, the imposing view of it from a distance did not bear closer inspection; however, the interior plan exhibits a certain cumulative effect in a processional sequence and, with its intimate pavilions and belvederes that are named after conquered kingdoms (thus evoking the imperial pretensions of the Ottoman sultanate), it perhaps reproduces the effect of the great Byzantine palace of Constantinople. Its three courtyards, each with a grand entrance, were progressively less accessible. The outermost housed the arsenal (the church of St. Irene) and the mint, the second held the Council of State (the Divan) and a large block of kitchens, and the third, with the private audience chamber (Arz Odası), was the sole preserve of the Sultan and his attendants, including the private treasury and a shrine complex, where the Mantle of the Prophet was preserved. On three sides there were landscaped gardens with fountains and splendid views that stretched down to the old Byzantine sea walls; in the late spring on a fine warm day, these views might—according to the praise of Ottoman chroniclers—be a reflection of paradise. The Topkapı Saray is the only Islamic palace in which the history of the harem quarters—virtually a palace within a palace—is documented (Peirce 1993). Under Murad III, these quarters were reorganized and rebuilt (1578–1579 CE), with additional quarters for the Queen Mother and the eunuch guards and with permanent apartments for the Sultan, including a bedchamber in a two-story domed pavilion, a domed reception hall, two baths, and, from the late sixteenth century onward, schoolrooms and apartments for the princes. MICHAEL J. ROGERS See also Agra Red Fort; Alhambra; Gardens and Gardening; Painting, Monumental and Frescoes; Furniture and Furnishings; Ilkhanids; Mahmud of Ghazna; Sasanians; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi; Shahnama; Tamerlane (Timur); Timurids Primary Sources Andrews, P.A. ‘‘Mahall.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Arik, R. Kubadabad. Selc¸uklu Saray ve C ¸ inileri. Istanbul, 2000.

ARCHIVES AND CHANCERIES Badeau, J.S. ‘‘They Lived Once Thus in Baghdad.’’ In Medieval and Middle Eastern Studies in Honor of Aziz Suryal Atiya, ed. Sami A. Hanna, 38–49. Leiden, 1972. Baer, Eva. ‘‘Khirbat al-Mafdjar.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Bombaci, A. The Kufic Inscription in Persian Verses in the Palace of Mas‘ud III at Ghazni. Rome, 1960. ———. ‘‘Die Mauerinschriften von Konya.’’ In Forschungen zur Kunst Asiens. In Memoriam Kurt Erdmann, ed. O. Aslanapa and R. Naumann, 67–73. Istanbul, 1969. M. Canard. ‘‘Le Ce´re´monial Fatimite et le Ce´re´monial Byzantin. Essai de Comparaison.’’ Byzantion XXI (1951): 355–420. Caronia, G. La Zisa di Palermo: Storia e Restauro. Rome, 1982. de Laborde, Le´on. Voyage de l’Asie Mineure. Paris, 1836. Echragh, E. ‘‘Description Contemporaine des Peintures Murales Disparues des Palais de Saˆh Tahmaˆsp a` Qazvin.’’ In Art et Socie´te´ Dans le Monde Iranien, ed. Ch. Adle, 117–26. Paris, 1982. Farmer, H.G. ‘‘Tabl-khana.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Gabrieli, F. ‘‘Il Palazzo Hammadita di Bigaya Descritta da Ibn Pamdis.’’ In Aus der Welt der islamischen Kunst. Festschrift Ernst Ku¨hnel, ed. Richard Ettinghausen, 54–8. Berlin, 1959. Galdieri, Eugenio. ‘‘Les Palais d’Isfahan.’’ In Iranian Studies, VII/3–4, Studies on Isfahan, vol. II, ed. Renata Holod, 380–405. 1974. Golombek, Lisa. ‘‘The Draped Universe of Islam.’’ In Content and Context of Visual Arts in the Islamic World, ed. Priscilla P. Soucek, 25–49. State College, PA: Penn State University Press, 1988. Gonzales de Clavijo, Ruy. The Spanish Embassy to Samarkand 1403–1406. London: Variorum Reprints, 1971. Goodwin, Godfrey. ‘‘Topkapı Sarayı.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Hakkı Eldem, Sedat. Ko¨s¸kler ve Kasırlar, I–II. Istanbul, 1969–1973. Hakkı Eldem, Sedat, and Feridun Akozan. Topkapı Sarayı. Bir Mimarıˆ Aras¸tırma. Istanbul, 1982. Huff, D. ‘‘Architecture. III. Sasanian.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. al-I´abi, Hilal. Rusim Dar al-Khilafa: The Rules and Regulations of the ‘Abbasid Court, transl. E.A. Salem. Beirut, 1977. Keall, E.J. ‘‘Ayvan-e Kesra.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. Kro¨ger, Jens. ‘‘Ctesiphon.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. Koch, Ebba. ‘‘Diwan-i ‘Amm and Chihil Sutun: The Audience Halls of Shah Jahan.’’ In Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology. Collected Essays, 229–54. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001. Lambton, A.K.S. ‘‘Nakkara-khana.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Luschey-Schmeisser, Ingeborg. ‘‘Cehel Sotin.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. Melikian-Chirvani, A.S. ‘‘Le Livre des Rois, Miroir du Destin. II. Takht-e´ Soleyman et la Symbolique du Shah-Name.’’ Studia Iranica 20/1 (1991): 33–148. Northedge, Alastair. ‘‘The Racecourses at Samarra.’’ Bulletin SOAS 53 (1990): 31–56. O’Kane, Bernard. ‘‘From Tents to Pavilions: Royal Mobility and Persian Palace Design.’’ Ars Orientalis 23 (1993): 249–68.

Pinder-Wilson, Ralph. ‘‘The Persian Garden: Bagh and Chahar Bagh.’’ In The Islamic Garden, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture, vol. 4, 69–86. Washington, DC, 1976. Rabbat, Nasser. ‘‘Shadirwan.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Reuther, O. Indische Pala¨ste und Wohnha¨user. Berlin: 1925. Rogers, J.M. ‘‘Costantinopoli.’’ Enciclopedia Archeologica Italiana. Sanders, P. ‘‘Marasim. Under the Caliphate and the Fatimids.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. ———. ‘‘Mawakib. Under the ‘Abbasids and the Fatimids.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. Sourdel, D. ‘‘Questions de Ce´re´monial ‘Abbaside.’’ Revue des Etudes Islamiques (1960): 121–48. Stern, S.M. ‘‘An Embassy from the Byzantine Emperor to the Fatimid Caliph al-Mu‘izz.’’ Byzantion X (1950): 425. Thackston, Wheeler M. A Century of Princes. Sources on Timurid History and Art. Cambridge, MA, 1989. van Berchem, Max. ‘‘Monuments et Inscriptions de l’Atabek Lu’lu’ de Mossoul.’’ In Opera Minora II, 659–72. Geneva, 1978.

Further Reading Ars Orientalis 23 (1992), ed. Gu¨lru Necipog˘lu. Special issue on pre-modern Islamic palaces. Davis, Fanny. The Palace of Topkapı in Istanbul. New York: 1970. Behrens-Abouseif, Doris. ‘‘The Citadel of Cairo: Stage for Mamluk Ceremonial.’’ Annales Islamologiques 24 (1988): 25–79. Brand, Michael, and Glenn S. Lowry. Akbar’s India. Art from the Mughal City of Victory. Exhibition catalog. New York: The Asia Society, 1985. Ferna´ndez-Puertas, Antonio. The Alhambra, I–II. London: Saqi, 1997. Necipo Necipog˘lu, Gu¨lru. Architecture, Ceremonial and Power. The Topkapı Palace in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries. Cambridge, Mass, 1991. al-Qaddumi, Ghada. The Book of Gifts and Rarities (Kitab al-Hadaya wa’l-Tuhaf), transl. Ghada al-Qaddumi. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University, 1996. Peirce, Leslie P. The Imperial Harem. Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. London and New York: OUP, 1993. Rabbat, Nasser O. The Citadel of Cairo. A New Interpretation of Mamluk Royal Architecture. Leiden and New York: Brill, 1995. Wilber, D.N. Persian Gardens and Garden Pavilions. Tokyo, 1962.

ARCHIVES AND CHANCERIES Muslim tradition has it that the Prophet Muhammad used scribes for record-keeping and that the caliph ‘Umar set up the divisions of diwan al-jaysh (bureau of revenues) and diwan al-insha’ (chancery) in the central bureaucracy of the state. The ensuing Umayyad period saw the rise of professional writers (katib, pl. kuttab) serving as confidants of the caliphs and


ARCHIVES AND CHANCERIES playing a major role in shaping the institution of chancery. Under the ‘Abbasids, the growing influence of the vizier resulted in the consolidation of the chancery under his direct supervision. The chancery also became one of the few institutions in the Muslim empire that provided career opportunities for non-Arab and non-Muslim civic professionals. It is from Egypt, however, that original archival materials emerged, shedding light on the organization, protocols, and activities of the chanceries. At the Fatimid court, the centrality of the chancery within the state bureaucracy was firmly established. The Ayyubids inherited many of the traditions. Of the preeminent chancery writers, some had honed their skills at the Persianate Sasanid court, whereas others had flourishing careers in the Fatimid chancery before serving the Ayyubid sultans. The Mamluk time witnessed the final phase of the evolution of the chancery, which was by now a complex of central bureaus and provincial branches. It was also during the Mamluk time that relatively comprehensive documentation of the chanceries was produced, in both archival and literary sources. Very few Arabic Islamic archives of the preOttoman era have survived (see Appendix). The ample evidence afforded by literary sources, on the other hand, attests to the sophisticated efficiency of the chanceries throughout Islamic history. Chief among these literary sources are chancery manuals, such as al-Qurashi’s (c. twelfth century CE) Kitab ma‘Alim al-Kitaba, al-Nuwayri’s Nihayat al-Arab, and Ibn Nazir al-Jaysh’s Tathqif al-Ta‘rif. Particularly significant is al-Qalqashandi’s Subh al-a‘Sha, an encyclopedic work that offers detailed descriptions of the history of the chancery, the training of the katib, procedures and protocols, and the formulas and guidelines, along with samples of chancery writings. Chronicles and royal biographies also form a significant source of chancery writings. By the Mamluk time, nearly all of the chronicles and royal biographies contained some chancery documents; however, many of these were edited later. Of these, some Mamluk treaties with the Ottomans may be collated with the originals that are preserved in the Ottoman archives. According to al-Qalqashandi, two tasks were to be performed at the chancery: (1) diplomatics (almukatabat): communique´s, treaties, and decrees; and (2) personnel management (al-wilayat): certificates of hiring, firing, and promotion. Preparing legal briefings for the civil criminal court (al-mazalim) also fell into the responsibilities of the chancery. Guidelines and rules were developed to standardize the technical aspects of paperwork preparation and processing, and they ranged from the terminology of ranks, titles, and honorifics to the size of the paper 66

used, the writing style, and the formulas of treaties, royal decrees (al-mukatabat al-sultaniyya), and personal correspondence (al-mukatabat al-ikhwaniyya). Administrative documents under the rubric of alwilayat are further categorized into subtypes: appointment, dismissal, pledge of allegiance, leases and contracts regarding the iqta’ land revenues, advisory memos regarding religious and public affairs (al-wasaya), and so forth. The qualifications of a chancery writer were commonly defined as al-balagha wa-husn al-kitaba (‘‘rhetoric eloquence and excellent writing skills’’). Some chancery writers were among the finest in classical Arabic literature, such as ‘Abd al-Hamid alKatib, Ibn al-Muqaffa’, and Ibn Zaydun. Accordingly, the adab al-katib (‘‘the art and craft of chancery writers’’) developed into an academic discipline that encompassed such pursuits as languages (Arabic and Persian); calligraphy and penmanship; rhetoric; phraseology and stylistics; poetry and proverbs; history; geography; architecture; and knowledge of commerce, weights, and measures.

Appendix: Medieval Arabic Archives The Mount Sinai documents. This is the only extant archive of chancery documents from medieval Egypt, and it is made up mostly of decrees issued by sultans as edicts of protection and privilege to the Greek Orthodox Monastery of St. Catherine’s. The waqf deeds in Cairo. This collection includes some nine hundred deeds of waqf (religious endowments drawn up on behalf of the sultan and other officials); these are the only Egyptian ‘‘state’’ documents from before the Ottoman conquest. Arabic documents from European archives. Certain European archives (Venice, Genoa, the crown archives of Aragon, Palermo) house a number of Arabic documents, mainly treaties and diplomatic correspondence of the Mamluk sultanates. Arabic documents from Jerusalem. These are Mamluk chancery writings preserved in the Franciscan Custodia Terrae Sanctae in Jerusalem. In addition, some non-archival collections—the Cairo Geniza, ‘‘the Vienna papers,’’ and the Haram al-Sharif documents in Jerusalem—contain random chancery documents (see Further Reading). LI GUO Primary Sources Ibn Nazir al-Jaysh, ‘Abd al-Rahman. Kitab Tathqif alTa‘rif bi-l-Mustalah al-Sharif, ed. Rodulf Vesely. Cairo: Institut Franc¸ais d’Arche´ologie Orientale, 1987.

ARISTOTLE AND ARISTOTELIANISM al-Nuwayri, Ahmad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab. Nihayat al-Arab fi Funun al-Adab, 33 vols., in progress. Cairo: al-Mu’assasa al-Misriyya al-‘Amma lil-Ta’lif wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Tiba‘a wa-l-Nashr, 1964 to present. al-Qalqashandi, Ahmad ibn ‘Ali. Subh al-a‘Sha fi Sina‘at al-Insha’, 14 vols. Cairo: al-Mu’assasa al-Misriyya al‘Amma lil-Ta’lif wa-l-Tarjama wa-l-Tiba‘a wa-l-Nashr, 1964. al-Qurashi, Ibn Shith. Kitab Ma‘alim al-Kitaba wa-Maghanim al-Isaba. Beirut: al-Matba‘a al-Adabiya, 1913.

Further Reading Alarco´n y Santo´n, M.A., and de Linares, R.G. Los Documentos Arabes Diplomaticos del Archivio de la Corona de Aragon. Madrid: Impr. de E. Maestre, 1940. Amari, Michele. I Diplomi Arabi del R. Archivio Fiorentino. Firenze: F. Le Monnier, 1863. Amin, M. Catalogue des Documents d’Archives du Caire, de 239/853 a` 922/1516. Cairo: Institut Franc¸ais d’Arche´ologie Orientale, 1981. Atiya, A.S. The Arabic Manuscripts of Mount Sinai: A Hand-list of the Arabic Manuscripts and Scrolls Microfilmed at the Library of the Monastery of St. Catherine, Mount Sinai. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1955. Diem, Werner. Arabische Amtliche Briefe des 10. bis 16. ¨ sterreichischen Nationalbibliothek Jahrhunderts aus der O in Wien, 2 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996. Ernst, Hans. Die Mamlukischen Sultansurkunden des ¨ bersetzt und Erla¨utert. Sinai-Klosters: Herausgegeben, U Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1960. Khan, Geoffrey. Arabic Legal and Administrative Documents in the Cambridge Genizah Collections. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Hein, Horst-Adolf. Beitra¨ge zur Ayyubidischen Diplomatik. Freiburg im Breisgau: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1971. Holt, P.M. Early Mamluk Diplomacy (1260–1290): Treatises of Baybars and Qalawun with Christian Rulers. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Jamil, Nadia, and Jeremy Johns. ‘‘An Original Arabic Document from Crusader Antioch (1213 AD).’’ In Texts, Documents and Artefacts: Islamic Studies in Honour of D.S. Richards, ed. Chase Robinson. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Little, Donald P. A Catalogue of the Islamic Documents from al-Haram as-Sarif in Jerusalem. Beirut: In Kommission bei Franz Steiner Verlag. Wiesbaden, 1984. Richards, D.S. ‘‘A Fatimid Petition and ‘Small Decree’ from Sinai.’’ Israel Oriental Studies 3 (1973): 140–58. ———. ‘‘The Mamluk Chancery Manual, Tathqif al-ta‘rif: Its Author’s Identity and Manuscripts.’’ Cahiers d’Onomastique Arabe 1985–1987 (Paris, 1989): 97–101. ———. ‘‘A Mamluk Emir’s ‘Square’ Decree.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54 (1991): 63–7. Risciani, Noberto, and Eutimio Castellani, eds. Documenti e Firmani dei Sultano che Occuparono il Trono d’Egitto, dal 1363–1496. Jerusalem: Press of the Franciscan Fathers, 1936. Al-Samarrai, Q. ‘‘A Unique Mamluk Document of alMalik al-Mu‘izz Aybak al-Turkumani al-Salihi.’’ Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 21 (1990): 195–211. Stern, S.M. Fatimid Decrees: Original Documents from the Fatimid Chancery. London: Faber and Faber, 1964. ———, ed. Documents from Islamic Chanceries. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer, 1965.

———. ‘‘An Original Document from the Fatimid Chancery Concerning Italian Merchants.’’ Studi Orientalistic in Onore di Giorgio Levi Della Vida, vol. II (Rome, 1956), 529–38. ———. ‘‘Three Petitions of the Fatimid Period.’’ Oriens 15 (1962): 172–209. ———. ‘‘Petitions from the Ayyubid Period.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 27 (1964): 1–32. ———. ‘‘Petitions from the Mamluk Period (Notes on the Mamluk Documents from Sinai).’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 29 (1966): 233–76. ———. ‘‘A Petition to the Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir Concerning a Conflict Within the Jewish Community.’’ ´ tudes Juives 127 (1969): 203–22. Revue des E Wansbrough, John. ‘‘A Mamluk Letter of 877/1473.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 24 (1961): 200–13. ———. ‘‘A Moroccan Amir’s Commercial Treaty with Venice of the Year 913/1508.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 25 (1962): 449–71. ———. ‘‘A Mamluk Ambassador to Venice in 913/1507.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 26 (1963): 503–30. ———. ‘‘Venice and Florence in the Mamluk Commercial Privileges.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 28 (1965): 483–523. ———. ‘‘The Self-conduct in Muslim Chancery Practice.’’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 34 (1971): 20–35.

ARISTOTLE AND ARISTOTELIANISM The rise of philosophy and theology in Arabic Islamic civilization was accompanied by the reception of the Aristotelian canon of the rational sciences. Developing in close contact with Near Eastern Hellenism—at home in Syria and Mesopotamia—the urban culture of Islam not only received the practical arts and sciences of the Greeks from a continuous tradition of teaching and learned transmission but also adopted Greek concepts and methods of reasoning into the disciplines of theology and the law. Early reports from Umayyad Damascus (seventh–eighth centuries CE) bear witness to the first exchanges of the arts, crafts, and practical knowledge and also a few translations in the fields of popular wisdom and political ethics (e.g., the correspondence of Aristotle with Alexander the Great). After the shift of power to Iraq and the Iranian East under the ‘Abbasid caliphate (from 750), the reception of the practical sciences and the progressive Arabization of the Near East under Islamic rule led to a massive translation movement from Persian, Greek, and Syriac–Aramaic sources into Arabic, first in Baghdad and the Eastern provinces and soon in all of the urban centers of the Near East. Initially, Iranian traditions in astrology, medicine, and popular ethics were


ARISTOTLE AND ARISTOTELIANISM predominant. From the turn of the ninth century began the triumphant advance of the Greek authorities and their basic manuals, particularly the mathematics of Euclid, the astronomy and astrology of Ptolemy, and the medicine of Hippocrates and Galen and their schools. From the beginning, Aristotle accompanied the professional disciplines as a teacher of the encyclopedia of the sciences, the principles of rational deduction, and the scientific conception of the world. Foremost in the center of interest— and first translated—were Aristotle’s writings about physics and natural science: Physics, about the principles of natural processes; On the Heavens, about the celestial cosmos; On Generation and Corruption, about composition and change of the elements; Meteorology, about sublunar phenomena, and the Books on Animals, about the natural history of the animate creatures. In the milieu of rationalist theologians supported by the early ‘Abbasid court and its administration, interreligious debate fostered a growing interest in hermeneutics and logic. Methods of syllogistic reasoning entered legal and dogmatic deduction. What is more, monotheistic theology sought solutions of its aporias—the antinomy between the absolute One and the multiple phenomena of created being, the chasm between the transcendent, ineffable First Cause and the possibility of knowledge via the sensible world—in the Aristotelian books about the principles of being and movement and of the soul. Aristotle’s authentic Metaphysics—his exposition of a science of being qua being, and his philosophical theology (i.e., the doctrine of the First Unmoved Mover)—was read in Arabic from the first half of the ninth century. The book On the Immortality of the Soul was first read in a paraphrase that stressed the immortality of the rational soul, which was regarded as a substantial, intelligible form. On the other hand, the authentic writings of Aristotle, which were transmitted by the Neoplatonic schools of Athens and Alexandria and their Christian continuators, were accompanied by and harmonized with Neoplatonic texts, which were interpreted excerpts from Plotinus and Proclus published under Aristotle’s name: the so-called Theology of Aristotle and the Proclean sources of the Book of the Pure Good, which was translated into medieval Latin under the title Liber de Causis. These connected the doctrine of the First Mover with the model of emanation: creation as an eternal pouring forth from the One, passed on by the Intelligences of the celestial spheres. The interpretation of the Arabic Aristotle identified First Cause, first being, and first intelligence and made this the efficient cause of creation: a creation from nothing. 68

In this understanding—and applied to the questions discussed in earlier Islamic theology—Arabic Aristotelianism served the philosopher–scientists of the early ‘Abbasid society to legitimate rational science as a superior way to establish the true creed of monotheism. On this basis, the versatile al-Kindı¯ (d. after 868) demonstrated the harmony between Islamic monotheism and philosophical principles. From al-Kindı¯ to the branches of his school in Transoxania, from the natural sciences in Ja¯bir ibn Hayya¯n’s alchemy to the Gnostic cosmology of the Book of the Sincere Brethren (! Ikhwa¯n al-Safa¯’ ! Isma¯‘ı¯liyya), the sciences of proportions, arithmology, and musical harmony led the rational soul on its way to a vision of the absolute: to the World of Intellect. The cosmic blueprint of this world, as depicted by the progression (creation) and regression (knowledge) of intellect through a cosmic hierarchy of ensouled spheres, was found in the teachings of late Neoplatonism, which harmonized with the Aristotelian and Ptolemaic models of celestial mechanics. Still in the same tradition, the Platonic ethics of knowledge was supplemented with Aristotelian catalogs of virtues and vices in tenth-century ethical handbooks by the Christian Yahya¯ ibn ‘Adı¯ (d. AH 363/974 CE) and by the Iranian Muslim ! Miskawayh (d. 421/1030). In a further phase of reception, Aristotle came to be the authority of an autonomous philosophy that was seen as a universal demonstrative science. The rise of Aristotelian metaphysics and epistemology among the scientific and administrative elite of Islam introduced a more strictly Aristotelian paradigm. Carried by the competitors of al-Kindı¯’s circle inside and outside the ‘Abbasid court and its administration—above all by the activity of Qusta¯ ibn Lu¯qa¯, Tha¯bit ibn Qurra, and those around Isha¯q, the son of Hunayn, as translators and original authors encompassing all of the scientific encyclopedia—science was raised from empeiria to apodeixis. Until the middle of the tenth century, the Organon of logic was translated in its entirety, including the Analytica Posteriora (Book of Demonstration), which was regarded as the crown of logic and the basis of epistemology. Finally, all commentaries on the Corpus Aristotelicum—from Alexander of Aphrodisias [c. 200 CE]) to the lecture courses of the late Alexandrian school (fifth–sixth centuries)—that could be traced in Syriac versions from the Greek were made accessible by the Christian translators of Baghdad, who taught logic as the leading art of all rational activity (most notably Abu¯ Bishr Matta¯ and Yahya¯ ibn ‘Adı¯). On this basis, al-Fa¯ra¯bı¯ (d. 345/950) founded the philosophy of Islam by integrating prophecy,

ARISTOTLE AND ARISTOTELIANISM revelation, and religious language into the Aristotelian theory of the cosmos and of intellect. Aristotle’s Active Intellect—the active momentum in the acquisition of knowledge by the rational soul—is seen as a cosmic entity in a Neoplatonic model, and it serves as a mediator conveying the universal forms in the process of abstraction from the sensible particulars and translating the universals—in the superior mind of the Prophet—into the representations of positive religion. Here the concepts of Aristotelian poetic and rhetoric are employed to build a theory of religious language: the symbols of revealed religion imitate the absolute. From the perspective of metaphysics as the ruling science of being qua being, the theoretical and practical sciences and the Organon of logic (interpretation and deduction) are integrated into a unified system of the rational sciences, together with their corollaries in the particular disciplines of the religious–linguistic community, theology, jurisprudence, and grammar. Aristotle is, from this point forward, regarded by his Arabic followers (the fala¯sifa) as the guarantor of the way toward demonstrable truth, for both the rational sciences and the religious disciplines: the First Teacher, so called by Ibn Sı¯na¯ (Avicenna, d. 428/1037). Ibn Sı¯na¯ set out to rewrite the Peripatetic canon of readings according to the order and under the titles of the Aristotelian works: Logica, Physica, and Metaphysica, supplemented by the mathematical quadrivium and by the Canon of theoretical and practical medicine. His Summa of philosophy was based on a new metaphysics that was to supersede Aristotle’s. It is Aristotelian in that the universals are bound up with real substances, but they can be abstracted by intellectual analysis, relying on self-evident principles and on demonstrative reasoning; it is Platonic in that the divine mind is given the role of the Active Intellect, conferring the divine illumination necessary for all true and necessary knowledge. Departing from the concepts of substance and accident, essence and existence, matter and form, potentiality and actuality, Ibn Sı¯na¯ specified the concept and proof of the divine cause under the terms of Kala¯m theology. He established the First Cause as the necessary existent that alone has being essentially and that is necessary by itself and not composite of essence and existence. All contingent, temporal being needs a first cause, which is necessary and eternal and confers being upon the creation; together with its eternal cause, the whole of the world coexists eternally. The hierarchy of creation is modeled in a Neoplatonic cosmology: descending from the First Cause over the celestial spheres to the sublunar world of form in matter. The emanation of the forms from the Giver of Forms, the Agent

Intellect, into the genera and species of the material substances, corresponds with the Plotinian model of the return of the soul to its origin: to the vision of the intelligible cosmos. For the religious community, however, this Aristotelian/Neoplatonic cosmology—which implied the eternity of the world—remained a stumbling block, even for those theologians who adopted Aristotelian logic as a basis of rational discourse. The refutation written by the jurist and theologian ! al-Ghaza¯lı¯ (d. 505/1111), who was well versed in philosophy, contested the philosophers’ claim that human reason was consistent with God’s wisdom, but he nevertheless placed Aristotelian logic and hermeneutic into the service of the religious disciplines. Through alGhaza¯lı¯’s adoption of Aristotelian concepts and systematized by the schools of Sunnı¯ Kala¯m that developed in his wake (! Fakhr-al-Dı¯n al-Ra¯zı¯), Avicenna’s new interpretation of Aristotelian metaphysics shaped the scholarship of later Islamic theology. Meanwhile, the Aristotelians of the Muslim West (Andalusia and North Africa) took up the challenge of al-Ghaza¯lı¯: Ibn Ba¯jja (d. 533/1139) in the spirit of al-Fa¯ra¯bı¯; Ibn Tufayl (d. 581/1185) in an attempt to mediate between Avicenna and al-Ghaza¯lı¯; and, finally, Ibn Rushd (Averroes, d. 595/1198) in his largescale defense of the authentic Aristotle, based on extensive commentaries of his works and summaries of his doctrine. Against Avicenna, Averroes purged Aristotle from the elements of Neoplatonism and reestablished metaphysics on the basis of Aristotle’s physics of real substances, providing the demonstration of being that must precede the demonstration of the cause. The Latin and Hebrew translations of his commentaries became the main sources of Jewish and Christian Aristotelianism during the Middle Ages, lasting until the early Renaissance. Syntheses of rationalist and religious discourse in the religious community created complex systems of legal demonstration, of speculative theology, and of mystical philosophy. The philosophy of illumination (ishra¯q)—as established by Shiha¯b-al-Dı¯n al-Suhrawardı¯ (d. 587/1198)—employed the formal epistemology of the Peripatetics (i.e., Avicenna) as a metaphor for the process of illumination, going forth from the First Cause, which is first light and highest reality (Avicenna’s Necessary Being). Although the ‘‘divine Plato’’ is invoked as an authority, the concepts result from a chain of re-interpretations of Aristotle. For the vision of the cosmic hierarchy, mediating through monads of light between the First and the inner eye of contemplation, the spiritual metaphysics of the Arabic Plotinus provided a proven paradigm that was read by Avicenna as well as his successors until


ARISTOTLE AND ARISTOTELIANISM the theosophy of Safavid Iran (Sadr-al-Dı¯n al-Shı¯ra¯zı¯, d. 1050/1640). GERHARD ENDRESS Further Reading Daiber, H. Bibliography of Islamic Philosophy. Leiden: 1999. Endress, G. ‘‘Die Wissenschaftliche Literatur.’’ Grundriss der Arabischen Philologie 2 (Wiesbaden 1987): 400–506; 3 (1991): 3–152. ———. Aristotle and the Arabs: The Aristotelian Tradition in Islam. New York, 1968. Endress, G., et al, eds. Averroes and the Aristotelian Tradition. Leiden, 1999. Gutas, D. Avicenna and the Aristotelian Tradition. Leiden, 1986. Peters, F.E. Aristoteles Arabus: The Oriental Translations and Commentaries on the Aristotelian Corpus. Leiden, 1968.

ARWA Daughter of Ahmad ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim alSulayhi and a celebrated Queen of Yemen of the Sulayhid dynasty, Arwa was de facto co-ruler with her husband, Sultan Ahmad al-Mukarram, from 467 AH/1074 CE and sole ruler from 477/1084 until her death in 532/1138, which marked the end of the Sulayhid dynasty. She exercised both political and religious leadership in Yemen on behalf of the Fatimid Isma‘ili Caliphs of Egypt for almost sixty years. She became the founder of the Tayyibi Da‘wa, independent of Egypt, in 526/1132 after the death of the eleventh Fatimid Caliph al-Amir in 524/1130. She is alternately known as Arwa and Sayyida in many sources and by the popular designation hurra (an independent lady) or, as Leila al-Imad would describe her, a ‘‘liberated woman.’’ Arwa was born in 440/1048 and was brought up by her mother-in-law, Asma’ bint Shihab, herself a cultured lady known to people as hurra. She was married to al-Mukarram ibn ‘Ali al-Sulayhi in 458/ 1066. Many sources, Isma‘ili and otherwise, praise Arwa’s knowledge of the Qur’anic exegesis, Prophetic hadith, history, and poetry, and her personality and prowess are widely admired. No doubt, they would dare not refer to her by her first name Arwa. When her husband died, Arwa’s minor son ‘Ali ‘Abd al-Mustansir was named as ruler; however, Arwa exercised complete authority. She was served by several prominent leaders and army commanders. The Qadi ‘Imran ibn al-Fadl, who had been ‘Ali al-Sulayhi’s envoy to the Fatimid Caliph and the Commander of the Sulayhid army but had later fallen out of grace, nevertheless fought for her against the


Najahids and was killed in battle in 479/1086. Two Amirs, Abu Himyar Saba’ ibn Ahmad al-Sulayhi and Abu ’l-Rabi‘ ‘Amir ibn Sulayman al-Zawahi (both bitter rivals who fought several battles against each other), served Arwa nevertheless and carried out her bidding. Saba’ contrived to get the Fatimid Caliph’s permission to marry her. She obeyed; the marriage was contracted but never consummated. Saba’ remained loyal to her in any case. Both Amirs died around 492/ 1098. Arwa’s two sons, ‘Ali and al-Muzaffar, also died near this time. In her sorrow, the Queen turned to yet another, ‘Amir al-Mufaddal ibn Abi ’l-Barakat ibn al-Walid al-Himyari, to whom she entrusted her treasury at Mount Ta‘kar near Dhu Jibla. He was not able to withstand the inroads made in her realm by the Zuray‘ids of Aden, who owed tribute to her but were now falsely claiming to be da is. The affairs of the Da‘wa occupied Arwa. Imam alMustansir had appointed her as the Hujja of Yemen, which was the highest rank in the region; in a letter to her in 481/1088, he asked her to supervise the Da‘wa in India. Lamak b. Malik al-Hammadi was the Da‘i Balagh under her. On his death, also around 492/ 1098, his son Yahya took charge of the Da‘wa. On Yahya’s death in 520/1126, the scholar Dhu’ayb ibn Musa al-Wadi‘i was entrusted with the affairs of the Da‘wa. In the meantime, Al-Afdal, son of Badr al-Jamali and the dictator in Egypt under the Fatimid Caliph al-Must ali (487–495/1094–1101), had sent, in 513/ 1119, Ibn Najib al-Dawla as an administrator and Da‘i of Yemen, sensing the power vacuum that prevailed after ‘Amir al-Mufaddal’s death in 504/1110. His conflict with Queen Arwa’s Da‘wa and the local Amirs prompted the Queen to contrive to get him drowned in the Red Sea. However, she patched up the problem by giving a member of her own Sulayhid family, ‘Ali ibn ‘Abd Allah, the title of Fakhr alKhilafa to please the Fatimid Caliph, who now was al-Amir (495–524/1101–1130). By now Arwa had tired of the Fatimid connection. The opportunity for independence came when, on al-Amir’s death in Egypt in 524/1130, his minor son al-Tayyib’s right to succeed was usurped by his uncle al-Hafiz li-din Allah. The Queen and her Da‘wa under Dhu’ayb declared for Tayyib and severed their relationship with the last Fatimid Caliphs in 526/1132. Dhu’ayb al-Wadi‘i was declared the first Da‘i Mutlaq of the new Tayyibi Da‘wa of Yemen and India, and he was assisted by a valiant Sultan of Jurayb, al-Khattab ibn al-Hasan ibn Abi ’l-Haffaz al-Hamdani, a warrior and a poet. When the enemies pointed out that a woman could not have religious leadership, al-Khattab defended

ASCETICS AND ASCETICISM Arwa’s position with the argument that her womanly form is only an outward cover. He stated that one had to look to her inner essence, and he compared her to Maryam, the mother of Jesus; Khadija, the wife of the Prophet Muhammad; and Fatima, the wife of ‘Ali. The power options of the old Queen had now run out. The last Fatimids were supporting the Zuray‘ids of Aden and the Hamdanids of San‘a’. There were other rivals, such as the Najahids and Mahdids of Zabid, the Sulaymani Sharifs, and the Banu Akk. Arwa realized that the end of her dynasty had come. She died in 532/1138, leaving a long list of her treasures in a will and bequeathing them to the absent Imam Tayyib (i.e., the Da‘wa that now continued to exist in Yemen, not as a state but as a community, and which proliferated in India). Arwa’s last supporter, ‘Amir al-Khattab, died the next year, in 533/1139, and Yemen was soon inundated by the Ayyubid invasion and conquest in 569/1173. ABBAS HAMDANI See also Sulayhids; Women Rulers

Primary Sources ibn ‘Ali al-Hakami, Umara. Nuzhat al-Afkar, vol. I (Ms. Hamdani coll.). Ta’rikh al-Yaman, ed. Hasan Sulayman Mahmud. Cairo: Maktabat Misr, 1957. (See Kay for English translation). Imad al-Din, Idris (b. Hasan al-Anf). Uyun al-Akhbar (The Fatimids and Their Successors in Yemen), vol. VII, ed. Ayman Fu’ad Sayyid, English summary by Paul Walker. London: I.B. Tauris, 2001. Al-Janadi Baha’ al-Din. Al-Suluk. Al-Khazraji. Al-Kifaya Wa-l-i‘lam. (See Kay for copious English notes.)

Further Reading Daftary, Farhad. ‘‘Sayyida Hurra: The Isma‘ili Sulayhid Queen of Yemen.’’ In Women in the Medieval Islamic World: Power, Patronage and Piety, 117–29, ed. Gavin R.G. Hambly. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998. Al-Hamdani, Husayn F. ‘‘The Life and Times of Queen Saiyidah Arwa, the Sulaihid of Yemen.’’ Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society 18 (1931): 505–17. Al-Imad, Leila. ‘‘Women and Religion in the Fatimid Caliphate: The Case of al-Sayyidah al-Hurra, Queen of Yemen.’’ In Intellectual Studies on Islam in Honor of Martin B. Dickson, 137–44, ed. Michel M. Mazzaoui and Vera B. Moreen. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990. Kahhala, ‘Umar R. A‘lam al-nisa’, 3rd ed., 253–4. Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Risala, 1977. Mernissi, Fatima. The Forgotten Queens of Islam, 139–58, transl. M.J. Lakeland. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1993. Traboulsi, Samer. ‘‘The Queen was Actually a Man—Arwa Bint Ahmad and the Politics of Religion.’’ Arabica 50 (2003): 96–108.

ASCETICS AND ASCETICISM The terms ascetics and asceticism refer first to deliberate austerity as part of a life of devotion. This discussion will chiefly address the ascetics (zuhhad, nussak) of the eighth century CE, who are widely regarded as the forerunners of the Sufis of the later ninth century and after. Some did wear wool (suf ), which was scratchy, smelly when wet, and liable to become ragged. However, the term Sufi did not appear until the later eighth century, and few of the ascetics whom later Sufi writers regarded as their forebears were expressly called ‘‘Sufis’’ during their lifetimes. As for austerity, many early exemplars of piety were notable for their poverty. When some Basrans went to visit al-Hasan al-Basri (d. 728) on his sickbed, they found that ‘‘there was nothing in the house: no bed, no carpet, no pillow, and no mat except a bed of palm fronds that he was on.’’ His fellow Basran Malik ibn Dinar (d. late 740s) thought the only necessary furniture for one’s house was ‘‘a prayer mat, a copy of the Qur’an, and a stand for ritual ablutions.’’ The Kufan Dawud al-Ta’i (d. ca. early 780s) would move from room to room of his house as it gradually fell into ruin. More than particular austerities, early Muslim ascetics had in common their devotion of extraordinary amounts of time to Qur’anic recitation and prayer. Qari’ (‘‘reciter’’) became another term for ascetic. The Basran Thabit al-Bunani (d. ca. 744–745) recited the whole Qur’an daily and fasted throughout the year (i.e., he abstained from food and drink during daylight hours). The Kufan al-Hasan ibn Salih ibn Hayy (d. 814–815), his brother ‘Ali (d. ca. 768–769), and their mother used to recite the Qur’an nightly in shifts; the two brothers continued to do this in shifts after their mother died, and finally al-Hasan performed this task alone after his brother died. ‘Amr ibn Dinar, a Meccan jurisprudent (d. 743–744), divided his nights into a third each for sleeping, studying hadith, and performing the ritual prayer. Nighttime devotions had the advantage of taking place outside of most people’s observation, and hence they were less likely to be performed merely to impress others. Makhul of Damascus (d. 730s) asserted, ‘‘There are two eyes that will not be touched by Hellfire: an eye that has wept for fear of God and an eye that has stayed awake out of sight of the Muslims.’’ Morally, the early ascetics cultivated sadness and fear—sadness especially over past sins and fear of judgment to come. They interpreted the Qur’an as enjoining such sadness and fear. The chief point of austerity was to keep one’s attention on the important things, mainly God and future judgment. When


ASCETICS AND ASCETICISM someone suggested to al-Hasan al-Basri that he wash his shirt, he replied, ‘‘I cannot but see that the matter is more pressing than that.’’ Malik ibn Dinar gave away a pot because it made him fear its being stolen. Practically, it was probably difficult to make a good living if one stayed up every night to recite and pray. Disparagement of outward austerity seems to have arisen during about the last third of the eighth century. Ascetics such as al-Hasan al-Basri had called for inward dispositions to match the outward ones, but Sufyan ibn ‘Uyayna, a Kufan, who was active mainly in Mecca (d. 814), went further, calling for inward detachment alone: ‘‘Renunciation means shortness of hope, not eating poorly.’’ Al-Shafi‘i (d. 820) and Ibn Hanbal (d. 855) likewise considered poverty no necessary part of an ideally righteous lifestyle. At the same time, there arose more extreme forms of asceticism. Shaqiq al-Balkhi (d. 809–810) rejected all deliberate pursuit of gain, teaching that the pious should live on alms alone. Tawakkul (dependence [on God]) came to be practiced with such recklessness that ascetics would set off on journeys across the desert without carrying food or water, expecting to be sustained accidentally; that is, by divine provision alone. As it crystallized around al-Junayd (d. ca. 911), Sufism repudiated the most extreme forms of austerity in favor of inward dependence on God. Moderate asceticism remained an important part of ideal religious deportment among Sufis and non-Sufis alike until modern times. Sociologists have used the term asceticism to refer to the piety that stresses obedience to the transcendent deity. They contrast it with mysticism, which is defined as the piety that stresses communion with the immanent deity. Islamic law is a major expression of Islamic asceticism in this sense (i.e., Sufism or Islamic mysticism). A predominantly mystical piety seems to emerge in the literary record during the mid-ninth century, in the generation before al-Junayd. CHRISTOPHER MELCHERT See also Al-Hasan al-Basri; Hadith; Sufis

Further Reading Andrae, Tor. In the Garden of Myrtles, transl. Birgitta Sharpe. New York: State University of New York Press, 1987. Livne-Kafri, Ofer. ‘‘Early Muslim Ascetics and the World of Christian Monasticism.’’ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 20 (1996): 105–29. Massignon, Louis. Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, transl. Benjamin Clark. Notre Dame, Ind: University Press, 1997. Melchert, Christopher. ‘‘The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism at the Middle of the Ninth Century C.E.’’ Studia Islamica 83 (1996): 51–70.


Reinert, Benedikt. Die Lehre vom Tawakkul in der Klassischen Sufik. Studien zur Sprache, Geschichte u. Kultur des Islamischen Orients, n.s. 3. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1968. Al-Sulami. Early Sufi Women, transl. Rkia E. Cornell. Louisville, Ky: Fons Vitae, 1999.

ASKIYA MUHAMMAD TOUARE After the death of Sunni Ali in 1492, his son Abu Bakr succeeded him as the ruler of the Songhay Empire, for which Sunni Ali’s father had laid the foundations. However, Abu Bakr was soon overthrown by one of Sunni Ali’s generals, a person of mixed Soninke/Songhay origin. This ruler took the title of Askiya, and he ruled from 1493 until 1529. Under his rule, the Songhay Empire gained territory and increased its hegemony throughout its territory as well as its vassal states; the empire’s influence stretched from Hausa-land (present-day northern Nigeria) to present-day Senegal. Several of Askiya Muhammad’s conquests were, however, temporary, and debate surrounds which areas were dominated and to what extent. Askiya Mohammad is said to have gone on a pilgrimage to Mecca, launched a series of military campaigns to expand the empire, and spread the word of Islam throughout the region; he was deposed by his son Askiya Musa, who exiled him. Currently Askiya Muhammad and his empire are considered to be the historical predecessors of the Republic of Niger, and they are extensively celebrated in oral tradition. These oral accounts, which suggest his downfall resulted from his policy of following both Islam and pagan tradition, appear to be modeled on modern themes of interest, and they do not provide information about the historical figure of Askiya Muhammad. JAN JANSEN See also Sunni Ali; Songhay Empire Further Reading Hale, Thomas A. Scribe, Griot, & Novelist—Narrative Interpreters of the Songhay Empire. Gainesville, Fla: University of Florida Press/Center for African Studies, 1990.

ASSASSINS: ISMAILI Assassin is a name that was applied originally by the Crusader circles in the Near East and other medieval Europeans to the Nizari Ismailis of Syria. From the opening decade of the twelfth century, the Crusaders had numerous encounters with the Syrian Nizaris,

ASTROLABES who reached the peak of their power under the leadership of Rashid al-Din Sinan (d. 1193 CE), their most famous dai and the original ‘‘Old Man of the Mountain’’ of the Crusaders. It was, indeed, in Sinan’s time (1163–1193) that the Crusaders and their European observers became particularly impressed by the highly exaggerated reports and rumors about the daring behavior of the Nizari fidais, who were devotees who selectively targeted and removed their community’s prominent enemies in specific localities. As a result, the Nizari Ismailis became famous in Europe as the Assassins, the followers of the mysterious ‘‘Old Man of the Mountain.’’ The term assassin, which appeared in European languages in a variety of forms (e.g., assassini, assissini, and heyssisini), was evidently based on variants of the Arabic word hashishi (pl. hashishiyya, hashishin). The latter was applied by other Muslims to Nizaris in the pejorative senses of ‘‘low-class rabble’’ or ‘‘people of lax morality,’’ without any derivative explanation reflecting any special connection between the Nizaris and hashish, a product of hemp. This term of abuse was picked up locally in Syria by the Crusaders and European travelers and adopted as the designation of the Nizari Ismailis. Subsequently, after the etymology of the term had been forgotten, it came to be used in Europe as a noun meaning ‘‘murderer.’’ Thus, a misnomer rooted in abuse eventually resulted in a new word, assassin, in European languages. Medieval Europeans—and especially the Crusaders—who remained ignorant of Islam as a religion and of its internal divisions were also responsible for fabricating and disseminating (in the Latin Orient as well as in Europe) a number of interconnected legends about the secret practices of the Nizaris, the so-called ‘‘assassin legends.’’ In particular, the legends sought to provide a rational explanation for the seemingly irrational self-sacrificing behavior of the Nizari fidais; as such, they revolved around the recruitment and training of the youthful devotees. The legends developed in stages from the time of Sinan and throughout the thirteenth century. Soon, the seemingly blind obedience of the fidais to their leader was attributed, by their occidental observers, to the influence of an intoxicating drug like hashish. There is no evidence that suggests that hashish or any other drug was used in any systematic fashion to motivate the fidais; contemporary non-Ismaili Muslim sources that are generally hostile toward the Ismailis remain silent on this subject. In all probability, it was the abusive name hashishi that gave rise to the imaginative tales disseminated by the Crusaders. The assassin legends culminated in a synthesized version that was popularized by Marco Polo, who

combined the hashish legend with a number of other legends and also added his own contribution in the form of a secret ‘‘garden of paradise,’’ where the fidais supposedly received part of their training. By the fourteenth century, the assassin legends had acquired wide currency in Europe and the Latin Orient, and they were accepted as reliable descriptions of the secret practices of the Nizari Ismailis, who were generally portrayed in European sources as a sinister order of drugged assassins. Subsequently, Westerners retained the name assassins as a general reference to the Nizari Ismailis, although the term had now become a new common noun in European languages meaning ‘‘murderer.’’ It was A.I. Silvestre de Sacy (1758–1838) who succeeded in solving the mystery of the name and its etymology, although he and the other orientalists continued to endorse various aspects of the assassin legends. Modern scholarship in Ismaili studies, which is based on authentic Ismaili sources, has now begun to deconstruct the Assassin legends that surround the Nizari Ismailis and their fidais— legends rooted in hostility and imaginative ignorance. FARHAD DAFTARY Further Reading Daftary, F. The Assassin Legends: Myths of the Ismailis, 88–127. London: I.B. Tauris, 1994. Hodgson, Marshall G.S. The Order of Assassins, 82–84, 110–115, 133–137. The Hague: Mouton, 1955. Lewis, B. The Assassins, 1–12, 124–40. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1967. Polo, Marco. The Book of Ser Marco Polo, 3rd revised ed. by H. Cordier, ed. and transl. H. Yule, vol. 1, 139–146. London: J. Murray, 1929. Silvestre de Sacy, A.I. ‘‘Me´moir sur la Dyanastie des Assassins, et sur l‘E´tymologie de leur Nom.’’ Me´moires de l’Institut Royal de France 4 (1818): 1–84. (English translation in F. Daftary, The Assassin Legends, 136–188.)

ASTROLABES The astrolabe is a two-dimensional representation of the three-dimensional celestial sphere, a model of the universe that one can hold in one’s hand. The representation is achieved by a mathematical procedure known as stereographic projection. There is a ‘‘celestial’’ part called the rete, which is a cutout frame with star pointers for various bright stars and a ring for the ecliptic (the path of the sun against the background of the stars). Next, there is a ‘‘terrestrial’’ part that consists of a set of plates for different latitudes, with markings for the local horizon and altitude circles up to the zenith and azimuth circles around the horizon. The rete is placed on top of the appropriate plate, and the ensemble fits in a hollowed-out frame called the mater. On the back of the mater is a 73




Astrolabe. From Cordoba. Moorish, 1154. Engraved with the Latin Julian calendar in Italy during the fourteenth century c. Credit: Bridgeman-Giraudon/Art Resource, NY. Jagellon Library Museum, Cracow, Poland.

viewer called the alidade that is used for measuring the altitude of any celestial body, and there are also scales for finding the position of the sun using the date, for measuring shadows, and often for obtaining additional information. If one rotates the rete over one of the plates, one can simulate the apparent daily rotation of the sun or the starry heavens above the horizon of the observer. The passage of time is measured by the rotation of the rete (360 degrees corresponds to 24 hours). In addition, one can investigate the position of the ecliptic relative to the local horizon and meridian; these are configurations of prime importance in astrology. The astrolabe is a Greek invention that was inherited by the Muslims during the eighth century and much developed by them thereafter. It was the favorite instrument of the Muslim astronomers, and hundreds survive, although only about 150 of them are from before 1500. Below are some of the most historically important examples. .


An astrolabe that was preserved until recently in the Archaeological Museum in Baghdad can be




dated to the late eighth century. It has a Hellenistic design for the rete and plates for each of the climates of antiquity. The star positions are wrong (they are based on Greek coordinates updated with the incorrect Greek value of precession), proving that the instrument predates the Baghdad observations of the early ninth century. One of a dozen astrolabes surviving from ‘Abbasid Baghdad and Buwayhid Isfahan was made by the astronomer al-Khujandıˆ in 984. Already the astrolabe is a scientific work of art; it is richly decorated with a quatrefoil and zoomorphic star pointers, and it has highly accurate markings. (The so-called Astrolabe of Pope Sylvester II, which has featured in several exhibitions, is nothing more than an unsigned, undated astrolabe from ‘Abbasid Baghdad with some dubious nineteenth-century Italian additions on the back.) Of some dozen and a half astrolabes from alAndalus, all from the eleventh century, one made in Cordova in 1054 bears later additional markings in Hebrew on the plates for Cordova and Toledo, and another bears later medieval Catalan additions. The study of the second and further layers of inscriptions is particularly rewarding for investigating the later fate of individual instruments. Some two dozen astrolabes survive from Ayyubid and Mamluk Egypt and Syria, and their variety reflects the colorful tradition of astronomy there. Of these, the remarkable universal astrolabe of Ibn al-Sarraˆj (made in Aleppo in 1328) is the most sophisticated astrolabe ever made. It can be used for any latitude in five different ways. An astrolabe with numbers in Coptic alphanumerical notation has been dated to 1282 and comes from Cairo. An astrolabe signed by the Yemeni Prince alAshraf in 1291 was deemed suspicious until (1) it was established that there was a vibrant tradition of astronomy in Yemen from the tenth to the nineteenth century (which was confirmed by the finding of many Yemeni manuscripts about astronomy) and (2) that there is a manuscript in Cairo of a treatise on the construction of the astrolabe authored by and penned by the prince himself. Appended to this are some notes of approval (ijaˆzas) in the handwriting of the prince’s teachers describing six astrolabes that he made under their supervision and authorizing him to continue making the instruments. Alas, none of the instruments made for the fourteenth-century Delhi Sultan Fı¨ruˆz Shaˆh





Tughluq [q.v.], which are described in a historical work, survive. Some were made in silver and others in gold and silver; others were very large. The earliest surviving astrolabe from Muslim India, which is half a meter in diameter, can be associated with Maqsuˆd Hirawıˆ in Lahore (c. 1550). He is known from a contemporaneous chronicle to have made astrolabes and globes for Humaˆyuˆn ‘‘in such a manner that the observers of his work were wonderstruck.’’ On an astrolabe signed by Jalaˆl al-Kirmaˆnıˆ and dated 1426, the name on the dedication to the throne has been eradicated, although the person it was made for was obviously a prince of some importance. Special plates serve Samarqand and Herat; Jalaˆl al-Asturlaˆbıˆ is named as the instrument maker at the observatory of Ulugh Beg in Samarqand, and that ruler commuted between the two cities. A solitary unsigned rete obviously by the same maker is fitted to a magnificent thirteenth-century Syrian astrolabe (damaged booty from the Mongol attack on Damascus, perhaps) and is dated a few years earlier. Of the dedication to a sultan on the new rete, only the letter’s title remains intact; the name of Shaˆhrukh has been broken off. An astrolabe now in Cairo is dedicated to the Ottoman Sultan Bayazid II, who was particularly interested in astronomy. The maker is named as Mukhlis al-Shirwaˆnıˆ, so it is not surprising that the instrument is in the Iranian tradition. Perhaps the most colorful example is a quatrefoil astrolabe that has inscriptions in Hebrew, Latin, and Arabic. It was made around 1300, probably in Toledo, and the bare instrument was made by a Jewish craftsman, who left scratches in Hebrew alphanumerical script for the latitudes on each of the plates. The design of the rete is European, with strong mude´jar influence. The inscriptions on the rete and the plates are in a scholastic Latin, with very distorted Arabic names for the stars and some regional peculiarities that could eventually localize the engraver. However, the back was never completed by the scholar, and the piece fell into the hands of a Muslim Arab, who put his name, Mas‘uˆd, on the shackle of the throne. He also had plans to emigrate to more hospitable climes: he replaced one of the plates with one of his own that served Algiers and Mecca. He seems to have been at least partly successful, because there is an Ibn Mas‘uˆd who was born in Tlemcen at the right time who later wrote on instruments. In any case, the creator’s father’s

astrolabe ended up in Northern France by the sixteenth century, according to a fourth layer of markings. Arabic treatises about the construction and use of the astrolabe abound. The earliest surviving one was written by al-Khwaˆrizmıˆ (now published), but those by al-Farghaˆnıˆ and al-Bıˆruˆnıˆ (still unpublished) are the most important. The second most popular astronomical instrument of the Muslims was the quadrant, of which several varieties were available. Below three types of quadrants are considered: (1) horary quadrants; (2) trigonometric quadrants; and (3) astrolabic quadrants. The horary quadrant is essentially a device for keeping time using the sun. It bears a set of markings that are graphical representations of the altitude of the sun at the hours throughout the year. The user holds the quadrant vertically with one axis toward the sun, and a movable bead on a thread with plummet, set to the appropriate solar longitude, falls on the appropriate markings to determine the hour of the day. The horary markings are either for a specific latitude or for all latitudes, with markings of the latter variety being necessarily approximate. Both types of quadrants were invented in Baghdad during the ninth century. Quadrants for a fixed latitude are known to exist for Rayy and Cairo (both from the thirteenth century), and they are also found on the backs of two astrolabes from Baghdad (tenth century). However, tables displaying the altitude of the sun as a function of the time of day for, say, each sign of the ecliptic (which one needs to construct the markings on such a quadrant) are known to be from ninth-century Baghdad. Quadrants for all latitudes are much more common, not least because they were often included on the backs of astrolabes. They provide a quick means of finding the time in seasonal hours for any latitude, whereas, with the front of the astrolabe, one can— with more effort—find the time in equatorial hours or seasonal hours for any latitude represented by the plates. Another Islamic invention was the trigonometric quadrant, with which one can solve trigonometric formulae without any calculation. The simplest kind was developed for timekeeping in ninth-century Baghdad, and the most sophisticated kind, with markings resembling modern graph paper, was known already in the tenth century. Quadrants with such markings were often included on the backs of astrolabes or on the backs of astrolabic quadrants. This last type, which was developed in Cairo around 1200, essentially consists of half of the markings on a standard astrolabe plate (necessarily serving a single latitude), with an ecliptic scale and a thread with a movable


ASTROLABES bead. With such a handy device, one can perform most of the standard operations that are possible with an astrolabe. It replaced the astrolabe as the most popular instrument in the Ottoman world. DAVID A. KING Further Reading Brieux, Alain, and Francis R. Maddison. Re´pertoire des Facteurs d’Astrolabes et de Leurs Œuvres. Paris: C.N.R.S., in press. Charette, Franc¸ois, and Petra Schmidl. ‘‘Al-Khwaˆrizmıˆ and Practical Astronomy in Ninth-Century Baghdad. The Earliest Corpus of Texts in Arabic on the Astrolabe and Other Portable Instruments.’’ SCIAMVS 5 (2004): 101–98. Gunther, Robert T. The Astrolabes of the World, 2 vols. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1932. Reprint in 1 vol.: London: The Holland Press, 1976. King, David A. ‘‘Astronomical Instruments between East and West.’’ In Kommunikation Zwischen Orient und Okzident—Alltag und Sachkultur, ed. Harry Ku¨hnel, ¨ sterreichische Akademie der Wis143–98. Vienna: O senschaften, 1994. King, David A. In Synchrony with the Heavens…, vol. 2: Instruments of Mass Calculation. Leiden: Brill, 2005. Mayer, Leo A. Islamic Astrolabists and Their Works. Geneva: A. Kundig, 1956.

ASTROLOGY Astrology as it was practiced in the Muslim world is divided into two types: judicial astrology (ahkam alnujum) and popular astrology. The former type seeks to use the Ptolemaic understanding of the cosmos and to find patterns in it that can be helpful for prognosticating the future of a given individual or group. Although judicial astrology as such is a pseudoscience, the tables used by Muslim astrologers—who were often undifferentiated from astronomers (both being referred to as munajjim) until approximately the twelfth to fifteenth centuries—were remarkable achievements of mathematics and gematria. Popular astrology combined the lore of judicial astrology with Sufi teachings and continues to this day to be part of mystic literature. The Muslim attitude toward astrology is somewhat ambiguous. One statement concerning the subject reads: ‘‘The [pre-Islamic] Arabs specialized in (several) faculties: in soothsaying, in prognostication (qiyafa), augury by the flight of birds (‘ayafa), astronomy–astrology, and gematrical calculations; Islam destroyed soothsaying and confirmed the rest of them.’’ (al-Zubayr ibn al-Bakkar. Akhbar alMuwaffaqiyyat, 300 [no. 213].) Most of the paradigmatic astrologers, such as Abu Ma‘shar (d. AH 273/ 886 CE), held prominent positions in society and were 76

frequently advisors to rulers and elites. Many of the most famous astrologers were non-Muslims, such as the Jewish figure Masha’allah (c. third/ninth centuries). In addition to this proximity to power, many famous scientists and astronomers, such as Abu Rayhan al-Biruni (d. 440/1048–1049), either practiced astrology on the side or at least wrote books on the subject. However, starting in the tenth century, Muslim religious scholars began to cast doubt on the religious acceptability of astrology. Their task was a difficult one, because astrologers seemed to have access to genuine knowledge. Al-Sharif al-Murtada (the famous Shi‘i theologian of Baghdad, d. 436/ 1044–1045), stated the following: …how can we say that the astrologers are guessing [about their predictions] when their dictions are almost invariably right? They predict solar eclipses—their time and extent—and it happens exactly as they say it will. What is the difference between their prediction of the happening with this effect up that body [the sun] and their prediction of the happening with its effect upon our bodies? (Rasa’il, vol. 2, pp. 301–2.)

This dilemma and the fact that astrologers commanded a good deal of social prestige during the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid periods made it more difficult for religious leaders to deal with the subject of astrology. The most successful method of polemicizing with the astrologers was ridicule. Because most of Muslim history was written by religious leaders, there are abundant examples of their attempts to discredit the astrologers. Occasionally astrologers made verifiably incorrect predictions, the most famous of which was a deluge of fire and water that was supposed to occur on August 17, 1186. The Ghaznavid historian al-‘Utbi writes the following: In the year 582 [1186–1187] the sign Libra had assembled within itself the seven planets; and it had been for a long time reported in men’s mouths and in their books, that the astrologers had averred their judgment that at this time there would be a deluge of wind three kos [about two miles] long, and as some said ten kos wide, which would extend over twenty kos of ground, which would carry off high mountains, so that neither men nor beasts would remain, and at this time would be the season of the judgment, which according to the glorious Qur’an, to histories and by investigation is to come. (al-‘Utbi, Ta’rikh-i Yamini, transl. James Reynolds, p. 489)

This prediction was recorded all over the Muslim world from Ghazna in the east to Spain, and it reached Europe as well. The disconfirmation of their

ASTRONOMY prediction was cause for the appearance of a large number of treatises attacking astrology, including that of the Jewish philosopher and community leader Maimonides. However, astrology continued to be important for the Sufi mystical systems, especially those that were based on the thought of Muhyi al-Din Ibn al-‘Arabi (d. 638/1240). This construction of astrological spirituality promoted the idea that there was a close correlation between the seen cosmos and the unseen spiritual cosmos. On the basis of this idea, one could ascend spiritually to the upper realms and experience them while still bodily upon the earth. These ideas continue to be influential in Sufi circles, although astrologers as a whole suffered from diminishing prestige after the Mamluk period. However, it was rare to find a court without an astrologer before modern times. DAVID COOK Further Reading Burckhardt, Titus. Mystical Astrology According to Ibn ‘Arabi, transl. Bulent Rauf. Oxford: Beshara Publications, 1989 (reprint). Kennedy, E.S., and Pingree, David, transl. The Astrological History of Masha’allah. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1971. Langermann, Y. Tzvi. ‘‘Maimonides’ Repudiation of Astrology.’’ In Maimonidean Studies, vol. 2, 123–58. New York: Michael Sharf Publication Trust, 1991. Michot, Yahya. ‘‘Ibn Taymiyya on Astrology: Annotated Translation of Three Fatwas.’’ Journal of Islamic Studies 11:2 (2000): 147–208. Saliba, George. ‘‘The Role of the Astrologer in Medieval ´ tudes Orientales 44 (1992): Islamic Society.’’ Bulletin d’E 45–67. Al-Sharif al-Murtada. Rasa’il, 3 vol., ed. Ahmad alHusayni. Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Nur li-l-Matbu‘at. Al-‘Utbi. Ta’rikh-i Yamini, ed. Ihsan Dhanun al-Thamiri. Beirut: Dar al-Tali‘a, 2004. (Translation by James Reynolds. London: Oriental Translation Fund, 1888.)

ASTRONOMY Islamic astronomy grew out of conditions in the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid Caliphates. The Umayyads had initially preserved the preexisting administrative apparatus of the lands they conquered. However, when the caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (d. 705 CE) decided to translate the administrative apparatus of the Empire into Arabic, information about surveying and calendar calculation also had to be translated into Arabic for the benefit of ministers and scribes who could not read Persian or Greek. The ‘Abbasids, after coming to power in 750, invoked the pre-Islamic Sasanian cultural heritage to stabilize

their rule. Original research in astronomy was part of an ongoing dialectic with translation, not merely its subsequent effect. Although the Hellenistic influence would eventually predominate in Islamic astronomy, the earliest translations, under the Umayyads and ‘Abbasids, involved ephemerides (zij, pl. azyaj) of Indian and Persian provenance. An ephemeris contained tables of planetary positions and the necessary theoretical explanations of how to use the tables. A zij was designed for applications such as calendar calculations and astrological forecasting, and the caliph al-Mansur consulted astrologers to great public effect when he commenced the construction of the new ‘Abbasid capital at Baghdad. Al-Khwarizmi’s (d. 833) original Zij al-Sindhind was the first complete text of Islamic astronomy to survive, although only in a Latin version of the original Arabic. Although most of the parameters in the zij were of Indian origin, the text was influenced by Ptolemy’s (fl. 125–150) Handy Tables. First, al-Khwarizmi’s Zij al-Sindhind, the source of which was the Sanskrit work of Brahmagupta, demonstrated that, although Islamic astronomers knew of Ptolemy’s work, they would never accept it uncritically. Second, little time elapsed between Islamic astronomers’ awareness of Ptolemy’s parameters and the ninth-century translations of Ptolemy’s opus magnum, Almagest. Astronomers translated Almagest into Arabic during the beginning of the ninth century, and it would prove to be the most influential Greek text for Islamic astronomers. Two different Arabic translations survive, and reports exist of two others. As these translations were occurring, astronomers reassessed important parameters, and they found, notably, that the aphelion (the point of the sun’s greatest distance from the earth) moved. In addition, Islamic astronomers criticized Ptolemy’s views about how orbs could move. Specifically, during the ninth century, Muhammad ibn Musa argued that one orb could not move another with which it is concentric. By the eleventh century, Islamic astronomers detected the most famous physical inconsistency of Almagest: the equant problem. In the models for Mercury, Venus, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, Ptolemy’s mathematical analysis showed that the planet’s mean motion, which he attributed to a single orb, was not uniform about the center of that sphere. Nor was that motion uniform about the center of the universe: instead it was uniform about another point, called the equant. The discovery of the equant posed a problem from a physical standpoint, because spheres had to move about axes passing through their centers. Ibn al-Haytham’s (d. c. 1040) al-Shukuk ‘ala Batlamiyus (Doubts Concerning Ptolemy) enumerated the problems associated with the equant. 77

ASTRONOMY In addition, by the eleventh century, religious scholars and philosophers questioned the metaphysical assumptions of astrology, in part because of their threat to God’s absolute unity and in part because astrological predictions could be wrong. As a result, a new field of astronomical study was generated, known as ‘ilm al-hay’a (‘‘science of the configuration’’), whereas astrology came to be known most frequently as ‘ilm ahkam al-nujum (‘‘science of the judgments of the stars’’). The genre of ‘ilm al-hay’a became the locus for most of Islamic astronomy’s subsequent achievements. Beginning during the mid-thirteenth century, Islamic astronomers proposed new models that preserved Ptolemy’s models’ correspondence with observations and that yet did not suffer from the physical inconsistencies of the equant. In other words, these astronomers all retained the equant, because it was the point about which the planet’s mean motion was uniform; however, they no longer posited that the axis of any orb’s uniform motion would pass through the equant. The early figures in this line of research who wrote ‘ilm al-hay’a texts—such as Mu’ayyad al-Din al-‘Urdi (d. 1259), Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (d. 1274), and Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi (d. 1311)—were associated with the Maragha observatory in Azerbayjan. Later figures, such as Sadr alShari‘a (d. 1347) and Ibn al-Shatir (d. 1375), are said to belong to the Maragha school of thought. Recent research has shown that the construction of nonPtolemaic models continued at least into the sixteenth century, when Shams al-Din al-Khafri (d. 1525) proposed multiple mathematically equivalent models for the complicated motions of the planet Mercury. Astronomers in Andalusia, too, produced works of significance. Before the twelfth century, widely circulated contributions of theirs were the Toledan Tables and models for variations in the precession and retrocession of the equinoxes, known as trepidation. During the twelfth century, philosophers such as Ibn Bajja (d. 1138) and Ibn Rushd (d. 1198) advocated a reading of Aristotle’s Physics that led one astronomer, al-Bitruji (fl. ca. 1217), to propose astronomical models based solely on homocentric orbs. That constraint meant that al-Bitruji’s models could not approach the predictive accuracy of the Maragha astronomers’ models or of those of Ptolemy. A fourteenth-century attempt to improve on al-Bitruji departed from his strict insistence on homocentric spheres. ‘Ilm al-hay’a texts were also distinctly Islamic inasmuch as they contained sections about locating the qibla (the direction of prayer). Back in the ninth century, the need to determine the qibla spurred new developments in spherical trigonometry. During the eleventh century, al-Biruni’s (d. 1048) Exhaustive Treatise on Shadows explained the calculation of 78

prayer times according to the shadow cast by a gnomon. The relationship between astronomy and religious scholarship became closer during the thirteenth century, when information about astronomy began to appear in texts of kalam (speculative investigations about God) and in Qur’an commentaries. Besides the famous example of Ibn al-Shatir being employed as a timekeeper in the Great Mosque of Damascus, Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, Sadr al-Shari‘a, and Shams alDin al-Khafri were all religious scholars of note. The research of David King, in particular, has shown that not only did astronomers develop highly sophisticated applications of astronomy to religious problems but that there was also a parallel popular literature that answered the same questions in a less exacting— but no less complex—manner. ROBERT MORRISON See also Mathematical Geography; Astrology; Intellectual History; Translation, Pre-Islamic Learning into Arabic Further Reading Kennedy, E.S. Studies in the Islamic Exact Sciences, eds. David A. King and Mary Helen Kennedy. Beirut: American University in Beirut, 1983. King, David A. Astronomy in the Service of Islam. Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1993. Ragep, F. Jamil, ed. and transl. Nasir al-Din al-Tusi’s Memoir on Astronomy (al-Tadhkira fi ‘ilm al hay’a). New York and Berlin: Springer Verlag, 1993. Saliba, George. A History of Arabic Astronomy: Planetary Theories During the Golden Age of Islam. New York and London: New York University Press, 1994. Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des Arabischen Schrifttums, Band VI. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978.

‘ATTAR, FARID AL-DIN A celebrated Persian poet and Sufi hagiographer, ‘Attar lived during the second half of the twelfth century CE and the first two or three decades of the thirteenth century in or near Nishapur. According to the most commonly received scholarly opinion, he died during the Mongol sack of Nishapur in April 1221, but 1230 also remains a possibility. Reliable biographical information about him is scarce, and many supposed autobiographical indications derive from works that have turned out to be spurious. It is nevertheless clear that he was known as an expert pharmacist. He appears to have had close ties with the well-known Sufi of Khwarazm, Majd al-Din Baghdadi (d. 1209 or later) or with one of his disciples, Ahmad Khwari, in Nishapur. However, ‘Attar generally had very little to say about the Sufis of his own time, and he never mentioned anyone as his own Sufi master,

‘ATTAR, FARID AL-DIN whereas he obviously admired the great Sufi saints (awliya’) of the past. Unlike his famous counterpart among the Sufi poets, Mawlana Rumi (d. 1273), he does not seem to have played any active role in organized Sufism. The oft-repeated story of ‘Attar meeting young Rumi in Nishapur belongs to the realm of succession myths (F.D. Lewis, 2000). The literary historian Muhammad ‘Awfi, who visited Nishapur around 1200, describes ‘Attar as a pious, withdrawn Sufi and a fine mystical poet. ‘Awfi cites examples from ‘Attar’s lyrical poetry but does not comment on his mathnawis (narrative poems). Another early account comes from the Shi‘i scholar and philosopher Nasir al-Din al-Tusi (1201–1274), who visited ‘Attar personally when he was a student in Nishapur. Tusi was impressed with the old poet’s ‘‘eloquence’’ and his way of interpreting the ‘‘discourse of the [Sufi] masters, the knowers [of God] and the spiritual guides,’’ as he later put it to his student Ibn al-Fuwati (d. 1323). The latter, in his report, adds a reference to ‘Attar’s complete collection of lyrical poetry (his ‘‘great Diwan’’) and to one of his mathnawis, the ‘‘Mantiq al-Tayr.’’ A number of works attributed to ‘Attar were in fact written by a later poet using the same pen name or have otherwise turned out to be falsely attributed to the famous ‘Attar. This applies not only to those works portraying him as a fervent Shi‘i but also to the so-called Khusraw-Nama (also known as Gul-u-Hurmuz), a romance that was regarded as authentic until recently, and the spuriousness of which has been convincingly demonstrated by contemporary Iranian scholarship (M.R. Shafi‘i-Kadkani, 1996 and 1999). ‘Attar’s authentic works include, in addition to the Diwan and a selection of quatrains titled MukhtarNama, four great mathnawis that are mentioned in the introduction to the latter work in the following order: ‘‘Ilahi-Nama’’ (properly called ‘‘KhusrawNama’’), ‘‘Asrar-Nama,’’ ‘‘Mantiq al-Tayr’’ (or ‘‘Maqamat al-Tuyur’’), and ‘‘Musibat-Nama.’’ It is not clear whether this sequence also reflects their relative chronological order; references to the poet’s advanced age in the first two would rather speak against such an assumption. ‘Attar’s prose work about the saints, Tadhkirat al-Awliya’, is nowhere mentioned by the poet himself, but there is no good reason to question the authenticity of its first part (i.e., the part ending with the entry about al-Hallaj). The most famous among the mathnawis is the ‘‘Mantiq al-Tayr.’’ This is the tale of the mystical journey of the birds through seven valleys in search of their mythical king, Simurgh, a cosmic bird of ancient Iranian lore, who turns out to be their real Self. The theme of the journey of the birds had been

used long before ‘Attar as a symbol for the soul’s attempt to approach God in philosophical (Ibn Sina) and Sufi (Ghazali) literature; however, ‘Attar’s adaptation is by far the most poetic and mystical. The main theme of the ‘‘Musibat-Nama’’ is also a mystical journey, but this time the wayfarer is thought itself (fikrat), guided by a master who is not of this world, although he must be found in this world. This journey leads the wayfarer through forty encounters with fantastic angelic, human, and purely physical beings to the recognition that he has to submerge himself in the Ocean of the Soul: only then can the ‘‘journey in God’’ begin. In the ‘‘Ilahi-Nama’’, a king/caliph teaches his six sons how to transform their worldly desires into related spiritual aims. The ‘‘Asrar-Nama’’ is, despite its mathnawi form, not really a tale but rather a meditation on the themes of death and resurrection. HERMANN LANDOLT See also Rumi; Saints; Nishapur; Mystical Poetry; Nasir al-Din al-Tusi; Ghazeli; Al-Hallaj Primary Sources ‘Attar, Farid al-Din. Asrar-Nama, ed. S. Gawharin. Tehran: Chap-i Sharq, 1338 (AHS/1959). (French translation by C. Tortel. Le Livre des Secrets. Paris: Les Deux Oce´ans, 1985.) ———. Diwan-i Ghazaliyat-u Qasayid, ed. T. Tafazzuli. Tehran: Chap-i Bahman, 1341 (AHS/1962). (Second edition by M. Darwish, ed. Tehran: Jawidan, 1359. [AHS/ 1980]). ———. Ilahi-Nama, ed. H. Ritter. Leipzig and Istanbul: F.A. Brockhaus and Ma‘arif, 1940. (Translation by J. A. Boyle. The Ilahi-Nama or Book of God of Farid al-Din ‘Attar. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1976.) ———. Mantiq al-Tayr, 3rd ed., ed. M.J. Mashkur. Tehran and Tabriz: 1347 (AHS/1968). (English verse translation (incomplete) by C.S. Nott. The Conference of the Birds. London: Penguin Books, 1984. Complete prose translation by P. Avery. The Speech of the Birds: Concerning Migration to the Real. Cambridge, UK: Islamic Texts Society, 1998.) ———. Mukhtar-Nama, 2nd ed., ed. M.R. Shafi‘i-Kadkani. Tehran: Intisharat-i Sukhan, 1375 (AHS/1996). ———. Musibat-Nama, 3rd ed., ed. Nu¨rani-Wisal. Tehran: Zawwar, 1364 (AHS/1985). (French translation by I. de Gastines. Le Livre de l’Epreuve. Paris: Fayard, 1981.) ———. Tadhkirat al-Awliya’, part I, ed. R.A. Nicholson. London and Leiden: Luzac & Co. and E.J. Brill, 1905; part II, London and Leiden: Luzac & Co. and E.J. Brill, 1907. (Partial translation by A.J. Arberry. Muslim Saints and Mystics: Episodes from the Tadhkirat al-Auliya’ (‘‘Memorial of the Saints’’). London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1966.

Further Reading Handbook of Oriental Studies I, The Near and Middle East, 69, 1st ed. Leiden: Brill, 1955.


‘ATTAR, FARID AL-DIN Lewis, F.D. Rumi—Past and Present, East and West: The Life, Teaching and Poetry of Jalaˆlal-Din Rumi. Oxford: Oneworld, 2000. Lewisohn, L., and C. Shackle, eds. Farid al-Din ‘Attar and the Persian Sufi Tradition. London: I.B. Tauris and Institute of Ismaili Studies, forthcoming. Reinert, B. ‘‘ ‘Attar, Shaikh Farid-al-Din.’’ In Encyclopedia Iranica I, 20–5. Ritter, H. The Ocean of the Soul: Men, the World and God in the Stories of Farid al-Din ‘Attar, transl. J. O’Kane. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Shafi‘i-Kadkani, M.R. Zabu¨r-i Parsi: Nigahi bi Zindagi wa Ghazalha-yi ‘Attar. Tehran: Agah, 1378 (AHS/1999).

AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL WRITINGS Extended first-person narrative was a recognized and frequently practiced form of writing in premodern Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. The earliest known example in Arabic is the autobiography of the physician Burzoe, translated from Sanskrit into Pahlavi in Sasanian times and later from Pahlavi into Arabic by Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (d. ca. 759 CE). The author describes his search for a satisfactory belief system, his rejection of formal religion, and his adoption of asceticism. More directly influential, however, were translations from Greek. The self-bibliographies of the Roman physician Galen inspired the Nestorian translator Hunayn ibn Ishaq (d. 873 or 877) to write a similar catalog of his own works and possibly to also write— or have written for him—a defense against the accusations of iconoclasm brought against him by his coreligionists. Similarly, the life of Socrates served as a model for al-Razi (also known as Rhazes, d. 925 or 935), who wrote a defense of his own pursuit of the philosophical life. The tradition of philosophical autobiography was later followed by Ibn Sina (also known as Avicenna, d. 1036) and Ibn al-Haytham (also known as Alhazen, d. ca. 1039). The related genre of autobiographies by physicians is exemplified by the work of Ibn Ridwan (d. 1061), who includes details about his humble birth, his struggle for recognition, and his unhappy family life, along with a description of a typical workday. Another productive strand of first-person narrative was that of the mystics. The first such texts to have survived are those of al-Muhasibi (d. c. 857) and alHakim al-Tirmidhi (d. between 905 and 910). The former is a brief account of the author’s conversion experience, whereas the latter begins with the author’s birth and ends with the revelation of the sublime Name of God—not to the author but to his wife. The most famous example in this genre, the autobiography of al-Ghazali (d. 1111), combines the philosophical and mystical modes of self-presentation. The author describes the crisis of faith brought on 80

by his study of philosophy, his subsequent search for truth among representatives of different Muslim traditions, and his final decision to join the Sufi mystics. Later Sufi biographies include those of Ruzbihan al-Baqli (d. 1209), who describes the mystical visions that he received beginning at the age of fifteen; Rukn al-Dawla al-Simnani (d. 1336), who served as a companion to a Buddhist prince before undergoing a conversion experience on the battlefield; and ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Sha‘rani (d. 1565), whose extensive autobiography offers a detailed account of his personal and professional life. There are also autobiographical accounts of conversion to Islam, including that of the Jew Samaw’al al-Maghribi (d. 1174) and the Christian Anselmo Turmeda (d. 1432?). To be included among works of an autobiographical character are memoirs, which combine descriptions of the author’s own experience with accounts of contemporary events. Examples include the works of Ja‘far al-Hajib (d. ca. 954), a partisan of the first Fatimid caliph; al-Mu’ayyad al-Shirazi (d. 1077), a Fatimid missionary and holy warrior; Ibn Buluqqin (d. ca. 1090), the last Zirid ruler of Granada; Abu Bakr al-Baydhaq (d. after 1164), a companion of Ibn Tumart, the founder of the Almohad dynasty; Umara al-Yamani (d. 1175), a poet executed by Saladin for his Fatimid sympathies; Usama ibn Munqidh (d. 1188), who provides a description of the European crusaders; and ‘Imad al-Din al-Isfahani (d. 1201), whose account of Saladin’s reign emphasizes his own role in the events he describes. Works of this type are sometimes difficult to separate from the autobiographies of historians, such as those by Abu Shama (d. 1268), a historian of Damascus, and Ibn Khaldun (d. 1406), whose autobiography—originally an appendix to his work on history—records his meeting with Tamerlane. Aside from autobiographies that appear as more or less independent works, there are many examples that take the form of entries in biographical dictionaries. In some cases, biographers interviewed their subjects and produced entries of an autobiographical character. In other cases, subjects prepared accounts of themselves to be used by their biographers. An example of both cases is the entry about Ibn al‘Adim (d. 1262) by Yaqut al-Hamawi (d. 1229), which combines extracts from the subject’s autobiography with oral testimony taken during the course of an interview with the author. Biographers and historians commonly included an entry about themselves in their works. Many of these entries are concise accounts of the author’s education, but some—such as that of the Shi‘i jurist Yusuf al-Bahrani (d. 1772)— contain information of a more personal character. Occasionally a religious scholar would abandon the

AYA SOPHIA convention of self-restraint and write an extended account of his career. The best-known example is the autobiography of the Hadith scholar, linguist, exegete, jurist, and historian al-Suyuti (d. 1505), which is organized thematically rather than chronologically. The convention of writing autobiographies was carried from Arabic into Persian and Turkish. Persian examples include the autobiography of Shah Tahmasp (d. 1576) and the poet Mir Muhammad Taqi (d. 1810). The most famous example in the Turkic languages is the lively autobiography of Babur (d. 1530), the founder of the Mughal dynasty. There are also many examples of first-person narratives in Ottoman Turkish, including the autobiography of the historian Mustafa Ali (d. 1600). Premodern Muslim scholars came to recognize self-narrative as a distinct genre. In the preface to his autobiography, al-Suyuti lists eight predecessors who had written similar accounts of themselves. For al-Suyuti and many of his predecessors, the pretext for writing such an account was ‘‘to speak of the bounty of God’’ (an allusion to Qur’an 93:11). Authors freely list their honors and achievements, because doing otherwise would be a sign of ingratitude. They were also willing to admit their failures and shortcomings, because doing so only emphasizes God’s mercy in having guided them to the right path. However, their works differ from those written in the confessional mode that is common in the Christian tradition, where the author exposes his transgressions in the hope of gaining absolution for himself and providing a lesson for others. Muslim autobiographers are often forthcoming about themselves, albeit in different ways. Personal characteristics commonly appear in anecdotes about childhood, in stories of dreams, in reflections about the onset of old age, and, above all, in poetry. Until the late twentieth century, Western scholarship tended to assume that there were relatively few premodern first-person narratives in Arabic, Persian, and Turkish. Until recently, Western scholarship has argued that these texts—with certain exceptions, such as the self-narratives of al-Ghazali or Babur— were not genuine autobiographies, because they were insufficiently personal in character. The assumption of relative paucity is now being revised: a recent study of the genre has found more than eighty pre– twentieth century examples in Arabic alone. Similarly, growing familiarity with non-Western traditions has led scholars away from the search for ‘‘genuine autobiography’’ and toward a reexamination of the strategies of self-presentation in different times and cultures. MICHAEL COOPERSON

See also Babur; Ibn al-Muqaffa; Hunayn ibn Ishaq; al-Razi, or Rhazes; Ibn Sina; Mystics; Samaw’al al-Maghribi; Anselmo Turmeda; Usama ibn Munqidh; Ibn Khaldun; Yusuf al-Bahrani; al-Suyuti Further Reading Reynolds, Dwight F., ed. Interpreting the Self: Autobiography in the Arabic Literary Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001. Available at: http://www. ucpress.edu/books/pages/8736.html.

AYA SOPHIA The first Aya Sophia was built in 326 CE and was an aisled basilica linked to its palace by corridors and stairs. It was destroyed and rebuilt twice, and it finally acquired its present form during the Justinian period. The first church was begun during the reign of Constantine (324–337), and it was completed by Constantinus (337–361). It was set on fire during the banishment of St. John Chrysostom. However, the rededication of the second church took place in 415, under Theodosius II (408–450). The earlier church on the site was destroyed by fire during the Nika riot of 532; unfortunately, no description of either of the pre-Justinian churches has survived. Justinian ordered a new church to be built, and five years later it was solemnly inaugurated. Justinian’s church, which was designed by the architects Anthemus and Isidore, was dedicated in 537. The general plan of the building is a near square that is divided into a large central nave and two side aisles. The central nave is covered by a colossal dome that is supported on the east and west by half domes. However, the ground plan of the building is not of prime importance; the essential features of this architecture are the great central dome and the piers, arches, and subsidiary vaults that hold it up. The central nave is flanked by side aisles and preceded by a narthex and atrium on the west side, providing a gradual transition from the street to the interior of the church. The side aisles and narthex were surmounted by a U-shaped gallery. The longitudinal axis of the nave terminated in an apse, which formed the visual focus of the interior. The sanctuary, containing the altar, lay just before the apse and extended into the nave. The great dome, which is the dominant theme of the building’s design, rises above the nave. To place a dome above a rectilinear plan of a basilica required some transition. A square central bay is defined by four great piers, and, above, the pendentives (spherical triangles) appear at the corners to bridge the transition from square to circle. It is actually the 81

AYA SOPHIA four great arches that are most significant in the structural system, and, along with the pendentives, they adjust the weight of the dome to the four piers. The present dome rises about fifty-five meters above the floor. When seen from the outside, the great church seems to rise up harmoniously from level to level to the very top of the central dome; however, its soaring lines are by no means free from a somewhat excessive ponderousness. Inside, on the other hand, everything conspires to produce the impression of an immense space that is ideally organized. From the main door to the nave, looking along the axis of the church toward the apse, the beholder can appreciate the noble sweep and majestic proportions of the vast interior, with its supporting columns and walls covered with polychromatic marble. Much damage has been inflicted on the building by several earthquakes. The dome collapsed in 557, and it was partially repaired in 989. In 1346, another earthquake damaged the dome, and this time it was restored by Astras and the Italian Giovanni Peralta. The present dome thus represents these three periods of reconstruction. The church of St. Sophia was converted into a mosque soon after the conquest of Constantinople. What makes the monument an Islamic building (a mosque) are the additions to the interior and exterior from all periods of the Ottoman Empire. A marble mihrab has been erected, and several mahfils were built during different periods. Of the four minarets, that at the southeast corner represents an original construction of Mehmed II. The northeast minaret was then erected by Bayezid II, and the one at the southwest corner was begun during the reign of Selim II, but it was unfinished at his death in 1574; it was completed by Murad III on his accession to the throne. The latter minaret at the northwest corner had the architect Sinan as its designer. Other structures of significance outside of the main building are the sultans’ tombs to the south of the building. Significant restorations and repairs were carried out during the Ottoman period. In 1573, the entire building underwent a thorough renovation, because various buttresses were in need of repair. In 1847, another extensive restoration was undertaken with the supervision of the Fossati brothers. Between these major phases there were various minor repairs and consolidations, both within and outside of the mosque. In November 1934, the Turkish Ministry of Education, acting on the proposal of Atatu¨rk, converted the monument into a museum. SUAT ALP See also Istanbul; Ottoman Empire 82

Further Reading Emerson, W., and R.L. Van Nice. ‘‘Hagia Sophia and the First Minaret Erected After The Conquest of Constantinople.’’ American Journal of Archaeology LIV: 28–40. Grabar, Andre´. The Golden Age of Justinian. New York: Odyssey Press, 1967. Kırımtayıf, Su¨leyman. Converted Byzantine Churches in Istanbul. Their Transformation into Mosques and Masjids. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları, 2001. Krautheimer, R. Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture. Baltimore, Md, and Victoria, BC, Canada: Penguin Books, 1960. Mainstone, R.J. Hagia Sophia. Architecture, Structure and Liturgy of Justinian’s Great Church. London: Thames and Hudson, 1988. Mango, C. Byzantine Architecture. New York: Harry N. Abrams Inc., 1976. Mathews Thomas, F. The Early Churches of Constantinople: Architecture and Liturgy. State College, Penn: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1971. Mu¨ller-Wiener, W. Bildlexikon zur Topographie Istanbuls: Byzantion—Konstantinopolis—Istanbul bis zum Beginn des 17. Jahrhunderts. Tubingen: Archa¨ologisches Institut, 1977. Rice, D.T. Constantinople from Byzantium to I˙stanbul. New York: Stein and Day Publishers, 1965.

‘AYN JALUT ‘Ayn Jalut (‘‘The Spring of Goliath’’), located in the Jezreel Valley in northern Palestine at the foothills of the Gilboa range, is the site of an indecisive encounter between Saladin and the Franks (September 1183 CE) and, more importantly, of a crucial battle between the Mamluks and Mongols on September 3, 1260. The Mongols under Hu¨legu¨, the grandson of Genghis Khan, had taken Baghdad at the beginning of 1258 and put Caliph al-Musta‘sim to death, thereby effectively ending the ‘Abbasid dynasty. From there, Hu¨legu¨, who was also known by the title ilkhan, moved to Azerbaijan. After desultory negotiations with the Ayyubid sultan of Syria, al-Nasir Yusuf, the Ilkhan advanced with a large army into Syria at the end of 1259 and put Aleppo under siege at the beginning of the following year. It was taken within a week (although its citadel held out for another month before it capitulated). Hu¨legu¨ himself first remained in the northern part of the country, but he sent south a forward division numbering some ten thousand horsemen under his trusted general Kitbuqa. The latter gained control of Damascus without opposition and set about subjugating the surrounding area. Mongol raiders advanced as far as Gaza and Hebron, entering Jerusalem and the area north of Karak in trans-Jordan. Hu¨legu¨, meanwhile, had withdrawn from Syria, and he returned to Azerbaijan with the remainder of his army, perhaps as a result of news

‘AYN JALUT about the death of his brother, the Great Khan Mo¨ngke, and the resulting political disorders, or perhaps as a result of logistical reasons (i.e., a lack of pastureland and water for his cavalry-based army in Syria during the dry summer months). The Mamluk Sultan Qutuz, who had acceded to the throne only at the end of 1259, decided during the summer of 1260 not only to reject Hu¨legu¨’s demands for unconditional surrender but to set out for Syria to take advantage of the presence of a now relatively small Mongol force. In this he was supported by Baybars, his hitherto bitter opponent. The Sultan succeeded in cajoling the recalcitrant Mamluk officers (as a result of fear of the Mongols) out of Cairo, and on July 15, 1260, the Mamluk army set out for Syria. After crossing the Sinai Peninsula, the Mamluk advanced guard, under Baybars, encountered a small Mongol force at Gaza, which withdrew and alerted Kitbuqa to the unexpected appearance of the Mamluks. Qutuz and his army advanced northward, bypassing Crusader-held cities, until they reached Acre. The Franks wisely decided to maintain neutrality in the upcoming battle, but they did give supplies to the nearby Mamluks. From Acre, the Mamluk advance guard (again under Baybars) entered the Jezreel Valley. Meanwhile, Qutuz gathered his officers and gave them an inspiring pep talk, emphasizing the need to defend Islam, their families, and their position in Egypt. The Mongols, however, had not been idle. When they received word of the Mamluk advance, Kitbuqa—still in Damascus—moved south to meet the enemy. He took up a position at ‘Ayn Jalut, some fifteen kilometers northwest of Baysan (Beth Shean), which was well watered and provided with pasturage. Kitbuqa also sent out scouts, who encountered the Mamluk advance force. Skirmishing commenced, and it seems to have been fairly wide ranging. In the end, Baybars came upon the Kitbuqa’s force near ‘Ayn Jalut. He withdrew a bit and was soon joined by Qutuz with the main Mamluk army. Final preparations were thereupon made for the battle by both sides. The battle commenced on the morning of Friday, September 3, 1260 (AH 25 Ramadan 658). The Mamluks, who appear to have had a certain numerical advantage, advanced first, but they were preempted by a Mongol attack. Both armies were composed mainly—if not exclusively—of mounted archers, and the battle settled into a series of attacks and counterattacks of waves of these troops. The leadership and pluck of Qutuz, who was found at the head of his troops, is mentioned in the Mamluk sources. He did not lose his head when the left wing of the Mamluk army began to waver, but rather organized his troops

and led a counterattack that supposedly won the day. No less important was the death in battle of Kitbuqa, whose bravery is lauded in the pro-Mongol sources. He was shot down during the fighting, and this probably led to a disintegration of the Mongol army. Also important was the sudden withdrawal of a group of Muslim Syrian troopers who had been pressed into the Mongol army, thereby leaving a gap in the Mongol line. The relative numerical superiority of the Mamluks (whose exact numbers are not clear) also had its effect as the battle wore on. The Mongols fled the battle, and the Mamluk squadrons under Baybars—as well as local farmers and nomads— killed many in the confusion. The remaining Mongols and their supporters withdrew from Syria across the Euphrates River. The Mamluk sources note the importance of the similarity between the two forces: only soldiers of similar provenance, fighting with comparable methods (masses of mounted archers), had a chance of beating the Mongols. The effects of the battle were significant: Syria became an integral part of the centralized Mamluk Sultanate based in Cairo; the fledging Mamluk state (founded in 1250) was given an important basis for its legitimization; and the myth of the invincible Mongols was weakened, if not shattered. The Mamluks were aware that they had defeated only a small part of the Mongol army, and they soon began preparations for meeting a more serious threat. In any event, Qutuz was not to enjoy his victory for long: he was soon assassinated by Baybars, who assumed the throne and inaugurated one of the longest and most successful reigns in the history of the Mamluk Sultanate. REUVEN AMITAI See also Baybars I; Genghis Khan; Ilkhanids; Mamluks; Mongol Warfare; Mongols; Slavery, Military

Further Reading Amitai-Preiss, Reuven. Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, 126-1281, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Jackson, Peter. ‘‘The Crisis in the Holy Land in 1260.’’ English Historical Review 95 (1980): 481–513. Lewis, Bernard. ‘‘‘Ayn Djalut.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd ed. 1:786. Morgan, David O. ‘‘The Mongols in Syria, 1260–1300.’’ In Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter Edbury. Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985. Smith, John Masson, Jr. ‘‘ ‘Ayn Jalut: Mamluk Success or Mongol Failure?’’ Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 44 (1984): 307–45. Thorau, Peter. ‘‘The Battle of ‘Ayn Jalut: A Re-examination.’’ In Crusade and Settlement, ed. Peter Edbury. Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985.



AYYUBIDS The Ayyubid confederation was established by alMalik al-Nasir Salah al-Din Yusuf b. Ayyub (Saladin), a Kurdish military commander in the service of Nur al-Din b. Zangi. Saladin took control of Egypt in 1171 CE, and, from this Egyptian base, brought much of Bilad al-Sham (Syria) and the Jazira (upper Mesopotamia) under his rule. After his death in 1193, control of the many cities and provinces of Saladin’s empire was divided between his sons, his brother, his nephews, and their respective descendants. Although these princes owed allegiance to whomever was recognized as the Ayyubid Sultan, within their own territories they were autonomous. Ayyubid history after Saladin is thus characterized by complex and shifting webs of alliances and rivalries between these various Ayyubid princes, and these webs were complicated by the presence of the Crusader states, whose forces were occasionally drawn into intra-Ayyubid conflicts. (As R.S. Humphreys recently put it, the Ayyubids were ‘‘reluctant warriors’’ against the Franks.) Nevertheless, the political history of the post-Saladin era was usually dominated by the Ayyubid who ruled Egypt. For most of the first half of the thirteenth century, this role was filled by Saladin’s brother al-Malik al-‘Adil Sayf al-Din Abu Bakr Muhammad and his descendants. Al-‘Adil (d. 1218), who was known to the Crusaders as Sephadin, was supreme within the Ayyubid dominions from 1200 to 1218. He was in Egypt when the armies of the Fifth Crusade arrived in the Nile delta in May 1218. After al-‘Adil died in August 1218, his son al-Malik al-Kamil Muhammad (d. 1238) assumed the sultanate, although not all of the other Ayyubids acquiesced. Al-Kamil’s dealings with the Crusaders over the course of his reign were tightly interwoven with his relations with his relatives. Al-Kamil’s lifting of the Crusader occupation of Damietta (1219–1221), for example, was accomplished with the assistance of his brothers al-Malik al-Ashraf Musa in the Jazira and al-Malik al-Mu‘azzam ‘Isa in Syria. However, in 1227, when the armies of Emperor Frederick II threatened Egypt, al-Kamil was engaged in a power struggle with al-Mu‘azzam, and he therefore offered Jerusalem to Frederick to avoid an invasion of Egypt. The emperor refused. Al-Kamil’s position was subsequently strengthened by Al-Mu‘azzam’s death in late 1227, but al-Kamil continued negotiations with Frederick after he arrived in Acre in 1228. These negotiations led to the establishment of a limited truce, signed in February 1129, that restored an unfortified Jerusalem to the Franks for ten years, five months, and forty days. Both the emperor and the sultan were severely criticized by their respective co-religionists for this agreement.


Al-Kamil died in 1238, and two years later his son al-Malik al-Salih Ayyub assumed control of Egypt. Al-Salih was schooled in the ways of Ayyubid rivalry. To strengthen his position, he purchased and trained a corps of military slaves (mamluks). Called the Bahri Mamluks because their barracks were on an island in the Nile (bahr al-nil), this 800- to 1,000-man force was the core of al-Salih’s military forces. The Bahri Mamluks played a significant role in fighting and eventually defeating the forces of King Louis IX of France when the Fifth Crusade invaded the Egyptian Delta (1249–1250). Al-Salih died in November 1249 in the midst of that invasion, and control of Egypt soon passed to his son, al-Malik al-Mu‘azzam Turanshah. Turanshah quickly alienated his father’s mamluks, who, fearing loss of position or even life, revolted against Turanshah and murdered him in April 1250. The events of the ten years after the murder of Turanshah are complex, but they resulted in a complete Mamluk takeover of Egypt by 1260. The Ayyubids in Syria and the Jazira subsequently fell to either the Mamluks or the Mongols, although the Ayyubid principality in Hamah was maintained until 1341 by the Mamluk Sultanate. WARREN C. SCHULTZ See also Fatimids; Mamluks; Mongols; Saladin or Salah al-Din; Sultan Primary Sources Abu’l-Fida’. The Memoirs of a Syrian Prince, transl. P.M. Holt. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1983. Al-Maqrizi. A History of the Ayyubid Sultans of Egypt, transl. R.J.C. Broadhurst. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1980.

Further Reading Balog, Paul. The Coinage of the Ayyubids. London: Royal Numismatic Society, 1980. Hillenbrand, Carole. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1999. Humphreys, R. Stephen. From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus, 1193–1260. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1977. ———. ‘‘Ayyubids, Mamluks and the Latin East in the Thirteenth Century.’’ Mamluk Studies Review II (1998): 1–17.

AZHAR, ALLocated in Cairo, Al-Azhar is one of the earliest Jami’ (mosque/university) complexes in the Muslim world. It was founded by the Fatimid Ismaili dynasty; the

AZHAR, ALdynasty’s Caliph, Imam Muizz li-Din Allah, established Cairo as his capital in 969–970 CE. The complex is so named in memory of the title al-zahra (‘‘the luminous’’), which is associated with Fatima, the daughter of the Prophet and the wife of the first Shia Imam, Ali, from whom the Fatimids claimed direct descent. Although it served initially as a congregational mosque for Friday prayers, it soon developed into a seat of learning. It has continued to exercise this role throughout Muslim history, attaining recognition first as the foremost center for Shi’i Ismaili learning and then, after the twelfth century, as a major Sunni educational institution. During the Fatimid period, it developed into a center for higher learning and was richly endowed to support students, teachers, and one of the largest libraries of the time in the Muslim world. The curriculum was diverse; among the sessions offered were dedicated classes for women on topics including law and Qur’anic studies, and there were special sessions devoted to advanced hermeneutics and religious interpretations in Ismaili intellectual contexts. After a period of neglect under the Ayyubids, who supplanted the Fatimids and ruled Egypt from 1171 to 1252, Al-Azhar was revived by the Sunni Mamluks (1252–1517) and became a center of Qur’anic teaching and Shafi’i jurisprudence. The subjects traditionally associated with the Sunni madrasas of the time came to predominate, although Al-Azhar remained open to influences, including Sufism. During the Ottoman period (1517–1805), Al-Azhar continued to be a major center, attracting Sunni ulama and students from across the Muslim world. Theology and law remained the main foci of study and research. With the end of Ottoman rule and the onset of European occupation and influence, Al-Azhar’s role began to change. Under French occupation, it became a seat of resistance and was bombarded by the French army. With the rise to power of Muhammad Ali in 1811 and his policies of centralized state control,

Al-Azhar was forced to accept changes to its traditional autonomy, and it responded by bringing about internal changes in its organization, requirements, and regulations. It also developed a network of preparatory schools all over Egypt from which it could recruit students as well as extend its influence on religious education in the state. During the early part of the twentieth century, AlAzhar became the locus for reformist views of Islam, mainly under the influence of Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), who taught there. Although some of his views did not gain acceptance, a change in the intellectual climate had begun to take hold. During the 1930s, Al-Azhar was granted university status and reorganized into academic units. It started to publish a journal, added new disciplines to its curriculum, and established women’s colleges. Its influence in the wider Sunni Muslim world expanded, and many future international religious leaders and teachers received their training there. During the 1990s, there were approximately six thousand international students enrolled at Al-Azhar, and they represented seventy-five countries. From time to time, the institution has taken controversial positions on issues that affect Muslims and Muslim societies, as well as on international affairs. With the rise of other religious institutions and centers of Muslim learning in the Middle East and the Sunni world, Al-Azhar lost many of its best faculty members to these institutions. Having recently entered the world of the Internet, AlAzhar continues its influential role as a place of learning and leader of opinion on Muslim issues and affairs in a more globalized environment. AZIM NANJI Further Reading Dodge, B. Al-Azhar. A Millennium of Muslim Learning. Washington: Middle East Institute, 1961. Halm, Heinz. ‘‘The Fatimids.’’ In Institutions of Learning. London: The Institute of Ismaili Studies and I.B. Tauris, 1998.



him to establish a cultured court on the Timurid model and pursue his hobbies, particularly gardening. However, because Kabul was rather poor in terms of its economic resources, the wealth of India tempted Babar to look eastward. He organized several raiding expeditions into the region, bringing back with him much booty. Success encouraged him to penetrate even deeper into Indian territory, eventually threatening the Lodis, an Afghan dynasty that ruled from Agra. In 1526, in the course of his fifth expedition into India, he defeated Sultan Ibrahim Lodi at the battle of Panipat; in the following year, he defeated a coalition of Rajput forces led by Rana Sanga. Although these victories marked the beginning of his control over substantial territory in India, the task of consolidating and strengthening what eventually came to be called the Mughal empire was not to be completed until the reign of his grandson, Akbar (ruled 1556–1605). In India, although military expeditions continued to make considerable demands on his time and energy, Babar found more opportunity to take up leisurely pursuits. He commissioned several beautiful Timurid-style gardens in North India, personally supervising their development. These gardens were intended to remind him of Kabul, providing a respite from the heat of the summer months. Babar also had literary talents, being a particularly gifted poet in Turkish. Once, during an illness, he occupied himself by reorganizing the words of a couplet in 504 ways. He is particularly renowned for his remarkable autobiography, The Baburnama. Written in Chagatay

Born in 1483 CE in the Farghana region of Central Asia, Babar, the founder of the renowned Mughal dynasty in India, claimed an illustrious pedigree by virtue of descent from two important rulers—Timur (Timurlane) (through his father, Umar Shaikh Mirza) and Chingiz Khan (through his mother, Qutluq Nigar Khanum). His father was one of several princes, all descendants of Timur, who engaged in constant rivalry and battles for control over territory in fifteenthcentury Central Asia. In 1494, as a result of a fall from a collapsing wall, Babar’s father died, leaving the eleven-year-old boy to succeed him to rule the kingdom of Farghana. Like his father, Babar, too, spent much of his early political career engaged in endless wars and intrigues contending with his Timurid cousins for suzerainty over territory in Transoxiana and Khurasan, particularly the cities of Samarqand, Bukhara, and Herat. In these internecine Timurid struggles, his fortunes were mixed. He found it difficult to assert his authority over any city in the region for a sustained length of time. For example, by age 30, he had won and lost Samarqand three times. Particularly intense were his conflicts with Shaibani Khan, an Uzbeg prince, whose armies managed to drive Babar and his followers out of Transoxiana to territories farther to the south. There, Babar was eventually successful in establishing control over Kabul, Ghazni, and Badakshan. It was in Kabul, conquered in 1504, that Babar established a home base, away from the turmoil of Transoxiana. The relatively stable life there allowed


BABAR [BABUR] Turkish, these memoirs not only record his early struggles for power in Central Asia but also contain detailed descriptions of his newly acquired Indian territory and various aspects of the social, cultural, and economic life of its inhabitants. The memoirs reveal his passion for nature through his keen observations of India’s fauna and flora, which he describes with the precision of a naturalist, obviously delighting in attention to minor details. Aside from his horticultural and literary pursuits, Babar was also interested in mysticism and spirituality, as evidenced by his translation into Turkish verse of Risala-i walidiyya, a treatise by the venerated Naqshbandi sufi teacher, Ubaidullah Ahrar, whom Babar admired greatly. Victory in Hindustan did not, however, mean that Babar, and later his descendants, gave up hope of one day conquering their ancestral homeland of Farghana, and the city of Samarqand. Babar disapproved of much of what he saw and experienced in India and, notwithstanding the power and wealth he enjoyed there, he always longed for Kabul. The climate of India, the hardships he had experienced in his youth, and the heavy use of alcohol and drugs all took their toll on Babar’s health, for he was frequently sick as he grew older. He died December 26, 1530, after a short illness, and was temporarily buried in Agra. His longing for Kabul was fulfilled posthumously when, several years after his death, his body was returned to that city for burial in his favorite garden. ALI ASANI Further Reading Gascoigne, Bamber. The Great Moghuls. London: Constable, 1998. Thackston, Wheeler. Trans and Ed. The Baburnama. The Memoirs of Babur, Prince and Emperor. Washington and New York: The Smithsonian Institution and Oxford University Press, 1996.

BACKGAMMON The game of backgammon is first mentioned in Bhartr: hari’s Vaira¯gyas´ataka (p. 39), composed around the late sixth or early seventh century CE. The use of dice for the game is another indication of its Indic origin, since dice and gambling were a favorite pastime in ancient India. The rules of the game, however, first appeared in the Middle Persian text Wı¯za¯risˇn ¯ı ˇ atrang ud Nihisˇn ¯ı Ne¯w-Ardaxsˇ¯ır (Explanation of C Chess and Invention of Backgammon), composed in the sixth century during the rule of the Sasanian king Khousro I (530–571). The text assigns its invention to the Persian sage Wuzurgmihr (Arabic/Persian) Buzarjumihr/Buzorgmihr, who was the minister of King 88

Khousro I, as a challenge for the Indian sages. According to the Middle Persian text, the name that Wuzurgmihr gives the game of backgammon is Ne¯wArdaxsˇ¯ır, (‘‘Noble is Ardaxsˇ¯ır’’), in memory of Ardaxsˇ¯ır I (224–240), the founder of the Sasanian dynasty. Ne¯w-ardaxsˇ¯ır (Middle Persian) > nard or nardasˇ¯ır (Persian and Arabic), also found in nrdsˇyr (Babylonian Talmud), has had popular etymologies among Arab lexicographers, composed of nard and sˇ¯ır. According to the al-Fihrist of Ibn Nadim, Wuzurgmihr is also said to have written a commentary on astronomy, the Anthologiae of Vettius Valens, which is lost, but fragments of the Arabic translation of the Middle Persian version exist. The reason for mentioning the preoccupation of Wuzurgmihr with astronomy and astrology is the cosmological explanation of the game of backgammon in the Middle Persian text. Wuzurgmihr’s explanation of the game is analogous to the processes of the cosmos and human life. He makes fate the primary reason for what happens to mankind, and the roll of the dice in the game performs the function of fate. Wuzurgmihr explains that the pieces of the game represent humans and their function in the universe, which is governed by the seven planets and the twelve zodiac signs. The shape of the game board is likened to spandarmad zamı¯g (the goddess of the earth). The pieces represent the thirty nights and days. The die represents the axtara¯n and spihr (constellations and firmament), which by their turn and position (number) decide one’s movement and predict human life. The ‘‘one’’ on the die, according to the text, represents Ohrmazd’s omnipotence and his oneness. The ‘‘two’’ on the die represents me¯no¯g and ge¯tı¯g, the spiritual and the material world. The three represents the three stages of heaven in Zoroastrianism, humat and hu¯xt and huwarsˇt, preceding paradise. The four represents another cosmological expression, cˇaha¯r so¯g ¯ı ge¯tı¯g, ‘‘the four corners of the world.’’ The five represents the five luminaries according to the text, which are the divisions of the heavens. According to the Avesta, the heavens had four stations, which were the stars, the moon, the sun, and the eternal light. Here we have in a disorderly fashion the divisions of the heavens into the following stations: the sun, the moon, the stars, fire, and, finally, the heavenly brightness (Pananio 1995, 205–226). Finally, the six represents the sˇasˇ ga¯ha¯nba¯r, or the six seasonal feasts, according to the Zoroastrian religion. The hitting of pieces is likened to killing, and when the pieces come back to the game it signifies the act of resurrection according to Zoroastrian cosmology. A silver-gilded hemispherical bowl housed at the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery depicts several important

BACKGAMMON scenes from the Sasanian period. They include a scene of marriage, a wrestling scene, and several other scenes, including a scene of two people playing backgammon. One can conclude that this bowl represents the things that mattered in the courtly life (Harper 1978, 75). One can suggest that the bowl represents the activities in which a noble should engage or have knowledge of. These include wrestling, being informed in religious precepts and ritual, marrying and having offspring, playing instruments, and being able to play board games, that is, backgammon (Daryaee 2002, 292). The other pictorial evidence for the game of backgammon comes from Central Asia, from the city of Panjikent. Among the wall paintings from Panjikent, which are now housed in the Hermitage museum in St. Petersburg, Russia, there is a scene of what can be called court activity. The painting shows two people playing a board game, which in all probability is a backgammon game, along with several other personages beside them (Bussagli 1963, 46–47). A nimbus appears to encircle the head of one of the players, who has his right hand raised as a gesture of victory. The man seated on the left has his left hand raised, showing the bent forefinger. A figure behind the victorious person also appears to be pointing to the loser with the bent forefinger. A fourteenthcentury manuscript of the Sˇa¯hna¯me contains two scenes, one at the court of King Khousro I and the second at the court of the Indian ruler De¯wisˇarm. In one of the scenes, Wuzurgmihr is seated on the floor with three other Persians, all with white turbans. In front of the Persian sage is a backgammon board. The Indian king is seated on his throne and is surrounded by Indian sages who are painted darker and have darker turbans. Wuzurgmihr has his right hand pointing to the backgammon board, which probably means that he is either challenging the Indian sages or explaining the rules of the game after the Indian sages have been dumbfounded (Wilkinson 1968, xii). It is particularly interesting to note that one of the two older Indian sages, who have white beards, has his hand by his mouth, symbolizing his amazement or perplexity. The Arabs were familiar with backgammon as early as the time of the Prophet Muhammad and know that the game was popular (Rosenthal 1975, 88). Tha‘a¯libı¯ relates a popular story that when the Arab Muslims conquered the Sasanian capital of Ctesiphon, they found a set of backgammon pieces belonging to Khousro II (CE 590–628), pieces of which were made of coral and turquoise. There were those opposed to the game, especially the companions of the prophet, such as Abu H : urayra (d. 676), who refused to meet Muslims who had played backgammon. He is also thought to have said, ‘‘One who plays

nard with stakes is like one who eats pork; one who plays without stakes is like one who puts his hand in pig’s blood; and one who watches the game is like one who looks at pork meat’’ (Al-Bu¯kha¯rı¯ 1375, 326–328). By the eighth century C.E., the four schools of Islamic jurisprudence considered the game of backgammon h: ara¯m (illicit). We, however, have many textual references to the game being played at the court in many regions of the Islamic Near East, which means that the game may have been played by the masses as well, and, in fact, its popularity confirms this suggestion. During the early ‘Abbasid period (750–900), the game of backgammon was popular both at the court of Harun al-Rashid and that of his son, al-Ma’mun. It is said that Ma’mun liked to play backgammon, because if he lost, he could place the blame on the dice, meaning fate (Falkner 1892, 115). The same may be said of the game of chess, which was seen by many Muslims as a form of gambling. Medieval authors justified the game by stating that as long as it was played for mental exercise it would be beneficial. The Qa¯bu¯s-na¯me dedicates a chapter to the games of chess and backgammon, where the proper etiquette of playing and when and to whom one should lose or win is discussed. It is strictly stated that one should not make bets on the games, and only then does playing the game become a proper activity (Yusefı¯ 1375, 77). During the Seljuk period, it is reported that Alp Arsalan was also fond of backgammon (Gazvini 1331, 68–69). In Persian poetry there are many references to the game by Anwarı¯, Asadı¯, Ferdowsı¯, Kha¯gha¯nı¯, Manu¯cˇehrı¯, Mas‘u¯d Sa‘d, Mokhta¯rı¯, Mowlavı¯, Sa‘dı¯, and Sana¯‘ı¯ (Mo‘ı¯n 1972:421–422). Several of the poets place the game in its original cosmological function, which means they have stayed faithful to Wuzurgmihr’s description of the game. Manu¯cˇehrı¯ gives the following couplet in regard to human fate and the cosmos: ‘‘The firmament is like the victorious looking backgammon (game), Its pieces from coral, and the quality of pearl.’’ TOURAJ DARYAEE Further Reading Al-Bu¯kha¯rı¯. al-Adab al-mufrad, ed. M.F. ‘Abd al-Ba¯kı¯, Cairo, 1375. Bussagli, M. Painting of Central Asia. The World Publishing Company, Ohio, 1963. Henry Corbin. Spiritual Body and Celestial Earth, from Mazdean Iran to Shı¯‘ite Iran. Bollingen Series XCI: 2, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977. Daryaee, T. ‘‘Mind, Body and the Cosmos: The Game of Chess and Backgammon in Ancient Persia.’’ Iranian Studies 35, 4 (2002): 281–312. Falkner, E. Games of Ancient and Oriental and How to Play Them: Being the Games of the Ancient Egyptians, the


BACKGAMMON Hiera Gramme of the Greeks, the Ludus Latrunculorum of the Romans and the Oriental Games of Chess, Draughts, Backgammon and Magic Squares. New York: Dover Publications, 1892. ˇ aha¯r magha¯le. Tehran: Armagha¯n Ghazvini, M. (ed.). C Publishers, 1331. Harper, P.O. The Royal Hunter, Art of the Sasanian Empire. New York: The Asia Society, 1978. Loghat Na¯me Dehkhoda¯, ed. M. Mo‘ı¯n and Dj. Shahidı¯, Letter N, Fas. 10, Tehran, 1972. Pananio, A. ‘‘Uranographia Iranica I: The Three Heavens in the Zoroastrian Tradition and the Mesopotamian Background,’’ Au carrefourdes religions, Me´langes offerts a` Philippe Gignoux, ed. R. Gyselen, Groupe pour l’E´tude de la Civilisation du Moyen-Orient, Bures-sur-Yvette (1995): 205–226. Rosenthal, F. Gambling in Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975. Qa¯bu¯s na¯me (ed. Q.-H. Yusefı¯). Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publishers, 1375. Wilkinson, C.K. Chess: East and West, Past and Present, A Selection from the Gustavus A. Pfeiffer Collection. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1968.

BADR AL-JAMALI Badr al-Jamali was wazir and virtual dictator of Fatimid Egypt for more than twenty years, from 1074 to 1094 CE. Once in that position, he ruled with an iron fist, controlling all aspects of government save only the caliphal throne itself. Ethnically an Armenian, Badr was originally purchased in his youth for a relatively small sum, becoming thereafter a mamluk (slave) of the Syrian amir Jamal al-Dawla, hence his name al-Jamali, which indicates that he once belonged to this Jamal. When he arrived in Egypt, he was nearly sixty years old; he was over age eighty at his death in 1094. The date of his birth must accordingly be around the year 1015. Prior to his arrival in Egypt, Badr had risen in military service over a long career to twice become governor of Damascus on behalf of the Fatimids. Over much of the same period Egypt suffered a series of internal disorders and revolts, leading to the neartotal breakdown of the central government. The caliph al-Mustansir steadily lost ground against the encroaching chaos; by 1074, many parts of the country were run independently by tribal forces and renegade troops. Finally, al-Mustansir asked Badr to come to his rescue. Then the governor of Acre, Badr insisted that he bring with him his own army. In the winter of 1074, he crossed to Egypt by sea with that same army and began to rid the country of all opposition, both to the caliph and to himself. In rapid succession, he conducted a purge in the capital and a campaign in the Delta against Bedouin and various other rebels there, then marched through Upper Egypt for a similar purpose, and finally returned to the Delta to face an invading force of Seljuks intent 90

on occupation and the overthrow of the Fatimids. In each of these separate conflicts he was victorious. In the process he restored the power of the caliph, resurrected the caliphate, and gave it new life in place of almost certain imminent death. Thanks almost solely to these decisive actions by Badr, it was to last yet another century. As ruler, Badr brought calm and prosperity and, though noted at the time for harsh repression of all dissent, he is best known for numerous buildings, including the memorial shrine (mashhad)—the Juyushi—now visible on the plateau above the modern city of Cairo. He was also responsible for expanding the size of the medieval city enclosure and fortifying its walls, putting in place in the process a number of monumental gates—four of them survive—three of which, the Bab al-Futuh, Bab al-Nasr, and Bab al-Zuwayla, are easily recognized today. At his death, just months before that of the caliph al-Mustansir, his favored son, al-Afdal Shahinshah, successfully claimed his legacy and control of the private militia that had sustained him. The son was therefore in a position to ensure that the new caliph would be approved by him, a transition he appears to have engineered to his liking, although it set in motion a major schism among the Isma‘ilis, both in Egypt and elsewhere. Even so, the Fatimids survived and alAfdal himself ruled Egypt as its military wazir (Amir al-Juyush) for almost three decades. PAUL E. WALKER Further Reading Becker, C.H. ‘‘Badr al-Djamali.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, new edition.

BADSHAHI MOSQUE, LAHORE The late-twelfth-century Qutb mosque in Delhi was based on a well-established pillared model widely used in Islam to the west. The fourteenth-century Tughluq sultans were patrons of a variety of mosque types, including mosques built around a single courtyard with a single- or multi-aisled qiblah prayer chamber covered by three domes. It was this latter type, seen in mosques in Delhi, Jaunpur, and Gujarat, that formed the basis for the classic Mughal mosque from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries. The most striking early example is the 1571–1574 mosque in Fatehpur Sikri, the emperor Akbar’s citadel. Built of red sandstone with marble accenting structural elements, the mosque consists of singleaisled trabeate arcades on the north, south, and east sides that frame a great open courtyard. A four-aisled prayer hall crowned with three domes marks the


Badshani Mosque (Imperial Mosque). Exterior. Built by Aurangzeb. Moghul dynasty. 1673–74. Red sandstone and marble. Credit: Bridgeman-Giraudon/Art Resource, NY. Lahore, Pakistan.

qiblah on the west. The central dome is the largest and is preceded by a massive arched niche (pishtaq) that projects into the courtyard. The mosque’s aesthetics are characterized by clarity, order, and the grandeur of its controlled interior space. In the great imperial cities of Lahore, Agra, and Delhi, the Mughals oversaw the construction of mosques of this type adjacent to the central citadel. These giant houses of worship accommodated huge numbers of the faithful and emphasized the power of Islam and the Mughal state. Where the Delhi sultans had experimented with a wide array of types, the Mughal rulers eschewed eclecticism and focused on a single, classic form. The largest of the great imperial mosques, the Badshahi mosque in Lahore, is also the last. It was constructed under the aegis of the emperor Awrangzeb (1658–1707). Much of his reign was spent in military campaigns to suppress revolts and conquer southern India, and his attention to architecture was much more limited than that of his father, Shah Jahan (1627–1658), who had spent vast sums of money building forts, palaces, tombs, and mosques. The son was neither a great patron of palace construction

nor a ruler inclined toward the royal rituals to which Shah Jahan had paid so much attention. The strategically important city of Lahore in the northwest was an ancient center of commerce and culture and was strategically vital because it protected the Mughal empire from potential invaders to the west. Akbar had established it as one of the Mughal capitals, and the massive citadel he built there, like the forts in Agra and Delhi, was substantially embellished by Shah Jahan. Lahore had a marked regional tradition of architecture, and the surfaces of the 1634 Mosque of Wazir Khan are decorated in colorful glazed tiles reflecting strong Iranian influence. The supreme achievement of Awrangzeb’s architectural patronage is Lahore’s Badshahi Mosque (Imperial Mosque). It commemorated military campaigns to the south, particularly against the Hindu insurgent Shivaji in Maharashtra. However, Awrangzeb’s efforts weakened the state and exhausted the treasury. When he died in 1707, he left to his successor a truncated and bankrupt empire. Built between 1673 and 1674 under the direction of Fidai Khan Koka, Awrangzeb’s master of ordinance, the Badshahi Mosque combined the functions of mosque and 91

BADSHAHI MOSQUE, LAHORE idgah (a building for the celebration of the religious festival of the Id). On its east side is an imposing entrance stairway that leads through a great vaulted entrance made of red sandstone. The single-aisled arcades enclose an enormous central space open to the sky, and this courtyard can accommodate sixty thousand worshippers. At each corner of the mosque is a three-story, octagonal, red sandstone minar topped with an open, marble-covered canopy. Framed by four smaller minars and projecting from the west side into the courtyard, the prayer chamber is dominated by a central arched niche flanked on each side by five arches, each one-third the size of the central niche. Three bulbous marble domes on high drums divide the roofline, and the largest dome is directly behind the central arch. On the exterior, floral and geometric decoration is inlaid in white marble; the interior is ornamented in polychromed stucco. Formerly appearing only in imperial palaces, stucco baluster columns appear like tall slender vases holding ornate, delicate floral decorations. Still one of the largest mosques in the Islamic world, the Badshahi Mosque projects great size with balanced proportions and clarity. ANTHONY WELCH See also Agra Red Fort; Akbar; Architecture, Religious; Babar; Beauty and Aesthetics; Dara Shikoh; Delhi; God; Hadith; Hindus; Imam; India; Islam; Lahore; Mosques; Mughals; Persians; Prayer; Qur’an; Qur’an: Reciters and Recitation; Taj Mahal Further Reading Asher, Catherine B. Architecture of Mughal India: The New Cambridge History of India I:4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Chughtai, M.A. Badshahi Mosque. Lahore: Lahore, 1972. Gascoigne, Bamber. The Great Moghuls. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Koch, Ebba M. Mughal Architecture. Munich: PrestelVerlag, 1992.

BAGHDAD The origin of the name Baghdad, clearly pre-Islamic, is undetermined. Few physical traces remain of the original Arab–Islamic site founded (c. 762 CE) by the ‘Abbasid caliph Abu Ja‘far al-Mansur (r. 754–775). The written accounts by geographers and historians— these include al-Ya‘qubi, al-Tabari, al-Muqaddasi, and al-Khatib al-Baghdadi—are thus essential to any reconstruction of the city’s early history. Designated officially Madinat al-Salam (‘‘the City of Peace’’), al-Mansur’s project was built in the round, hence its nickname al-Mudawwara (‘‘the Round 92

City’’). Completed (c. 777) at great expense, it surrounded the caliph’s massive domed residence and a congregational mosque. The Khurasani regiments— the forces that had brought the ‘Abbasids to power— were quartered in al-Harbiyya to the northwest. Designed initially as an administrative center—it became, in this sense, the prototype for later Near Eastern dynasts—it was soon transformed, through population growth, private construction initiatives, and other factors, into a dynamic and sprawling urban hub. By the mid-tenth century, the markets and residential neighborhoods of Baghdad were vast, both in number and in variety of population. Security demands played no less a part. Al-Mansur and his immediate successors, faced with threats in outlying districts, particularly from Shi‘i and Khariji opponents, along with restive elements within Baghdad itself, completed large-scale projects, including the palace complexes of al-Khuld and al-Rusafa in the 770s. The Round City ceased to function as the official caliphal residence by the early ninth century. Its large mosque retained its congregational function into the premodern period. The city’s subsequent political history was often troubled. A civil war (809–819) between the designated heirs of Harun al-Rashid (r. 786–809)—his sons Muhammad al-Amin and ‘Abd Allah al-Ma’mun— led to years of war in and around Baghdad, a collapse of central authority in most provinces, and the demise of the Khurasani army as the imperial mainstay. AlMa’mun, as governor of Khurasan, waged a successful campaign against al-Amin (r. 809–813). Only partly through his own reign (813–833) did al-Ma’mun take up residence in Baghdad (819). His brother and successor, Abu Ishaq al-Mu‘tasim (r. 833–842), largely in an effort to accommodate a complex Turkish, Iranian, and Central Asian military, created a new center at Samarra, located north on the Tigris River. Samarra replaced Baghdad as the imperial hub for some sixty years (836–892). Developments in Samarra over ensuing decades, particularly the political interference of the Turkish high command, exacted a grim toll upon the caliphate. In Baghdad, the Tahirid family wielded considerable influence, highlighted during a brief but costly siege by Samarran forces in 865–866. The return of the ‘Abbasids to Baghdad in the 890s did little to restore their early authority. Entry into Baghdad by Ahmad ibn Buya, who reigned as Mu‘izz al-Dawla (945–967), initiated roughly a century-long period of Buyid suzerainty over the city and the Iraqi hinterlands. The Buyids, a north Iranian clan, established a base of power in Fars, from which they controlled Iraq into the mideleventh century. The city’s fortunes in the tenth century were mixed. The flow of tax revenue slowed


Mosque, Baghdad, Baghdad was the seat of the ’Abbasid caliphate and the center of the Islamic world of its time. Credit: Werner Forman/Art Resource, NY. Kadiomin mosque, Baghdad, Iraq.

markedly due to the degradation of the Iraqi agrarian infrastructure; the autonomy of most provinces, notably Egypt and Khurasan; and the shift of much political and economic energy to Fars. Ordinary crime increased, as did religious and military factional violence. In addition, by the end of the century, the new Fatimid capital of Cairo began to overshadow Baghdad on the political and economic fronts. The Buyids, however, devoted themselves to urban renovation and large-scale construction (palaces, congregational mosques, and markets). Baghdad retained its highly ‘‘decentered’’ character in this period: It remained a city of disparate quarters and neighborhoods with little municipal integration or centralized authority. Patterns of sectarian and social tension from the ninth century on are understood largely in these terms (see below). The city’s internal sociopolitical and physical divisions sharpened with the arrival of the Seljuks in the mid-eleventh century. A Turkish clan of the Oghuz (or Ghuzz) people, the Seljuks had overrun the Ghaznavids and thus established authority over Khurasan and Iran before seizing Baghdad from the Buyids. The Seljuk leader Toghril Beg (d. 1063) formed

diplomatic ties with the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Qa’im (r. 1031–1075) in 1050. He led forces into Baghdad, initially in 1055, then again in 1058, at which point the caliph granted permission for his use of the title ‘‘Sultan.’’ The Seljuks spent relatively little time in Baghdad, preferring to govern from afar through local officials. Relations with the Abbasid caliphate remained uneasy throughout. However, their deep impact on the history of Baghdad had much to do with their promotion of Sunni Islam, a position the Seljuks largely defined in terms of anti-Shi‘ism. In this sense they found a willing ally in the ‘Abbasids, already engaged against their various Shi‘i detractors. For both the Seljuks and the ‘Abbasids, it was especially important to resist the authority and military ambitions of the Fatimid/Isma‘ili caliphate in Egypt. Baghdad’s significance in Islamic history as a nexus of intellectual and religious activity is difficult to exaggerate. Scholarship (literary, religious, and scientific) was tied, though by no means exclusively, to shifting political currents. Due in part to ‘Abbasid patronage, particularly that of a dynamic administrative elite (the kuttab), ninth-century Baghdadi literary culture flourished. ‘Amr ibn Bahr al-Jahiz (d. 869), a 93

BAGHDAD towering figure, contributed key works of adab (belles-lettres) and Mu‘tazili theology. Ninth-century religious scholarship, including Qur’anic exegesis, hadith, law, and theology, was no less dynamic, as shown by the work of Abu Ja‘far al-Tabari (d. 923) (see al-Tabari). The work of Arab/Muslim scientists benefited considerably from the translation movement of works from Persian, Greek, Syriac, and Sanskrit into Arabic, which began under al-Mansur and then flourished under al-Ma’mun. Subsequent developments in the city’s religiopolitical history proved critical to the formation of the two foremost branches of Islam. The maturation of ‘‘Twelver’’ (Imami) (see Shi‘ism) scholarship and devotional life is dated to the Buyid period. Due in part to the foundational work of such scholars as alKulayni (d. 941) and al-Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 1022), and in part the patronage of the Buyid court, Twelver doctrines on the occultation of the Imam and related ideas emerged. So too did Twelver ritual, notably that associated with Ghadir Khumm and mourning rites for al-Husayn ibn ‘Ali. It is also to the Buyid period that one must date the crystallization of Sunnism, this in good measure a response to the assertion of Shi‘ism. A hardening of Sunni-Shi‘i loyalties, often played out violently over subsequent centuries, divided the city physically as well. The Seljuk period, as previously noted, was critical to Sunni history. Of particular note were the careers of Nizam al-Mulk (d. 1092), chief vizier and Seljuk regent, and Abu Hamid alGhazali (d. 1111), theologian, jurist, and Sufi (see Sufis and Sufism); both men associated with the Nizamiyya madrasa in Baghdad. This was among the first such institutions founded in Iraq and a significant facet in the spread of Sunni thought and practice. Baghdad’s history as a commercial hub was no less significant. As a critical link in a complex trade network connecting the Indian Ocean, eastern Europe, the Asian steppe, and the Mediterranean, the city housed a large multiethnic and religious merchant community. Evidence for the tenth century indicates important strides in the development of banking and related areas within the city. In good part, the activity of Baghdadi merchants was driven by the needs of the court and elite society. The caliphs and, in time, Buwayhid and Seljuk interlocutors, after all, required all appropriate displays of luxury. Written sources indicate the availability of fabrics (silks, brocades, linens); jewelry of gold, silver, and gems; carpets; intricate metalwork; weaponry; fine musical instruments; and an array of exotic foodstuffs. Baghdad was also home to a busy commerce in slave trade. The wealth of the Iraqi merchant class was tied as well to trade in manufactured goods, such as textiles and paper. Papermaking had spread into the Islamic 94

world, from China through Central Asia, in the eighth century and rapidly became an important industry. The Suq al-Warraqin (‘‘the Stationer’s Market’’) is said to have included, at its height, more than one hundred shops. Trade in more ordinary goods flourished as well. To feed a large population, Baghdad drew on the agricultural production of the Sawad, the highly fertile lands located between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, as well as regions farther afield that produced rice and sugar, among other widely consumed products. New types of fruits and vegetables, produced in the Near East from at least the early Islamic period on, also came available in the markets of Baghdad. It follows, of course, that the relationship between the large urban centers and the countryside was crucial to the ‘Abbasid economy. The ‘Abbasids, like the Umayyads before them, were fortunate in having inherited from the Sasanians a long-established and well-functioning irrigation system. High levels of agricultural production were maintained in the early ‘Abbasid period. As ‘Abbasid authority waned (by the late ninth century), however, maintenance of the agricultural infrastructure suffered as well. MATTHEW S. GORDON Further Reading Duri, A.A. ‘‘Baghdad.’’ The Encyclopedia of Islam, Second Edition. Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Harlow, U.K.: Pearson Education Ltd., 2004. Kraemer, Joel L. Humanism in the Renaissance of Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1992. Lassner, Jacob. The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages. Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1970. al-Muqaddasi. The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions. Edited and translated by Basil Collins. Reading, U.K.: Garnet Publishing, 2001. Wheatley, Paul. The Places Where Men Pray Together: Cities in Islamic Lands, Seventh through the Tenth Centuries. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001.

BAHRAIN The term Bahrain was used during medieval times to describe the coastal area extending from Kuwait down to Abu Dhabi on the southern shore of the Gulf. Its population centers included Hajar (in Islamic times, Hasa), Qatif, and Awal (Bahrain Island). Before Islam, Bahrain was inhabited by Arab tribes, mainly the ‘Abd al-Qays and groups from the Banu Tamim and Bakr ibn Wa’il. These tribes shared common interests with the Sasanians, although tensions

BAKRI, AL-, GEOGRAPHER were common. Small Persian and Indian communities also lived along the coast. Due to its geographical position and its links with Persia and Iraq, Bahrain was prosperous. Nestorian Christianity was strong in the area, while Bahraini poets such as al-Mutalammis and al-Muthaqqab used to attend the court of the Mundhir dynasty in Iraq. After the emergence of Islam in the seventh century CE, Bahraini tribes played an important role in the Arab conquests and also in political events in Iraq during the Umayyad era (660–749). The spread of war damaged commerce, and many Bahraini tribes migrated to the newly founded Iraqi cities of Basra and Kufa. As a result, Bahrain declined in importance and was ruled by the governor of Basra, creating an important vacuum that led the area to become one of the centers of opposition to the Umayyad caliphate, in which the Kharijis played a prominent part. During the ‘Abbasid period (749–1258), the rise of Basra as a commercial center, along with Siraf, Qays, and Hormuz, led to the further decline of Bahrain. Groups opposed to the ‘Abbasids, such as the Zanj (c. 868–883) and the Qarmathians (c. 900–1076), gained strength. These movements eventually subsided, while Shi‘ism spread in Hasa and Awal. New migrants from Central Arabia arrived, and an independent state was founded by Abd Allah bin Ali. The dynasty that followed, the ‘Uyunids, lasted from c. 1076 to 1228. Supported by the Seljuk rulers of Iraq, this dynasty relied on the power of the Banu ‘Amir tribes who had migrated from Najd. The Banu ‘Amir were initially allies of the Qarmathians and then of the ‘Uyunids, but they eventually overthrew the latter and established a dynasty of their own. Founded by ‘Usfur ibn Rashid and known as the ‘Usfurids, the dynasty dominated Bahrain from c. 1228 to 1383, but finally came to an end with the rise of the Kingdom of Hormuz in fourteenth century. Another branch of the Banu ‘Amir, led by Zamil ibn Jabir, then managed to gain control of Bahrain, founding the dynasty of the Jubur (c. 1446–1519). This dynasty adopted the Maliki school of Islamic jurisprudence, but little is known of the cultural and social life of its people. Although their influence spread throughout the Gulf, the Jubur were swiftly overwhelmed by the technologically superior Portuguese, who arrived in the Gulf at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Throughout the medieval period, the coastal economy of the extensive area known as Bahrain was based on commerce, pearling, and date cultivation. HASAN M. AL-NABOODAH

See also Arabia; Trade, African; Trade, Indian Ocean; Tribes and Tribal Customs Further Reading Al-Khalifa, Shaikh Abdullah, K., and Michael Rice, Editors. Bahrain through the Ages: The History. London and New York: Kegan Paul International, 1993. Hasan, N. The Role of the Arab Tribes in the East during the Period of the Umayyad (40–132/660–749). Baghdad: Baghdad University, 1976. Miles, S. B. The Countries and Tribes of the Persian Gulf. London: Frank Cass, 1966. Morony, Michael. ‘‘The Arabisation of the Gulf.’’ In The Arab Gulf and the Arab World. Edited by B.R. Pridham. London, New York, and Sydney: Croom Helm, 1988. Naboodah, H. Eastern Arabia in the Sixth and Seventh Centuries A.D., Ph.D. dissertation, University of Exeter, UK, 1989. ———. ‘‘The Commercial Activity of Bahrain and Oman in the Early Middle Ages.’’ Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 22 (1992): 81–96. Potts, D.T. The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity. 2 vols. New York: Oxford University Press, 1990 (reprinted 1992).

BAKRI, AL-, GEOGRAPHER Abu ‘Ubayd ‘Abd Allah, b. ‘Abd al-‘Aziz al-Bakri (d. 487/1094), was the greatest geographer of Muslim Spain. Little is known about his life. He was a native of Cordova, where he died. His father was the only one, or else the second, ruler of the small principality of Huelva and Saltes, founded in 402/1012, at the time of the fall of the Umayyad caliphate in Cordova. In 443/1051, when his father, ‘Izz al-Dawla, was obliged to give up his power, Abu ‘Ubayd, who was at that time approximately thirty years old, accompanied him to Cordova. He was the the pupil of the historian Abu Marwan Ibn Hayyan (d. 469/1076) and of other masters, and moved in various court circles, especially Almeria. He quickly became a distinguished writer. Several books are attributed to him, in the religious sphere, in philology, on the correct names of the Arabic tribes, and one in botany, none of which has come to us. In geography, the work on which Abu ‘Ubayd’s renown is mainly based is his Book of the Itineraries and Kingdoms (al-Masalik wa l-mamalik). He appears never to have traveled in the east, or even in North Africa. He composed this book in 461/1068 assisted by literary and oral information. For North Africa and some parts of Northern Black Africa (such as Sudan), his main source is Book of the Itineraries and Kingdoms of Muhammad b. Yusuf al-Warraq (d. 363/973 in Cordova), which has not come to us. Not all of the book has been published or translated. The following sections are edited and/or translated separately: Northern Africa, fragments on the Russians 95

BAKRI, AL-, GEOGRAPHER and Slavs, parts related to Muslim Spain, the Arabian Peninsula, Egypt, and Europe. Following the usual practice of the geographers of his time and before him, Abu ‘Ubayd gave to this work the form of a roadbook, including distances between towns and staging posts. Most of his descriptions of towns are remarkably precise. His toponymic material for Muslim Spain, the Maghrib, Northern Africa, and so on is no less worthy of interest. Many of his historical notices and remarks are also invaluable. He was also interested in social and religious matters, for instance, about the Berber Moroccan tribe of the Banu Lamas, who were Shi‘i; or his statement on Yunus of the Barghawati Berber tribe of Morocco, who made a journey in the first half of the third/ninth century to the East of the Islamic empire, together with other North Africans and Andalusis, of whom three claimed to be prophets upon their return, including Yunus himself. Abu ‘Ubayd also gives social and economic information, such as on the presence of Andalusi traders in al-Mahdiyya (Tunisia), providing detailed and varied itineraries for their maritime crossings of the channel between North Africa and al-Andalus. Abu ‘Ubayd’s Dictionary on the toponyms, mostly referring to the Arabic Peninsula, which occur in preIslamic poetry and in the literature of the Islamic traditional reports, the spelling of which has given rise to discussions among the philologists and traditionists, has been edited. It includes a long and interesting introduction on the geographical setting of ancient Arabia and the habitats of the most important tribes. CLAUDE GILLIOT See also Geography Primary Sources Works of al-Bakri: Das Geographische Buch des Abu ‘Obeid ‘Abdallah ben ‘Abd el-‘Aziz el-Bekri. 2 vols. Ed. Ferdinand Wu¨stenfeld. Paris: Go¨ttingen, 18761877; reprint Osnabru¨ck: Biblio-Verlag, 1976; reprint Frankfurt: Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Sciences, 1994 Islamic Geography, vols. 206–207). Description de l’Afrique septentrionale, par Abou-Obeı¨d-elBekri, I, Texte arabe, ed. Mac Guckin de Slane, Alger and Paris, 1910. II, Description de l’Arique septentrionale [. . . ], translated by Mac Guckin de Slane, Alger and Paris, 1913; reprint together, Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1965; reprint Frankfurt: Publications of the Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Sciences, 1993 (Islamic Geography, vols. 134–135). Geografia de Espan˜a, Introduction. Translation and notes by Eliseo Vidal Beltra´n. Zaragosa: Anubar, 1982.


Kitab al-Masalik wa l-mamalik, 2 vols. Ed. Andre´ Ferre´ and Adrian van Leeuwen. Carthage: Beit al-Hikma, 1992; reprint Beirut, Dar al-Gharb al-islami, between 1992 and 1995. Mu‘jam ma sta‘jam min asma’ al-bilad wa l-mawadi‘, 4 vol. in 2. Ed. Mustafa al-Saqqa. Cairo, 1945; reprint Beirut: ‘Alam al-kutub, 1983 (is only a copy of the ed. of Wu¨stenfeld). The Arab geographer Abu ‘Ubayd al-Bakri, 2nd part: The Arabic Peninsula (in Arabic). Ed. ‘Abd Allah Yusuf alGhunaym. Kuwayt: Dhat al-Salasil, 1977. The Geography of al-Andalus and Europe (in Arabic). Ed. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Ali al-Hajj. Beirut: Dar al-Irshad, 1968. The Geography of Egypt (in Arabic). Ed. ‘Abd Allah Yusuf al-Ghunaym. Kuwayt: Dar al-‘Uruba, 1980.

Further Reading Gilliot, Claude. ‘‘Al-Warrak, Muhammad b. Yusuf,’’ EI, XI, 151. Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E. ‘‘Abu ‘Ubayd al-Bakri,’’ EI, I, 155–157: Miquel, Andre´. La ge´ographie humaine du monde musulman jusqu’au milieu du 11e sie`cle. 4 vols. Paris: La Haye: Mouton, 1967 (19732), 1975, 1980, 1988.

BALKANS Although interactions between the Balkan Slavs and Greeks with Arab Muslims can be traced back to the medieval Arab-Byzantine relations, Islam spread through the Balkans with the Ottoman invasion that commenced in the mid-fourteenth century. No medieval Balkan state was strong enough to halt the advancing Ottoman army, especially given that the Ottomans had acted several times as mercenary allies in the internecine wars, which had led to political divisions, deteriorating living conditions, and general economic instability. After capturing Adrianople (Edirne) in 1365, the Ottomans pushed farther into the Balkans in several waves: Serbia fell by 1389 (the Battle of Kosovo); Bulgaria and Wallachia by 1402; Bosnia by 1463; Greece, including a number of Aegean islands, and Albania by 1481. The apex of Ottoman expansion was reached by the mid-sixteenth century with the acquisition of Transylvania, large parts of Hungary, and Slavonia. Organized into the millet system of religious grouping, the Balkan people remained predominantly Orthodox Christian. However, the presence of Islam intensified through two main processes: (1) the controlled movement of Muslim populations from other parts of the Empire, and (2) conversions to Islam that took place among local populations in uneven waves and over several centuries. In such diverse religious space, some pockets of the Balkans continued being

BALKANS predominantly Christian, whereas others became mainly Muslim. The largest Muslim communities were found in Bosnia, Albania, Bulgaria, and Western Thrace. Furthermore, after the Spanish Reconquista, many Sephardic Jews settled in the Balkans on the invitation of the Ottoman sultan. Because Islam was spread by the Ottomans, Muslims of the Balkans became predominantly Sunni, of Hanafi legal orientation, though Shi‘i teachings were introduced by, and confined to, the Bektashi and the associated Kizilbashi Sufi orders. The denominational and legal uniformity among Balkan Muslims did not lead to their integration or unification otherwise. On the contrary, because of the lack of assimilationist policies by the Ottoman government, most Muslims retained their cultural and linguistic distinctiveness and separate ethnic identities. Excluding the elite population, the majority of the Balkan people were peasants and shepherds whose religious beliefs revealed many syncretic practices adapted from pagan, Christian, and now Islamic beliefs. Whether Muslim, Christian, or Jewish, they placed the main emphasis on local praxis rather than official teachings. This was reflected in their customs and rituals, funerary architecture, festivals, and folk literature. The situation was somewhat different in the cities that were erected or invigorated through Ottoman state policies and pious endowments (waqfs), generating lively economic, intellectual, architectural, and social activities. Here, Ottoman Islamic values flourished in a way that reflected a clearer connection with the larger imperial system, though local sensibilities remained palpable and important. The urban elite, made up of literary figures, historiographers, theologians, philosophers, jurists, merchants, and others, reveals a polyglot culture in which the Ottoman languages (Turkish, Arabic, and Persian) were used along with local languages in intellectual production and exchange. Among the most prominent scholars worthy of mention are Ali Dede Bosnevi (d. 1598), who wrote comprehensive commentaries on Sa‘di, Rumi, and Hafiz; Hasan Kafi of Prusac (d. 1616), a judge whose treatise on the qualities of good governance became widely known and cited throughout the Empire; the prolific scholar Mustafa b. Yusuf of Mostar, known as Sheyh Yuyo (d. 1707), who wrote multidisciplinary commentaries on medieval Islamic thought; and Yahya Bey of Taslidja (d. 1575), a prolific poet of lyrical and mystical odes and couplets that drew inspiration from popular legends as well as great Sufi masters. The Balkans also provided a receptive ground for the dissemination of Sufi ideas and practices, as

evidenced by the diversity and number of Sufi orders. Among the most important orders were the Khalwati, Naqshbandi, and Bektashi, while less prevalent ones included the Qadiri, Rifa‘i, Mawlawi, Bayrami, Malami, and Badawi orders. Overall, Sufi orders invigorated Balkan Islam in both belief and practice. In fact, many conversions to Islam happened through Sufi activities. Their presence in cities and villages across the Balkans, as testified to by the number of tekkes (convents) and tu¨rbes (mausoleums), shows their ubiquitous presence in different spheres of life. While some were more attractive to intellectual and literary circles (such as the Khalwati), others were highly syncretic and enjoyed popular appeal. Most syncretic was the Bektashi order. Long associated with the Ottoman military establishment, Bektashis spread throughout the Balkans, as evidenced by the remains of their tekkes and turbes in Greece, Macedonia, Bosnia, Bulgaria, and Albania. Shi’i in orientation and organized around a sheikh referred to as baba, the Bektashis intertwined Islamic teachings with local customs and folklore, making the order popular, especially in rural areas, and involving equal participation by both men and women. AMILA BUTUROVIC Further Reading Birnbaum, Henrik and Speros Vryonis. Aspects of the Balkans: Continuity and Change. Hague: Mouton, 1972. Brown, L. Carl. Imperial Legacy: The Ottoman Imprint on the Balkans and the Middle East. New York: Columbia University Press, 1996. Fine, John V. A. The Late Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1987. Jelavich, Barbara. History of the Balkans. Joint Committee on Eastern Europe Publication Series. No. 12. 2 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Kiel, Machiel. Art and Society of Bulgaria in the Turkish Period: A Sketch of the Economic, Juridical, and Artistic Preconditions of Bulgarian Post-Byzantine Art and Its Place in the Development of the Art of the Christian Balkans, 1360/70–1700: A New Interpretation. Assen, The Netherlands: Van Gorcum, 1985. Norris, H.T. Islam in the Balkans: Religion and Society between Europe and the Arab World. London: Hurst & Co., 1993. Poulton, Hugh and Suha Taji-Farouki (eds.). Muslim Identity and the Balkan State. New York: New York University Press, 1997. Rexhebi, Baba. The Mysticism of Islam and Bektashism. Naples: Dragotti, 1984. Skendi, Stavro. ‘‘Crypto-Christians in the Balkan Area under the Ottomans.’’ Slavic Review 26:2 (1967): 227– 246. Stavrianos, Leften Stavros. The Balkans since 1453. New York: Rinehart, 1958.



BARAKA Baraka, which means ‘‘blessing,’’ is a divinely inspired quality or force of presence that is often associated with prophets, saints, and other holy persons, and more generally with pious and learned individuals, as well as with sacred places and objects. The Jews and Christians of the Islamic world held similar beliefs concerning baraka. Muslims regard God as the ultimate source of baraka and the Qur’an as embodying it. The Prophet Muhammad, his family, and the Shi‘i imams possessed baraka in life and posthumously, as did certain rulers such as Saladin and Nur al-Din. Baraka was also associated with individuals who possessed exemplary learning, including theologians such as al-Ghazali and Sufis such as Ibn ‘Arabi and ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani. Rulers sought the baraka of saints, especially before waging war and at times of illness. Baraka could be transmitted simply by touching a person and their clothing or by embracing them. Baraka was also manifest in articles of clothing and other personal effects of pious persons, such as the mantle of the Prophet Muhammad and Dhu ’l-Fiqar, the famed sword of the Prophet’s cousin and fourth caliph ‘Ali b. Abi Talib. Certain mosques, tombs, and shrines, wells, and natural formations, such as springs and trees, were particularly renowned for their baraka to the extent that they became pilgrimage places. The earliest codices of the Qur’an attributed to the third Rightly Guided Caliph ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan and to his successor, ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, were objects of pious visitation. Visitors sought to obtain baraka by touching and kissing them. JOSEF W. MERI See also Saints Further Reading Meri, Josef W. The Cult of Saints Among Muslims and Jews in Medieval Syria. Oxford: 2002. Meri, Josef W. ‘‘Aspects of Baraka (Blessings) and Ritual Devotion among Medieval Muslims and Jews.’’ Medieval Encounters: Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture in Confluence and Dialogue 5 (1999) 46–49. Westermarck, Edward. Ritual and Belief in Morocco. 2 vols. London: 1926.

BARANI, ZIA’ AL-DIN, HISTORIAN OF PRE-MUGHAL INDIA A prominent theorist on Islamic political thought in fourteenth-century India, Barani was born (circa 1285) in an aristocratic family with excellent connections to the ruling elite of the Delhi sultanate. His grandfather, father, and uncle held important governmental positions. Barani himself had the opportunity to serve 98

at the court of Sultan Muhammad ibn Tughluq (r. 1325–1350) as companion to the ruler. At the beginning of the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq, Muhammad ibn Tughluq’s successor, Barani fell out of royal favor, apparently because he had been involved in a conspiracy to overthrow the new ruler. After a brief imprisonment, he spent several years in banishment from the court. Until his death in 1357, he continued writing in the futile hope that he would one day regain his position at the court. In his major works, Fatawa-yi jahandari and Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, Barani expounds his conceptions about the norms that Muslim rulers should observe while exercising their authority, specifically in the Indian context. In Fatawa-yi Jahandari, written as a guidebook for princes, he conceives of God having delegated authority over human societies to prophets and kings. Because authority to rule is God-given, the ideal ruler should manifest divine virtues of mercy and wrath, which are essential ingredients for a successful reign. He declares that it is the basic duty of a pious Muslim ruler to repudiate all that is non-Islamic and promote the propagation of proper ‘‘Islamic’’ values. To preserve these values, it is incumbent on the ruler to severely limit the role of non-Muslims in the administration of the state. Using a Sunni yardstick to determine what was correctly Islamic, and upholding the Shari’ah as interpreted by Sunni theologians to be normative, he considered the Shi‘is and the falsafa (philosophers) to be heretics who should be exterminated. In this regard, he extols Mahmud of Ghazna as the ideal Sunni Muslim ruler for his determination to exterminate idolatry and all forms of infidelity. Barani’s writings show intolerance toward not only non-Muslims but also Muslims of indigenous Indian origin whom he thought of as low-born and not worthy of anything but a basic education about Islamic rites and practices. His class- and race-based notions, which run contrary to Islamic ideals of equality, extolled only those of pure Perso-Turkish origin to be ‘‘true’’ Muslims. In this he reflected the views of many of the ashraf, or the aristocracy, of his time. As is evident in Fatawa-yi Jahandari and Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, Barani’s conception of historiography was primarily didactic and not meant to chronicle events. As a result, he only includes information that validates his religiopolitical theories. His works should, therefore, be read from this perspective. He often conceives his heroes as being motivated by solely religious concerns, without paying attention to historical and political realities of the time. Of particular interest is Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi, in which he writes an account of the rulers of the Delhi Sultanate from Sultan Balban (r. 1266–1287) to Muhammad ibn

BATHS AND BATHING Tughluq with the goal of demonstrating how rulers prospered when they adhered to his ideals and suffered failure and disgrace when they deviated from them. When a ruler such as Ala A.D.-Din Khalji (r. 1296–1316), who clearly did not live up to Barani’s standards for a good Muslim ruler, seems to have enjoyed a prosperous reign, Barani attributes this success to the presence in his realm of Nizam ad-Din Awliya, the preeminent Shaykh of the Chishti Sufi order. However, since Ala ad-Din Khalji was blind to the power and virtues of Nizam ad-Din Awliya, he and his family suffered terrible personal fates. ALI ASANI Further Reading Hardy, Peter. Historians of Medieval India. London: Luzac and Co., 1960.

BARTER See Trade, African; Trade, Indian Ocean; Trade, Mediterranean

BASRA The medieval city of Basra was located just west of the Shatt al-Arab, the confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers in what is now Iraq. Basra was first settled between AH 14/635 CE and 17/638 by Arab tribesmen who participated in the Muslim conquest of the Sasanian Empire. Most likely it was little more than a military camp during the first years of its existence. Basra’s strategic location allowed it to dominate both the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and important overland trade routes. Consequently, it grew into a thriving military city. By the time of the Battle of the Camel in 36/657, Basra is estimated to have had some fifty thousand residents. Topographically, the city was divided into five tribal zones, each under the leadership of the tribal ashraf (notables). Tribal relations in the garrison towns were complex, but Basra was generally dominated by the Tamim tribe. The city originally served as a garrison town from which to control newly conquered territory in Iraq and to launch further expeditions into Fars. Thanks to extensive irrigation works, Basra eventually became an agricultural center as well. It was particularly famous for the quality of its date orchards. Its strategic location also made it a trading center of some importance. During the Umayyad period, Basra did not join the neighboring garrison town of Kufa in supporting various ‘Alid movements. It was not, however, immune to

rebellion, becoming the center for Ibn al-Ash‘ath’s rebellion in 81/701 and Ibn al-Muhallab’s revolt in 101/719. The ‘Abbasid revolution of 132/750, which came in the wake of a plague in Basra, brought a slow decline in the city’s status, as the newly established capital city of Baghdad overshadowed the older garrison towns. Basra was not initially a focus for opposition to the ‘Abbasids, but as the town shrank in size (from a peak of at least two hundred thousand residents) and influence, it became susceptible to revolts, the most notable of which was the Zanj rebellion of 257/871. The fact that this was a rebellion of agricultural slaves and not of disgruntled soldiers (who fomented earlier rebellions) underlines Basra’s transition from a garrison town to an agricultural center. As the ‘Abbasids lost their grip on power, Basra suffered a variety of invasions and pillages, particularly during the sixth/twelfth century. In addition to its strategic importance, Basra was also a significant center for scholarly activity, a status that the rise of Baghdad did not diminish. During the Umayyad period, a variety of important theological thinkers called Basra home, including al-Hasan alBasri (d. 110/728) and the early Mu‘tazilite leaders Wasil ibn ‘Ata’ (d. 131/748) and ‘Amr ibn ‘Ubayd (d. 144/761). Basra was the focus of the theological debate over human free will and the birthplace of the Mu‘tazilite movement. In addition, Basra was the earliest center for the study of Arabic grammar. Unlike Kufa, Basra did not, however, become an important venue in the debates that shaped early Islamic jurisprudence. STEVEN C. JUDD Primary Sources al-Tabari, Muhammad ibn Jarir. Ta’rikh al-rusul wa-lmuluk. ed. M.J. de Goeje. Leiden, 1879–1901. Yaqut ibn ‘Abdallah al-Hamawi. Mu‘jam al-buldan. ed. F. Wu¨stenfeld as Jacut’s Geographisches Wo¨rterbuch. Leipzig, 1866–1873.

Further Reading Pelat, Charles. Le Milieu Basrien et la Formation de Gahiz. Paris: Libraire d’ame´rique et d’orient, 1953. van Ess, Josef. Theologie und Gesellschaft im 2. und 3. Jahrhundert Hidschra. Band II. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1992.

BATHS AND BATHING Baths in the Islamic world have almost always focused on the institution of the bathhouse, known as the hamam. Having its roots in the Roman and Byzantium bathhouse tradition, the hamam was 99


The Royal Baths in the harem. The Star-shaped roof lights were once covered in red glass. Tiles line the walls. Credit: Werner Forman/Art Resource, NY. Alhambra, Granada, Spain.

built and functioned in a similar manner over its thirteen-and-a-half centuries of existence. The hamam as a building was often distinguished by several large brick domes that were interspersed with a great number of bulbous pieces of glass that would let light shine into the building without letting the furnace heat escape. The bathhouse typically had three main chambers. The customers, segregated by gender, and often by religious community, would first enter an unheeded resting area where they would take off their clothes, dresses, towels, and/or loincloths. They would then enter a warmer antechamber where they would be exposed to a moderate amount of the furnace’s moist heat. They would then enter the main sweating room, a large chamber where the steam of the hamam’s furnaces would bring about an intense sweat. Once the customer had properly sweated, he or she would have their body rubbed and lathered, which would clean the pores and remove any dirt. After this, a customer would rinse himself or herself with warm water and/or take a bath in the water basins of the room. After the customer had done this, he or she would return to the initial rest area to relax and prepare for leaving the bathhouse. 100

Hamams were typically staffed by at least eight to ten attendants. These included one who would maintain the resting area and the linens and two to three people who would help the clients with washing, scrubbing, or even massages in the main sweating chamber. Two to three others would work to heat the large cauldrons of water in the furnace area. They would either bring in fuel (in the form of coal or dried dung) from a nearby depot area or be building the fire with the fuel. Hamams played a role in a great number of social functions in the urban neighborhoods where they were established. Indeed, they were considered to be vital for the establishment of each new Muslim city quarter, as they helped maintain God’s will for all to be cleanly. The sweating and cleansing processes in various degrees of heat and humidity also were vital to maintaining the body’s humoral balance, a key Galenic concept that predominated in medieval medicine throughout the Mediterranean and Middle East. Muslim travelers from the ninth century onward have remarked on the great number of hamams in the cities of the Muslim world, including Cordoba, Tunis, Cairo, Baghdad, and Istanbul. The loss of a hamam, like

BAYBARS I, MAMLUK SULTAN that of a mosque, was considered tantamount to the destruction of the city itself. Local authorities would often go to great lengths to reestablish the hamam and enhance normal social life. People also used the hamam as a place where one could relax and interact with one’s neighbors. It is no coincidence that baths were taken in groups, since this would allow numbers of people to enjoy the baths as they escaped from the trials and tribulations of everyday life. People would typically gossip with each other as they sipped a hot drink in the rest chamber. As noted earlier, hamams would be segregated by gender and religious community to maintain social mores. For example, hamams would allow Muslims and non-Muslims on specific days of the week, and might allow women in during the day and men during the night. There was a particular concern about protecting female patrons from moral and physical danger, leading the hamams to establish separate staffs for male and female clients. The penalties for theft and nude activity were extremely high if the victim was a recognized female client. However, if a woman entered a bath at the wrong time, she lost all legal rights for her own protection. She was often regarded as a mere prostitute who could be abused by men with impunity. Beyond potentially being raped or sexually harassed was the loss of social station among her neighbors. Despite these social restrictions, hamams on occasions would be used for illicit relations. We know, for instance, from sixteenth-century Ottoman court records, that some hamams were shut down after the local authorities found out that men and women were using the same facilities with the collusion of the hamam’s staff. In later centuries, the abuse of questionable substances such as heroin, tobacco, and coffee were also duly noted. BIRSEN BULMUs¸ See also Personal Hygiene Further Reading Burns, Robert Ignatius. ‘‘Baths and Caravanserais in Crusader Valencia.’’ Speculum 46, no. 3 (July 1971): 443–458. Powers, James F. ‘‘Frontier Municipal Baths and Social Interaction in Thirteenth-Century Spain.’’ The American Historical Review 84, no. 3 (June 1979): 649–667. Reeves, Mary Barbara. The Roman Bath-House in Humeima in Its Architectural and Social Context. Master of Arts. University of Victoria, 1996. Semerdjian, Vivian Elyse. ‘‘Off the Straight Path: Gender, Public Morality and Legal Administration in Ottoman Haleppo, Syria.’’ Unpublished dissertation. Georgetown University, October 2002. Sourdel-Thomine, J. and Louis, A. ‘‘Hamam.’’ IE Online Edition, 2001.

BAYBARS I, MAMLUK SULTAN Baybars I, fifth ruler (r. 1260–1277) of the Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt and Syria, was in many ways the most important leader in its history. Baybars was born around 1220 CE among the Qipchaq Turks, who lived in the steppe region north of the Black Sea. Fleeing from the Mongol invasions in the area in 1241–1242, Baybars and his family moved to Anatolia. There, Baybars was captured and ended up in the slave market of Damascus. Eventually he ended up in the service of the great Ayyubid sultan, al-Salih Ayyub (1238–1249), founder of the famous Bahriyya regiment, of which Baybars was a member. Baybars first came to prominence in the fighting in Mansura (1250) in the eastern Nile Delta during the Fifth Crusade; his bravery and leadership helped turn the tables against the Franks. Baybars was one of the conspirators who killed the new sultan, Turanshah, son of al-Salih, an event that led to the establishment of the Mamluk rule in Egypt. The Bahriyya, led by Aqtai and seconded by Baybars, was one of the main factions in the fledging Mamluk state, but it was soon bested in the internal power struggles by Sultan Aybak. Aqtai was killed in 1254, and Baybars fled with seven hundred Bahris to Syria, where they remained as mercenaries serving various Ayyubid princes until the approach of the Mongols at the beginning of 1260. Baybars realized that there was no chance of resistance to the Mongols in Ayyubid Syria, so he was reconciled with the new Mamluk sultan, Qutuz (a Mamluk of Aybak and therefore an enemy). The Bahriyya under Baybars returned to Egypt in March 1260. Baybars became a trusted subordinate in the campaign against the Mongols in the summer of 1260. He led the advance guard that came across the first Mongols at Gaza, and then again in the skirmishing in the Jezreel Valley before the battle of ‘Ayn Jalut, where his courage is also noted by various sources; he also led the subsequent mopping-up operations. Relations with Qutuz soon soured, however, particularly when Baybars was not awarded the governorship of Aleppo as he had hoped. On their way back to Cairo, both men were on their guard. Baybars, however, struck first. With a group of conspirators, he fell upon the sultan while hunting and killed him. This was the second time that Baybars was deeply involved in a regicide. He was recognized as ruler in late October 1260. The reign of Baybars was in many ways the formative years of the Mamluk Sultanate. Emerging from a decade of political disorder on the one hand, and having just gained control over most of Syria up to the Euphrates River on the other hand, the Sultanate was put on a firm footing militarily, politically, and


BAYBARS I, MAMLUK SULTAN economically. Baybars was surely aware that it was only a matter of time until the Mongols attempted another large-scale invasion of Syria. Any doubts that he might have harbored on this matter were removed by the many Mongol raids, as well as truculent letters that he received from the Ilkhans, as the Mongol rulers of Iran and the surrounding countries were known. He set about enlarging and strengthening his army. An efficient foreign espionage service was established, as was a communication network connecting the capital, Cairo, with the main cities of Syria and the far-flung frontier along the Euphrates, through the use of horse relays, pigeon post, and bonfires. Fortifications were set in order along the frontier and inside the country, although those captured from the Franks along the coast were destroyed. Diplomatic relations were established and maintained with various non-Muslim rulers, including the Byzantine emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus. The most significant diplomatic de´marche was the relations established with Berke Khan, the Muslim Mongol ruler of the Golden Horde in the southern Russian steppe. Baybars encouraged him to continue fighting his cousin the Ilkhan, which meant that the Mongols of Iran were often fighting on a second front and could not devote themselves to the war against the Mamluks. Although there were no major Mongol campaigns into Syria during Baybars’s reign, the frontier was a scene of frequent warfare, with raiders going both ways. In this border war, the Mamluks were usually more successful, perhaps due to the greater importance they attached to this front compared with their Ilkhanid enemies. In 1277, Baybars launched his one major campaign into Mongol-controlled territory, Anatolia. This resulted in a Mamluk victory at Abulustayn (which later became Elbistan), but Baybars—after sweeping through the country— withdrew because of supply difficulties and the prospect of a major Mongol counterattack. Throughout his reign, Baybars also launched several large-scale raids on the Kingdom of Lesser Armenia in Cilicia, a loyal ally of the Mongols. In the years after gaining power, Baybars consolidated Mamluk rule in Syria. A number of minor rulers, including Ayyubid princes, were either eliminated or brought under control. His legitimacy was strengthened by the welcome of a scion of the ‘Abbasid family. After ascertaining his genealogy, Baybars had him declared caliph with the title al-Mustansir. In a well-directed spectacle, the new caliph promptly handed over all functions to Baybars, who was officially declared sultan. Baybars also significantly reduced the Frankish presence in Syria and Palestine. There is no indication that Baybars had planned an


aggressive anti-Frankish policy from the beginning of his reign, and he may well have thought to continue the modus vivendi that characterized Muslim– Crusader relations during the Ayyubid period. Perhaps his growing awareness of the Ilkhans’ attempts to achieve an alliance with the Pope and rulers of Latin Europe in order to launch a joint campaign against the Mamluks led the sultan to adopt a more truculent strategy vis-a`-vis the Franks in Syria. In a series of campaigns, Baybars captured a large number of Crusader cities and forts (some notable examples include Caesarea and Arsuf in 1265; Safad in 1266; Jaffa, Beaufort, and Antioch in 1268; and Crac des Chevaliers in 1271). Baybars left his successors a much-reduced Crusader entity that was finally eliminated in 1291 by the sultan al-Ashraf Khalil ibn Qalawun. Baybars was responsible for the greater institutionalization of the army, the iqta‘ (land allocation) system, and provincial and central administration, as well as a reform of the judiciary system, which led to the placing of all four Sunni schools of law on an equal footing (albeit with a slight preference for the Shafi‘i school). He was also a great builder of fortifications and religious buildings. Although not the first ruler of the Sultanate, he was in many ways its real founder. He was succeeded by his son al-Sa‘id Berke Khan, who was, however, removed after two years. After a short interlude in which another son, Sulamish, served as a puppet ruler, Baybars’s colleague and associate Qalawun (r. 1279–1290) ascended to the throne. REUVEN AMITAI See also ‘Ayn Jalut; Land-Tenure; Mamluks; Mongols

Further Reading Amitai, Reuven. ‘‘The Mamluk Officer Class during the Reign of Sultan Baybars.’’ In War and Society in the Eastern Mediterranean, 7th–15th Centuries. Edited by Yaakov Lev. Leiden: Brill, 1997, 267–300. Amitai-Preiss, Reuven. ‘‘Mamluk Perceptions of the Mongol–Frankish Rapprochement.’’ Mediterranean Historical Review 7 (1992): 50–65. ———. Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk–Ilkhanid War, 1260–1281. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Holt, Peter M. The Age of the Crusades: The Near East from the Eleventh Century to 1517. London and New York: Longman, 1986. ———, Early Mamluk Diplomacy, 1260–1290: Treaties of Baybars and Qalawun with Christian Rulers. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Irwin, Robert. The Middle East in the Middle Ages: The Early Mamluk Sultanate, 1250–1382. London: Routledge, 1986.

BERBER, OR TAMAZIGHT Khowaiter, Abdul-Aziz. Baibars the First: His Endeavours and Achievements. London, 1978. Northrup, Linda. ‘‘The Bahri Mamluk Sultanate, 1250– 1390.’’ In The Cambridge History of Egypt. 2 vols. Vol. 1. Edited by Carl Petry. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998, 242–289. Thorau, Peter. The Lion of Egypt: Sultan Baybars I and the Near East in the Thirteenth Century. Trans. P.M. Holt. London and New York: Longman, 1992. Wiet, Gaston. ‘‘Baybars I.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, Second Edition. 1:1124–1126.

BEAUTY AND AESTHETICS Muslim medieval culture, like contemporary European culture, did not articulate a philosophical concept of art. It dealt, however, with various concepts of beauty and aesthetics. Islam can be considered to take an aesthetic approach to faith: The unique beauty of the Qur’anic text, whether read or recited, and hence its inimitability, are believed to be the evidence for its divine nature. Tradition tells about people being converted through the fascination with the beauty of the recited Qur’an. The Qur’an neither refers explicitly to issues of artistic relevance nor prescribes the shape of the mosque or the use of liturgical objects, Islam being rather a religion without complex liturgy, which allows the worshipper direct communication with God. However, it uses a dozen terms that refer to moral rather than aesthetic beauty. Muslim theologians and, in particular, the Sufis, have often dealt with the beauty of God; however, this approach is spiritual, with no artistic or aesthetic associations. AlGhazali, in his book Ihya’ ‘ulum al-din (Revivification of the Religious Sciences), discusses the subject of divine beauty, as well as the issues of ethics and behavior, such as the permissibility of music. AlGhazali’s book includes some interesting statements with relevance to material culture and art. Muslim theologians were not involved in shaping the architecture of the mosque; rather, this was shaped by the patrons (that is, the rulers), whose duty it was to establish and oversee religious institutions. Alongside its religious meaning, it acquired a political significance. The decorative arts, including objects related to religious monuments, were shaped by the secular patronage of the court and a sophisticated urban society. Although calligraphy has the status of a sacral art, because of its association with the Qur’an, designers from the chancellery created it as a discipline. It was the only visual art in medieval Islam to have a written canon based on precisely

established rules of proportions and to be considered a truly scholarly discipline. No other discipline in the visual arts is known to have had such a scholarly status. Whereas medieval Islamic culture did not conceptualize the visual arts and include them in the discourse on beauty, Arabic literary criticism has elaborated highly sophisticated aesthetic concepts for the belles-lettres. Although the origins of Arabic literary criticism are rooted in the religious tradition of Qur’anic exegesis, it expanded to play a significant role in poetry. Because poetry had a rather controversial status from the orthodox viewpoint, it remained, like the visual arts, in the secular domain. The mainstream of Arab literary criticism, following the Aristotelian principle, which distinguishes between content and form, considered good poetry as uncongenial with moral or religious intentions. The view that the form was the decisive factor in the artistic assessment reveals an aesthetic rather than moral approach. Implicitly, a corresponding principle ruled the visual arts, which used the same artistic and decorative vocabulary for the secular and religious domains. Arabic classical literature deals with human beauty and love, the prevailing view being that beauty is a matter of subjective appreciation. DORIS BEHRENS-ABOUSEIF Further Reading Behrens-Abouseif, D. Beauty in Arabic Culture. Princeton, 1999. Giese, A., A and Ch Bu¨rgel (eds). Gott ist scho¨n und Er liebt die Scho¨nheit. Festschrift fu¨r Annemarie Schimmel. Bern, 1994. Kirmani, N. Gott ist Scho¨n. Mu¨nchen, 1999. Puerta Vilchez, Jose´ Miguel. Historia del Pensamiento Este´´ rabe. Al-Andalus y la Este´tica A ´ rabe Cla´sica. tico A Madrid, 1997. ‘Usfur, Jamal J. Qira’at al-turath al-naqdi. Kuwait, 1992. ‘Usfur, J. al-Sura al-fanniyya fi l-turath al-naqdi wa-l-balaghi. Cairo, 1992. Von Gru¨nebaum, G. Kritik und Dichtkunst. Studien zur arabischen Literaturgeschichte. Wiesbaden, 1955. Ward Gwyne, R. ‘‘Beauty.’’ In Encyclopaedia of the Qur’an. Vol. 1. (Brill) Leiden and Boston: Ko¨ln, 2001.

BERBER, OR TAMAZIGHT Tamazight (Berber) is a language of the Afro-Asiatic family and comprises a number of related dialects spoken by the indigenous populations of North Africa. The geographical expanse covered by these dialects once included virtually all of Africa north of


BERBER, OR TAMAZIGHT the great Sahara Desert. Variations of it are still used from the Canary Islands off the Moroccan Atlantic coast in the West to the oasis of Siwa, in the western desert of Egypt to the east, and from the Mediterranean shores of Africa in the north to the Saharan villages of Niger and Mali in the south. Although the different spoken varieties of Tamazight are related closely enough to be viewed as dialects of the same language, the degree of intelligibility among speakers of different varieties is subject to a great deal of variation depending on distance, the amount of interaction among different communities, and the level of awareness interlocutors have, whether or not they belong to the same language family. The name tamazight is used in the Middle Atlas region of Morocco and is the same term used to refer to a singular feminine member of the community (amazigh for the singular masculine and imazighen for the plural). Northern speakers in the Rif Mountains use the terms tarifit (arifi, irifiyn) or trifsht; in the High Atlas and Lower Atlas and southern Morocco the name used is tashelhit (ashelhi, ishelhiyen). In Algeria the names frequently used are taqbaylit n the mountainous areas of Kabylia, tashawit in the Aures Mountains, and tamzabit in the south. Among the populations of Siwa in Egypt the appellation used is tasiwit. In the vast expanses of the great Sahara Desert some of the names used are tamasheq, tamajeq, and tamahar. There are no reliable sources as to the numbers of Tamazight speakers in North Africa today, as official population counts generally do not address the language issue. The available information usually presents the number of Tamazight speakers in Tunisia as being around 1 percent of the population, 20 percent in Algeria, and as high as 40 percent in Morocco, but the accuracy of these numbers will only be verified when reliable scientific surveys are carried out. According to the al-moheet dictionary, the Arabic name barbari used to refer to speakers of this language is derived from the verb barbara, meaning to speak loudly in an agitated manner and unintelligibly. The same verb is used to refer to sounds made by agitated or overexcited animals. The French historian and ethnographer Gabriel Camps traces the histories of the different names used throughout history to name the ‘Berbers.’ With regard to the amazigh appellation, he notes the existence of a name based on a three-letter root, composed of [M, Z, G] or [M, Z, K], that has been used by North Africa, as well as by early historians, notably Greek and Roman. Possible ancient renditions of the word amazigh include Roman mazices, Greek maxyces or mazyes, and meshwesh, which appears in ancient Egyptian inscriptions. Camps cites the existence of differences in pronunciation and 104

spelling of modern names, for example imusagh or imajighen of the great Sahara Desert and the imazighens of the Aure`s and Middle and High Atlas, as being comparable (p. 66). Many researchers in the field, including Muslim scholars, concede that the Arabic name ‘barbar’ and its ‘berber’ descendant in Western languages have never been used by the populations in question to refer to themselves. Based largely on information provided by writers including Al-Qayrawani, Al-Bekri, Ibn Hayyan, AlQurtubi, Al-Warraq, Ibn Khaldun, and many other Muslim historians who wrote between the ninth and fifteenth centuries, it is understood that varieties of Tamazight were spoken all over North Africa and that Arabic was limited to the larger urban centers. Tamazight-speaking populations gave rise to some of the most powerful empires that North Africa has ever known: the Al-Moravids (eleventh and twelfth centuries), followed by the Al-Mohades (twelfth and thirteenth centuries). The Barghwata tribes who controlled the Atlantic plains of Morocco for almost four centuries (ending in the twelfth century) became notorious in Muslim and Arab sources because they composed what was said to be a heretical Qur’an in their own language and attempted to replace mainstream Islam. The status of Tamazight in the postcolonial states of North Africa has never been fully recognized. Indeed, writing or publishing in Tamazight was discouraged and often repressed. Thanks to recent political and cultural changes in the area, Tamazight is making a spectacular comeback into the world of media and even the school systems. Indeed, both Algeria and Morocco have started introducing Tamazight into their elementary-school curricula. RACHID AADNANI Further Reading Abun-nasr, Jamil M. A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987. Azaykou, Ali Sidqi. Histoire du Maroc Ou les interpre´tations possibles. Rabat: Centre Tariq In Zyad, 2002. Brett, Michael, and Elizabeth Fentress. The Berbers. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1996. Camps, Gabriel. Les Berberes: Me´moires et identite´. Paris: Editions Errance, 1987. Chaker, Salem. Textes en Linguistique Berbe`re: Introduction au domaine berbe`re. Paris: CNRS, 1984. Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. Trans. Franz Rosenthal. London: Routledge, Kegan and Paul, 1967. Laroui, Abdallah. The History of the Maghrib: An Interpretative Essay. Trans. Ralph Manheim. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970. Norris, H.T. The Berbers in Arabic Literature. Essex: Longman, 1982.


BERBERS ‘‘Berbers’’ is the generic name given to various people native to North Africa, also called ‘‘Berberia’’ for the pre-Islamic and early medieval period, or ‘‘Maghrib,’’ an Arabic term meaning ‘‘the land of the sunset.’’ The Berbers, who settled in African lands in the first millennium BCE, primarily belonged to the same linguistic community based on the nonwritten language called Tamazight. Although they shared common cultural features, Berbers distinguished one another through different modes of living—sedentary, seminomadic, and nomadic (for those from the Sahara Desert, which were called ‘‘Targis’’ or ‘‘Touaregs’’). The Berbers had embraced Christianity and Judaism before they became Muslim, following the Arab conquest in the seventh-century CE. Divided into families, groups of descendants, and tribes, they settled in territories stretching from the Atlantic Ocean to Cyrenaica and some locations of Western Egypt. These territories cover three main areas: Occidental, Central, and Oriental Berberia, also called ‘‘Ifriqiyya.’’ The Tunisian historian Ibn Khaldun (1332– 1406) was the first to study the history, culture, and sociology of Berbers in his seven-volume treatise AlKitab al-Ibar (The Book of Historical Examples). His distinction between Arabs and Berbers, their lifestyle, economies, and power relationships, illustrates the sociopolitical situation of medieval Maghrib. In particular, the rivalries between the two ethnic groups have marked the history of Muslim North Africa and Al-Andalus (Islamic Spain) as well, because Spain was invaded by an Islamic Berber–Arab army in 711 and constituted a part of the Muslim Empire for about eight centuries. The advent of Islam in North Africa led to a phenomenon of Arabization of the Berbers, although they have never lost entirely their cultural identity. However, the Arab occupation in the seventh and eighth centuries, following the Byzantine domination, was not accomplished without a fierce resistance. Accordingly, the Islamization of Berberia was relatively slow and completed only in the twelfth century. Always rebellious, Berbers were in favor of heterodox religious trends and sectarian movements, such as Kharijism and Shi‘ism, opposing the Sunni Caliphate and local governing class before the generalized adoption of the Malikism School in Maghrib in the dawn of modern times. The complex relationships of Berber clans with these various Islamic trends superimposed on the sociological phenomena of family alliances or dissensions and tribal confederations underlies the troubled dynastic history of medieval Maghrib. Following the period of dependence on the Umayyads of Damascus (660–749), the first dissident states from

the Caliphate in the East appeared in Maghrib, supported by local Berbers: the Shi‘i kingdom of the Idrisids (789–974) in Occidental Berberia and the Kharijid kingdom of the Rostamids (777–909) in Central Berberia. The Zanata on the one hand and the Masmouda, Kotama, and Sanhaja on the other hand are to be associated with the division of Berberia, in the tenth and eleventh centuries, into two zones of political and religious influence of the rival Caliphates in the West of the Sunni Umeyyads in Cordoba and the Shi‘i Fatimids in Cairo. Besides, before it was transferred to Egypt, the schismatic Fatimid State initially took place in Ifriqiyya, thanks again to the Berber support. The second half of the eleventh century saw the rise of the first great Sunni Berber Empire of the Almoravids (1056–1147), Al-Murabitun, ‘‘people of the ribat’’ (Islamic fortress). Founded by the nomadic tribe of the Lamtuna, the Almoravids developed a bright civilization called ‘‘HispanoBerber’’ or ‘‘Hispano-Maghrebi’’ in Occidental and Central Berberia and Al-Andalus. In Spain, they had progressively reunified the Islamic land that, after the fall of the Umeyyad Caliphate in 1031, was partitioned into multiple kingdoms governed by either Arab or Berber dynasties called ‘‘Reyes de Taifas’’ (Party Kings). The Almoravids also had temporarily stopped the ‘‘Reconquista’’ (eleventh century to 1492), the ongoing Christian conquest of Al-Andalus. The direct contact with the Andalusi urban culture greatly contributed to the development of the Almoravid civilization in North Africa. However, soon the refined courtly life of the Almoravids came up against the rigorous religious feelings of the society. In the twelfth century a reformative movement founded by the mahdi (‘‘the well-guided’’) Ibn Tumart, based on an absolute respect of divine uniqueness, allowed a new Berber dynasty to take over all Maghribi regions. The Almoravids (1130–1269) or Al-Muwahhidun (‘‘the partisans of divine uniqueness’’) established a second Hispano-Berber Empire more powerful than the previous one. An economical prosperity relying on exchanges between Black Africa, Berberia, and Mediterranean Europe, and an active cultural life enlightened by great philosophers such as Ibn Rushd and Ibn Tufayl, built the grandeur of the Almohad Empire, the most glorious episode of Berber history. The subsequent dynasty of the Marinids (1258–1465), from the Zanata tribe, was the last Berber reign in Maghrib in the Middle Ages. VALERIE GONZALEZ Primary Sources Ibn Khaldun. Kitab al-Ibar wa diwan al-mubtada’ wa l-khabar fi ayyami l-Arab wa l-Agam wa l-Barbar. Bulaq


BERBERS Editions, 1867–1868, translation of Vol. I by Rosenthal, F. The Muqqadimah, An Introduction to History. New York, 1958, 3 vol.

See also Almohads; Almoravids; Andalus; Berber (Tamazight); Caliphate and Imamate; Conquest; Family; Fatimids; Free Thinkers; Heresy and Heretics; Ibn Khaldun; Ibn Rushd (Averroes); Ibn Tufayl; Ibn Tumart; Idrisids; Kharijis; Malikism; Marinids; Nomadism and Pastoralism; Party Kings; Reform; Schools of Jurisprudence; Sedentarism; Shi‘ism; Trade, African; Trade, Mediterranean; Umayyads

Further Reading Abun-Nasr, J.M. A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period. Cambridge, MA, 1987. Brett, Michael. ‘‘The Spread of Islam in Egypt and North Africa.’’ In Northern Africa: Islam and Modernization. Ed. Brett. London, 1973. The Further Islamic Lands, The Cambridge History of Islam. Vol. II. Cambridge University Press, 1970, 211– 237 and 406–440. Chejne, A.G. Muslim Spain: Its History and Culture. Minneapolis, 1974. Encyclope´die Berbe`re, sous la direction de Gabriel Camps. Aix-en-Provence, 1985. Johnson, D.L. The Nature of Nomadism: A Comparative Study of Pastoral Migrations in Southwestern Asia and North Africa. Chicago, 1969. Marc¸ais, Georges. La Berbe´rie Musulmane et l’Orient au Moyen Age. Paris, 1946.

BEVERAGES After water, the most essential beverage is milk, whether human or animal. Mothers’ milk is not merely nutritional but produces, in the case of suckling by a foster mother, a bond considered in Islam nearly as strong as a blood relationship and similarly causes a series of marriage impediments. Animal milk may be from cow, camel, sheep, or goat. The Qur’an (47:15) promises to the god-fearing ‘‘rivers of water unstaling, rivers of milk unchanging in flavour, and rivers of wine–a delight to the drinkers, rivers, too, of honey purified’’ (tr. Arberry). These four drinks were popular on earth, too, even the one forbidden to Muslims, which is celebrated far more often and more fervently in poetry than any other drink. Milk and milk products are typical in Bedouin life; urban society has added a large number of other drinks. Many of these were mildly alcoholic, being fermented infusions of cereals or fruits; the word fuqqa‘ stands for a range of sparkling drinks, many of which could be considered kinds of beer, ale, or shandy. Others were soft drinks,


being fruit juices made of lemon, apple, pomegranate, tamarind, jujube, and so on, often flavored with honey, sugar, sumac, musk, mint, and other ingredients, and cooled with snow or ice, if one could afford it. The great variety in methods of preparation and in the appellations used (which differ through time and according to local traditions and languages) gave much work to the religious scholars who attempted to distinguish the forbidden from the permissible. Recipes for drinks are found in culinary, as well as medical, works: There is no clear boundary between, on the one hand, drinks for nutrition and pleasure and, on the other hand, tonics or medicinal beverages. The Arabic word sharab is ambiguous: It means ‘‘beverage’’ in general, but in many contexts it is obviously used as a euphemism for wine or other alcoholic drinks. It is also used for any kind of syrup or cordial. That the word syrup, together with its English and European cognates (including sherbet and sorbet), derives from sharab illustrates the importance and appeal of medieval Middle Eastern beverages. Coffee and tea, so popular in the modern Middle East, are relatively recent innovations: The latter is postmedieval and only the former can be called a (late) medieval drink. The Arabic word qahwa (from which ‘‘cafe’’ and ‘‘coffee’’ are derived) is found in much older periods as a rather rare word for ‘‘wine.’’ It was used for coffee when this drink spread in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries from Ethiopia via Yemen and Arabia to the rest of the Middle East, reaching Cairo in the early sixteenth century. Initially, many puritan scholars regarded it as suspect or even forbidden, not merely because of its name and its being an innovation, but because it was thought to be associated with sin (listening to music, drinking wine, eating hashish) and mysticism and was seen to affect the mind. In the end it was acknowledged that its effects could not be compared to those of alcohol or drugs. GEERT JAN van GELDER See also Alcohol; Rosewater; Water; Wine

Further Reading Hattox, Ralph S. Coffee and Coffeehouses: The Origins of a Social Beverage in the Medieval Near East. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1988. Rodinson, Maxime, A. J. Arberry, and Charles Perry. Medieval Arab Cookery. Totnes, Devon: Prospect Books, 2001; see general index s.v. drinks, milk, syrup, verjuice. Sadan, J. ‘‘Mashrubat.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, New edition. Vol. 6. Leiden: Brill, 1991, 720–723.


BIBLE The question of whether or not the Bible was translated into Arabic before the rise of Islam was debated in the early twentieth century by two German scholars: Anton Baumstark and Georg Graf. Their debate centered on biblical references in Arabic poetry traditionally held to be pre-Islamic and in later Arabic works, references that according to Baumstark proved the existence of such a translation. The debate was never settled. Today, scholars such as Irfan Shahid uphold the position of Baumstark, while others, among them Sidney Griffith, support the position of Graf, by reminding us that although there is still no convincing material evidence of a pre-Islamic Arabic Bible, there is evidence that Arabic-speaking Christians of the time used a Syriac Bible. Nevertheless, the Qur’an is replete with references to, and even quotations of, biblical material. Indeed, the Qur’an might be considered under the category of biblical literature, which is broadly understood. As the scholars A. Geiger, M. Gru¨nbaum, H. Speyer, and A. Jeffery have shown, the Qur’anic worldview, from the seven days of creation through the apocalyptic Day of Judgment, is articulated through biblical terminology, narratives, characters, and symbolism. Although apologetic arguments maintaining the absolute independence of the Qur’an have gained popularity, readers familiar with biblical (including Mishnaic/Talmudic and apocryphal texts) writings will find the Qur’anic narratives of biblical figures— from Adam to Jesus—familiar. Meanwhile, many other narratives in the Qur’an, including the three separate stories of su¯ra 18 (companions of the cave, Moses and the servant of God, and the two-horned one), prove to be connected to biblical or parabiblical works (Seven Sleepers of Ephesus, Legend of Joshua ben Levi, Syriac Romance of Alexander, respectively). However, the Qur’an itself refers neither to the Bible nor to an Old or New Testament but rather to the Torah (tawra¯t; 3:3, 3:48, 61:6, passim), the Gospel (injı¯l, cf. Gk. e´uagge´lion; 3:3, 3:48, 5:47, passim), and the Psalter (zabu¯r, cf. Syriac mazmu¯ra¯; 4:163, 17:55, 21:105), in addition to the sheets (suh: uf) of Moses and Abraham (20:133, 53:50, 87:18, passim). These references have fueled the development of an Islamic scriptural theology, by which Muslim scholars argue that God brought down scriptures to various messengers, scriptures akin to the Qur’an in both form and substance, but in the language of the people for whom they were intended (cf. 14:4). In a more abstract fashion, Muslim scholars, influenced by Qur’anic references to the ‘‘mother of the Book’’ (13:39, 43:4) and a ‘‘preserved tablet’’ (85:22), depict the Qur’an as

only part of a greater scripture preserved from eternity in heaven, from which the Torah, the Gospel, and the Psalter were also sent down. At one point (10:94), in fact, the Qur’an counsels the reader to consult those who read ‘‘the Book’’ before. This scriptural theology raised a dilemma, however, as Muslim scholars were confronted with the fact that the Bible agrees with the Qur’an neither in form nor substance and could not therefore be understood as part of the heavenly book sent down to earth. The dilemma was generally settled, with help from a reference in the Qur’an to Jews ‘‘altering (yuh: arrifu¯na) the meaning of speech’’ (2:75, 4:46, 5:13, 41), by accusing Jews and Christians, the ‘‘People of the Book,’’ of scriptural alteration (tah: rı¯f). In a tradition attributed by later authors to Muhammad himself, the Prophet argues that ‘‘the People of the Book altered that which God wrote, altering the book with their hands’’ (Bukha¯rı¯ S: ah: ¯ıh: [Beirut 1999] 2:182). Yet while the early commentators generally agree that the Jews and Christians altered scripture, few are willing or able to speculate on how they did so. In the late tenth century, however, ‘Abd al-Jabba¯r (d. 1025) developed a detailed explanation of part of this matter in Confirmation of the Proofs of Prophecy, arguing that a group of hypocritical disciples of Christ agreed to adopt pagan practices in order to win the support of the Romans against the Jews. Those disciples who refused this pernicious maneuver then fled with the true Gospel. The hypocrites, with the help of Paul, decided to write their own gospels on the model of Old Testament narratives. This polemical vision of biblical origins—particularly the depiction of Paul therein—would later shape the development of modern Muslim apology. Meanwhile, this rejection of the Bible’s validity did not prevent Muslim scholars from drawing on the biblical text to find proof (dala¯’il) of Islamic doctrine and accusing the ‘‘People of the Book’’ of misunderstanding their own scriptures. Employing this accusation, sometimes referred to as ‘‘semantic alteration’’ (tah: rı¯f al-ma‘na¯), scholars including ‘Alı¯ al-T: abarı¯ (d. 855), al-Qa¯sim b. Ibra¯him (d. 860), Ibn azm (d. 1064), and Ah: mad al-Qara¯fı¯ (d. 1285) cite biblical passages, such as John 14:16 (arguing that the paraclete is not the Holy Spirit but Muhammad) and John 20:17 (concluding from his reference to ‘‘my God’’ that Christ is not divine). This apologetical strategy has likewise been embraced by modern Muslim apologists. At the same time, Christian scholars, both medieval (Paul of Antioch [d. 1180]) and modern (G. Basetti-Sani), have used a similar strategy by developing a Christian reading of the Qur’an, which, they argue, was missed by Muslims’ ‘‘semantic alteration.’’


BIBLE Finally, it should be noted that certain Muslim scholars of the medieval period pursued alternative, constructive readings of the Bible. On the one hand, certain scientifically minded historians, most notably Ya‘qu¯bı¯ (d. 897) but also Mas‘u¯dı¯ (d. 956), relied on Jewish and Christian sources for their writings of biblical figures. Thus Ya‘qu¯bı¯’s biography of Paul, quite unlike the standard hostile Islamic depiction of him, closely resembles the Acts of the Apostles narrative. On the other hand, a number of philosophically minded Shi‘ite Muslim scholars, mostly from the Isma¯‘ı¯lı¯ or Sevener movement (among whom are Abu¯ H : a¯tim al-Ra¯zı¯ [d. 934] and Ah: mad al-Kirma¯nı¯ [d. 1020]), cited and even defended the biblical text, as they sought to describe a harmony of prophetic religions, according to which Judaism, Christianity, and Islam are three rays from the one divine light of wisdom. GABRIEL SAID REYNOLDS Further Reading Accad, Martin. ‘‘The Gospels in the Muslim Discourse of the Ninth to the Fourteenth Centuries: An Exegetical Inventorial Table.’’ In Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 14, no. 1 (Jan 2003): 67–91; 14, no. 2 (Apr 2003): 205–220; 14, no. 3 (July 2003): 337–352; 14, no. 4 (Oct 2003): 459–479. al-T: abarı¯, ‘Alı¯. The Book of Religion and Empire. Trans. A. Mingana. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1922. Basetti-Sani, Giulio. The Koran in the Light of Christ. Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1977. Cragg, Kenneth. A Certain Sympathy of Scriptures. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2004. Goddard, Hugh. Muslim Perceptions of Christianity. London: Grey Seal, 1996. Griffith, Sidney. The Beginnings of Christian Theology in Arabic. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002. Jeffery, Arthur. The Qur’a¯n as Scripture. New York: Books for Libraries, 1980. Lazarus-Yafeh, Hava. Intertwined Worlds: Medieval Islam and Bible Criticism. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992. Reynolds, Gabriel Said. A Muslim Theologian in the Sectarian Milieu: ‘Abd al-Jabba¯r and the ‘‘Critique of Christian Origins’’. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2004. Shahid, Irfan. Byzantium and the Semitic Orient before the Rise of Islam. London: Variorum, 1988. Thomas, David. ‘‘The Bible in Early Muslim Anti-Christian Polemic.’’ In Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations 7, no. 1 (March 1996): 29–38.

BIJAPUR A province of the Persianate Bahmanid Kingdom of the Deccan, Bijapur became the center of the domain of one of the key successor states to the Bahmanids, namely the ‘Adil Shahi dynasty (1489–1686). Located in the Deccan on the edge of the Western Ghats, south 108

of the Bahmanid capital of Bidar, Bijapur was founded as Vijayapura by the Calukyas in the eleventh century. It was incorporated into the Bahmanid realm in 1347 and made one of the five provinces of that empire by Khwaja Mahmud Gawan (d. 1481), the powerful Persian vizier of Muhammad Shah II (d. 1482). In 1481, Yusuf ‘Adil Khan, a Persian slave who claimed to descend from the Ottoman sultan Murad III, became the governor of Bijapur. Taking advantage of his position and consolidating it, he declared independence in 1489, establishing the ‘Adil Shahi dynasty that was to rule Bijapur for another two centuries. In 1502, he declared Twelver Shi‘ism to be the religion of the realm and established close ties with the Safavids, further encouraging the influx of talented Persians into the Deccan, a policy initiated by Mahmud Gawan. In imitation of the Safavids, he promoted the wearing of the red twelve-pointed cap of the Qizilbash at court. The height of Persian and Shi‘i influence was during the reign of ‘Ali ‘Adil Shah (r. 1558–1580), who had the Shi‘i khutba read in mosques. A brief Sunni restoration, coupled with a move away from Persian influence, took place under his grandson Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II (d. 1618). But the Persianate culture of the kingdom was never in doubt and its Shi‘ism was one of the casi belli cited by Awrangzeb when he conquered it in 1686. Bijapur was perhaps more culturally influential than politically. Most of the monarchs were keen Persian poets and encouraged courtiers to take up poetry. The two most famous poets of Bijapur, Nur al-Din Muhammad Zuhuri (d. 1618) and his fatherin-law Mulla Malik Qummi (d. 1618) were both Persian immigrants. Persians also penned the the two main histories of the dynasty, which provide important accounts of the Deccan as a whole and are invaluable sources for north India: Tadhkira-yi Ibrahimi, or the Ta’rikh-i Firishta, by Muhammad Qasim Firishta, written in 1611 for Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II, and Tadhkirat al-muluk by Rafi‘ al-Din Ibrahim Shirazi for the same patron in 1609. Bijapur was the center of Perso-Deccan cultural synthesis. The new chancellery language of Perso-Marathi was created in its administration, and the exquisite tombs of the kings were exemplars of a Persianate-Deccan style. The tomb of Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah, the Ibrahim Rawza, was built in 1627 and is said to have influenced the construction of the Taj Mahal, and the tomb of Muhammad ‘Adil Shah (d. 1656) has the second-largest dome in the world and is celebrated as the Golgumbaz because of it. The Sufis of the city became significant power brokers in their own right, defending Sunni orthodoxy and extending the influence of the orders into the Deccan. SAJJAD H. RIZVI

¯ L AL-HABA ¯ SHI¯ BILA : See also Mughals; Sufism Primary Source Muhammad Qasim Firishta. Ta’rikh-i Firishta (The Rise of Muhammadan Power in India). Tr. J. Briggs, Calcutta: Susil Gupta, 1958 [1829].

Further Reading Cousens, H. Bijapur and Its Architectural Remains. Bombay: Govt. Central Press, 1916. Eaton, R. M. Sufis of Bijapur, 1300–1700: Social Role of Sufis in Medieval India. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1978. Ghauri, I. A. ‘‘Central Structure of the Kingdom of Bijapur.’’ Islamic Culture 44 (1970). Nayeem, M. A. External Relations of the Bijapur Kingdom (1489–1686 A.D.). Hyderabad: Bright Publishers, 1974. Sherwani, H. K. Mahmud Gawan: The Great Bahmani Wazir. Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1942. Subramanyam, S. ‘‘Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation.’’ Journal of Asian Studies 51 (1992): 430–463. Verma, D. C. History of Bijapur. New Delhi: Kumar Bros, 1974. www.bijapur.net


Bila¯l al-H : aba¯shı¯ (d. AH 17–21/638–642 CE) a major Companion (s: ah: a¯bı¯), was best known as Prophet Muh: ammad’s special appointee for delivering the call to prayer (adha¯n) and was often regarded as a representative of disenfranchised groups (al-mustad‘afu¯n) who were drawn to Islam, and as the icon of racial and social equality advocated by this religion. He is sometimes referred to as Bila¯l ibn Raba¯h: (son of Raba¯h: ), after his father, or alternatively as Bila¯l ibn H : ama¯ma, after his mother. The patronymic title (kunya) of Abu¯ ‘Abd-Alla¯h has been recorded for him, but he had no known children. Bila¯l was born to a black slave-girl named Hama¯ma in the Arab clan of Banu¯ Jumah: in Hija¯z. His full name indicates that he had roots in Abyssinia (Ar. H : abasha, roughly identifiable with present-day Ethiopia). Sources describe him as dark-skinned, thick-haired, tall, and thin. He was one of the earliest converts (al-sa¯biqu¯n) to Islam, and when the clansmen of Banu¯ Jumah: found out the news about their slave, they subjected him to heavy corporal punishment and brutal torture. Bila¯l’s main tormentor was Umayya ibn Khalaf ibn Wahb ibn H : udha¯fa al-Jumah: ¯ı, chief of the clan of Banu¯ Jumah: , who showed the utmost animosity toward Prophet Muh: ammad and his followers. Bila¯l persevered steadfastly in the face of pressure until, finally, Abu¯ Bakr ibn Abı¯ Quh: a¯fa (d. 13/634), an affluent close Companion of the Prophet, bought his freedom from the clan of Banu¯ Jumah: .

Bila¯l exhibited exemplary loyalty to the Prophet throughout his life after conversion. He was among the pioneering group of Meccans who emigrated to Medı¯na in the year 622. In Medina, he briefly stayed with a number of other poverty-stricken Muslims known as ‘‘men of the vestibule’’ (ahl al-s: uffa), who, having no other place of their own, shared part of the entrance to the mosque of Medina as a dwelling. Shortly after initial settlement in Medina, in the process of establishing ties of brotherhood (ukhuwwa) between Meccan emigrants (al-muha¯jiru¯n) and their hosts in Medina (al-ans: a¯r), the Prophet declared the Meccan Bila¯l and the Medinan Abu¯ Ruwayh: a alKhath‘amı¯ as brothers. Years later, under caliph ‘Umar ibn Khat: t: a¯b (r. 13–23/634–644), this tie of brotherhood between Bila¯l and an Arab man of the clan of Khath‘am provided the precedent for considering other black and African warriors as belonging to that tribe as well. In his first year in Medina, the Prophet Muh: ammad initiated the practice of vocally calling his followers to prayer (adha¯n), and from the beginning he charged Bila¯l with performing the task as muezzin (mu’adhdhin). The most momentous occasion when he delivered the adha¯n was when Muh: ammad and his followers victoriously entered Mecca (8/629) and cleansed the House of Ka‘ba and its environs of all idols. Bila¯l also performed personal tasks for the Prophet, such as acquiring incense for the wedding of his daughter Fa¯t: ima (1/623), and he was trusted as the Prophet’s treasurer (kha¯zin). He always accompanied the Prophet on military expeditions (ghazwas), and in the Battle of Badr his former tormenter was killed by Muslim troops. After the Prophet’s death, Bila¯l was reluctant to deliver the call to prayer, as he may have felt dissatisfied with succession arrangements. Reportedly, he declined to pledge allegiance (bay‘a) to Abu¯ Bakr (r. 11–13/632–634) as caliph, and he eventually emigrated and settled in Sha¯m. On at least one moving occasion, Bila¯l is known to have delivered the adhan after the Prophet, and that was upon the request of Muh: ammad’s beloved daughter Fa¯t: ima (d. 11/632) and her two sons, al-H : asan (d. 50/669) and al-H : usayn (d. 61/680). As a close Companion of the Prophet, Bila¯l enjoyed high esteem during his lifetime. He died in Sha¯m, and his tomb is most commonly believed to be in Damascus. HOSSEIN KAMALY Further Reading Craig, H.A.L. Bilal (a screenplay). London and New York: Quartet Books, 1977. Landau-Tasseron, Ella (translation and annotation). Biographies of the Prophet’s Companions and Their


¯ L AL-HABA ¯ SHI¯ BILA : Successors. Vol. 39 of the translation of selected passages from Ta’rı¯kh al-rusul wa al-mulu¯k originally by Muh: ammad b. Jarı¯r al-T: abarı¯ (d. 923). Albany: State University of New York Press, 1998. Qasi, M. A. Bilal, the First Muadhdhin of the Prophet of Islam. Chicago: Kazi Publications, 1976.

BIOGRAPHY AND BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS No direct Arabic equivalents exist for the English ‘‘biography’’ and ‘‘biographical works.’’ Arabic words associated with biography include tarjama and sira; with biographical works, tabaqat or rijal. This may in part be due to the fact that the literary genre of Arabic biographical works is an original contribution of medieval Islamic civilization, having no real precursor. While information contained in medieval Arabic biographical dictionaries resembles contemporary Who’s Who works or a modern-day curriculum vitae rather than the introspection of the self found in (auto)biographies, they do contain more social data than any other preindustrial society for a large segment of the population. This entry includes the origin of this literary genre within Islamic civilization, the four categories of medieval Arabic biographical dictionaries that exist, the overall arrangement of a biographical notice and, finally, the five rubrics of information encountered in these works.

Origin of the Genre The first biographical dictionaries date back to the ninth century CE, some two hundred years after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. They came into being as Islam was embarking on the last phase of self-definition as a fully crystallized and coherent system of faith. The contemporaneity is no coincidence. Indeed, the two features of biographical data collection and integral doctrinal crystallization went hand in hand. The oldest extant biographical dictionary, written by Ibn Sa‘d (d. 845) and titled al-Tabaqat alkubra, concretely illustrates this union. Ibn Sa‘d, together with six other prominent religious scholars, had been ordered to appear before the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mun (r. 813–833), a summons that marked the beginning of this caliph’s inquisition (mihna). The aim of this inquisition was to impose caliphal will in religious matters above that of the group to which Ibn Sa‘d belonged, the religious scholars. Ultimately, some fifteen years later, the caliphs had to give in, and from that day onward, religious scholars and not caliphs exacted religious authority in Islam. It 110

is this ‘‘religious authority’’ that motivated the first compilers of the first biographical dictionaries. The connection between religious authority on the one hand and biographical data on the other hand goes back to the inception of Islam. From the very beginning, Islam had a very strong oral tradition in the transmission of knowledge because the Qur’an, being God’s literal word, had itself been orally transmitted through the angel Gabriel to the Prophet Muhammad. Soon the Prophet’s Companions (sahaba) and their successors, in time (tabi‘un), started to pass on stories about the words and/or deeds of the Prophet to help understand the meaning of God’s Message to humankind (the hadith). The chain of transmission continued from one generation to the next; a continuous line of oral transmission came into being, ultimately going back to the Prophet, who was closest to the Sacred. Contemporaries of Ibn Sa‘d had introduced as criterion of validity for the truth of the stories about the Prophet that the chain of transmission (isnad) only contain individuals who were morally sound and hence beyond any reproach. The first biographical dictionaries, including the aforementioned one by Ibn Sa‘d, contained necessary information to evaluate the moral qualifications of individuals, alongside detailed information about the Prophet’s life, his Companions, and their Successors up to the author’s own time. Ibn Sa‘d’s work was not only chronologically arranged (that is, per generation) but also geographically distributed across the most important settlements of the early Islamic empire. This tradition of data collection about individuals continued and was elaborated upon throughout the Middle Ages, again and again, which led to the emergence of an entire genre in Arabic literature, that of the biographical dictionaries. The literary genre of biographical dictionaries is large in scope and quantity, a subject to which we now turn.

Categories and Organizational Forms of Biographical Dictionaries Hundreds of separate titles of medieval Arabic biographical dictionaries exist. Both format and contents vary among these works. Some works limit themselves to a single volume, whereas others can run into more than eighty (printed) volumes. The quality of information also vacillates among the various works. Nonetheless, four different categories of biographical dictionaries can be identified and among these, combinations of the following four categories are encountered: (1) General biographical dictionaries. A good example of this category is al-Dhahabi’s (d. 1374) Siyar a‘lam al-nubala’, the published edition

BIOGRAPHY AND BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS of which totals twenty-five volumes (two are index volumes), and there is a supplement of one volume written by another author. Such a supplement or appendix is called a dhayl and is a continuation of an existing work written by another person to complement what that author thought was missing from the original. The dhayl constitutes a subcategory of biographical dictionaries because it was often written after the volume. (2) Chronological biographical dictionaries, such as Ibn al-Jawzi’s (d. 1200) al-Muntazam fi ta’rikh al-umam wa al-nuluk. These eighteen printed volumes are an example of how combinations were made, because this author first lists per year the most important events, then gives obituaries of those who died in that same year. These obituaries were written as more or less curricula vitae of the generation involved, one presented after the other. (3) Geographical biographical dictionaries. Some were limited to a particular city (such as al-Khatib al-Baghdadi’s [d. 1071] Ta’rikh Baghdad, which includes 15 volumes proper with five extra dhayl volumes) or a specific region (such as Abu Hayyan al-Qurtubi’s [d. 1076] al-Muqtabas min abna’ ahl al-Andalus, with one volume). (4) Thematic biographical dictionaries. These biographical dictionaries could include any group ranging from Sufis to philosophers, both groups considered in the Middle Ages as slightly outcast, to mainstream branches of one of the Islamic sciences, such as law, or a particular law school (for example, all Hanbalite law scholars or earlier scholars whom the compiler wanted included among them), and even to collections of individuals who were explicitly considered to be unreliable and thus untrustworthy transmitters of hadith (rijal). The great scholar Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani (d. 1449), for instance, wrote a nine-volume work on unreliable hadith narrators (his Lisan al-mizan) and another, a twelve volumes, on reliable transmitters of (Sunnite canonical) hadith (Tahdhib al-tahdhib). As an aside, the latter work provides us with another characteristic of biographical dictionaries. The Tahdhib altahdhib constitutes a reworking of an earlier and larger dictionary on the same subject by al-Mizzi (d. 1341), Tahdhib al-kamal fi asma’ al-rijal, itself drawing from an earlier rijal work. Despite being a summary of a summary, and to the delight often felt by researchers working with biographical dictionaries, Ibn Hajar either adds information culled from other sources than his main one (some now lost) or explains obscure passages found in the earlier work or works. In other words, one may not simply rely on one single work to uncover details about a scholar’s life, since even a revision of an earlier work can include new information. Practically any intellectual field broadly relevant to Islamic civilization received, at one time or another, the attention of a

compiler, even if the group was considered negative or marginal. The arrangements of biographical dictionaries differ. If the compiler of a biographical dictionary opted for an alphabetical arrangement, it could also be his or her choice to put all men whose name starts with ‘‘Muhammad’’ at the very beginning of the dictionary out of respect for the Prophet. Then, the order of the Arabic alphabet dealt with men whose names were known. Women were then listed, followed by men who were only known by their agnomen (‘‘Abu’’), then those whose identity was not fully known (majhulun)—though the ordering of the last categories can alternate.

Structure and Information Biographical entries generally tend to have a uniform character, with the focus of attention, as previously mentioned, being more of a summing up of dry facts or anecdotes in the fashion of today’s curriculum vitae rather than offering psychological insights about the person dealt with, let alone dealing with inner motive. The first part of an entry starts with an enumeration of the name of the person. Included, here, is the genealogy (on average, five generations are listed). Other elements included in the onomastic section are adjectives of relation (nisba) referring either to one’s tribal or geographical affiliation. If someone had a nickname (shuhra) or honorific title (laqab), these are included, too. After the onomastic part of the entry, sometimes the names of teachers and pupils the person at hand narrated from or studied under, and to whom this information was in turn passed on to, are provided (more so in collections about hadith transmitters, and some collections, such al-Mizzi’s Tahdhib al-kamal fi asma’ al-rijal, additionally included—in abbreviated form indicating the line of transmission of the person involved is found—the letter ‘‘mim’’ standing for Muslim’s collection or the letter kha’ for al-Bukhari’s compilation, to mention the two most important Sunnite hadith works). Anecdotes about the person’s life are then given, the gist of which can vary greatly. The year of death, if known, usually closes the entry. Unsurprisingly, information contained in biographical dictionaries enjoys much variety. Taken as a whole, however, the literary genre of medieval Arabic biographical dictionaries contains five main rubrics of information. As already noted, onomastic data are given, which by nature include the person’s genealogy and tribal or geographical circumstances (though care must be taken that the nisba encountered 111

BIOGRAPHY AND BIOGRAPHICAL WORKS in the listing of names sometimes refers to an ancestor who had that nisba rather than the person at hand). Secondly, demographic information includes ethnicity, tribal affiliation, occupation, years of birth and death, and occasionally the cause of death. Intellectual direction and standing constitute a third rubric of information, telling the reader which fields of learning a person was involved in, who his (or very rarely her) teachers and/or pupils were, if knowledge was committed to writing, or if the savant had a particular ideological position that differed from the main aim of the biographical dictionary being composed. Third, it was often noted if the person narrated hadith, together with (moral) qualifications about that person (incidentally, we do not know what, if any, nuance existed between qualifications like ‘‘trustworthy’’ [thiqa] or ‘‘pious’’ [salih]). Fourth, one comes across various distinctive features like someone’s tendency to pray or to fast beyond the call of duty, or dyeing one’s beard, sometimes noting the color; if someone became sick toward the end of his or her life (blindness and senility being the leading two diseases noted for this preindustrial society), or if the person belonged to a special group (for example, participated in a famous battle or was one of those who became exceptionally old and so forth). At times one reads that the person was awwalu man (‘‘the first to have done …’’), in itself another original literary genre of Islamic civilization that led to separate compilations listing as many ‘‘first to’s’’ as possible. Finally, biographical dictionaries are rich in geographical information, ranging from place of birth to that of death and all in between, such as place of first residence, any places they moved, and place of occupation or of study and/or teaching. It should immediately be reiterated that this is a total picture of what kind of information is found in the biographical dictionaries and that not all the people listed have by extension all of this information about them individually; some dictionaries give information for some of these characteristics while other dictionaries give the researcher other data about the same person. In summary, Arabic biographies and biographical dictionaries offer a relatively large range of data for a preindustrial society, because no other preindustrial society can claim such an abundance of information about various segments of the population. Unfortunately, medieval Arabic biographical dictionaries have hardly been utilized by researchers outside Islamic Studies proper, like historical demographers who tend to be thrilled if they uncover data that date back to the sixteenth century CE; finding medieval social data about Islamic civilization still requires much mining. JOHN A. NAWAS 112

See also ‘Abbasid Caliph; Al-Bukhari; Al-Khatib alBaghdadi; Al-Ma’mun; Companions of the Prophet; Hadith; Ibn Al-Jawzi; Ibn Sa‘d; Sira; Sufis

Further Reading Bulliet, Richard. ‘‘A Quantitative Approach to Medieval Muslim Biographical Dictionaries.’’ Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. 13 (1970): 195–211. Gibb, H.A.R. ‘‘Islamic Biographical Literature.’’ In Historians of the Middle East, eds. Bernard Lewis and P.M. Holt. London: Oxford University Press, 1962, 54–58. Gilliot, Cl. ‘‘Tabakat.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Second Edition. Volume X: 7–10. Hafsi, Ibrahim. ‘‘Recherches sur le genre ‘Tabaqat’ dans la literature arabe,’’ Arabica, xxiii (1976): 227–265; and xxiv (1977): 1–41, 150–186. Makdisi, George. ‘‘Tabaqat–Biography: Law and Orthodoxy in Classical Islam.’’ Islamic Studies 32 (1993): 371–396. Qadi, al-, Wadad. ‘‘Biographical Dictionaries: Inner Structure and Cultural Significance.’’ In The Book in the Islamic World. The Written Word and Communication in the Middle East, ed. George N. Atiyeh. Albany: State University of New York, 1995, 93–122. Young, M. J. L. ‘‘Arabic Biographical Writing.’’ In The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature 3: Religion, Learning and Science in the ‘Abbasid Period, eds. M. J. L. Young, J. D. Latham, and R. B. Serjeant. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, 168–187.

BIRUNI Al-Biruni, Abu Rayhan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad, was one of the greatest scholars of Medieval Islam, not merely of encyclopedic range, but perhaps the most original among them. Unlike his famous contemporaries Ibn Sina and Ibn al-Haytham, who influenced Latin scholasticism, Biruni became known in Europe only in the later nineteenth century, mainly by way of the editions by Eduard Sachau. Biruni was born September 4, 973, in Kath, the capital of Khwarezm, on the river Amu Darya (classical Oxus). Although his native Khwarezmian was also an Iranian language, he rejected the emerging neo-Persian literature of his time (Firdawsi), preferring Arabic instead as the only adequate medium of the sciences. Although probably of humble origin, he was, for unknown reasons, educated at the court of the KhwarezmShahs, where he received a solid training in mathematics, astronomy, and mathematical geography. In his early years he constructed a model, with a diameter of five meters, of the northern hemisphere of the earth. In collaboration with a colleague in Baghdad he determined the difference in longitude between this

BLACK DEATH city and Kath by determining the difference in time between the observations of a lunar eclipse in the two places. He discussed the theory of the earth’s rotation and found that from a purely mathematical standpoint it was unobjectionable but not sustainable on physical grounds. In a contentious correspondence with Ibn Sina, he even doubted some basic tenets of Aristotelian cosmology, the eternity and unicity of this world. In this respect he was closer to Muslim orthodoxy than his philosophical counterpart. In later works he stressed that there are no contradictions between science and the Koran. Although he condemned the heretical opinions of al-Razi, he nevertheless compiled a bibliography of his writings. During a sojourn in Gurgan on the southern coast of the Caspian Sea, he wrote his Chronology of Ancient Nations, a description of the calendar systems of various peoples and religious communities including critical examinations of popular traditions, for example, about Alexander the Great, as well as some historical data on the Bible. When Khwarezm was invaded by Mahmud of Ghazna, Biruni, together with other scholars, was taken to Ghazna (known today as Afghanistan). There, at Mahmud’s court, he obtained acceptable working conditions. From a mountain overlooking the Indus Plain, near the fortress of Nandana, he measured the earth’s circumference by a method previously used by the caliph Al-Ma’mun’s astronomers. Mahmud’s repeated incursions into northwest India gave him the opportunity to study the customs, folklore, literature, and sciences of the Hindus. He even learned some Sanskrit and translated, probably with indigenous help, from Arabic into this language and from Sanskrit into Arabic. Observing similarities between pagan Greek and Hindu mythologies, he censured the Hindus’ idolatry, as well as their scholars’ deferral to popular superstitions. He compared their mathematical and astronomical doctrines with those of the Greeks, which he always found superior, and he observed that India did not have such heroes as Socrates who were willing to die for the sake of truth. His wish that by their conversion to Islam the Hindus might be saved from their totally alien mindset tallied with Mahmud’s imperial ambitions. To Mahmud’s successor, Mas‘ud, Biruni dedicated the ‘‘Mas‘udic Canon,’’ a huge reference work of astronomy, and for Mawdud, the next ruler of the dynasty, he wrote the ‘‘Mineralogy,’’ a sometimes amusing description of various metals and gemstones. With the help of a vessel constructed for the purpose, meticulous research was carried out on the specific weight of some eighteen substances. He even resorted to experiments, not, as customary with ancient and contemporaneous scholars, in order to prove a previously

formulated idea, but instead to check a commonly accepted opinion, largely with negative results. He was skeptical about alchemy and astrology, although he dedicated a concise introduction to the latter, in the form of questions and answers, to a fellow Khwarezmian, a woman named Rayhana. Almost until his death on December 11, 1048, Biruni worked on his ‘‘Pharmacology’’; it contained the names of 1116 items of materia medica in Greek, as well as in Iranian, Indian, and Semitic languages, arranged alphabetically by their Arabic names. GOTTHARD STROHMAIER See also ‘Abbasid Caliph; Al-Ma’mun, Al-Razi; Alexander the Great; Aristotle and Aristotelianism; Firdawzi; Ibn al-Haytham, or Alhazen; Ibn Sina, or Avicenna; Idolatry; Mahmud of Ghazna; Materia Medica

Further Reading Alberuni’s India. Trans. Eduard Sachau. London, 1888. Kennedy, Edward S. ‘‘Al-Biruni.’’ In Dictionary of Scientific Biography. 18 vols. Edited by Charles C. Gillispie and Frederic L. Holmes. New York. Strohmaier, Gotthard. Al–Biruni. In den Ga¨rten der Wissenschaft. 3rd revised ed. Leipzig, 2002. The Chronology of Ancient Nations. Trans. Eduard Sachau. London, 1879.

BLACK DEATH The Black Death was a pandemic that swept through almost every part of the Old World, beginning in the 1330s with repeated waves of infection continuing into the fifteenth century. The bacteria that spreads the plague is Yersinia pestis, a small, rod-shaped bacillus that lives in the gut of certain fleas, particularly the rat flea, Xenopsylla cheopis. The spreading bacteria block the infected flea’s esophagus, and the flea is no longer able to feed itself; it simply regurgitates the bacteria into its host as it attempts to feed. It is at this point that the flea will typically move from its usual host, the black rat (Rattus rattus), and bite and infect humans. In the case of the bubonic form of the plague, the lymph glands filter the bacilli out of the bloodstream. The glands, typically those in the neck or groin area, subsequently become engorged with bacilli. This causes agonizing pain at the site of the lymph nodes as they first appear as dark accretions and then swell to form a ‘‘bubo’’ (hence ‘‘bubonic’’ plague) ranging in size from an almond to an orange. The victim then 113

BLACK DEATH develops flu-like symptoms, including a high fever. The bacilli subsequently cause widespread damage throughout the victim’s body, attacking the lungs, heart, and kidneys. The bacilli also attack the nervous system, sometimes leading to a wild hysteria that gave rise to the phrase ‘‘the dance of death.’’ In most cases the victim then hemorrhages massive amounts of blood, which causes dark blotches to appear before the victim slips into a coma and dies. The total time from infection to death is typically about two weeks. Pneumonic plague, a more deadly and infectious form of the disease, appears in cases where the bacteria multiply in the lungs of the victim. This form of the plague is highly contagious because it is transmitted when an infected person coughs up droplets of the bacilli. The pneumonic plague is 100 percent fatal. A third form of the plague (septicemia) bypasses the lymph glands altogether and concentrates bacilli in the body at such a rate that the victim usually dies in just a few hours. The Black Death struck the Middle East with as much ferocity as it did Europe. The disease originated in Central Asia, where it had been endemic to an isolated species of rodent for hundreds of years. Evidence seems to indicate that this isolated strain of Yersinia pestis mutated over the course of centuries of isolation. Its isolation and mutation account for its particularly rapid spread and exceptional lethality. It spread both east and west along Mongol trade routes, attacking China, India, Europe, and the Middle East. From Central Asia it spread to Kaffa on the Black Sea and then to Constantinople, where it spread throughout the Mediterranean. It first arrived at the port of Alexandria in the fall of 1347. From there it spread throughout Egypt and wiped out nearly 50 percent of the population. It was equally devastating in North Africa, Palestine, and Greater Syria. Medieval medicine was unable to cope with or understand this virulent disease. It was known as either ‘‘ta‘un’’ or ‘‘al-waba’ al-iswid ’’ in Arabic. Many people believed that it was caused by earthquakes that had released a deadly air (miasma) into the environment. Some attempted to flee to isolated places, although this did not occur as much in the Middle East as in Europe. The socioeconomic consequences were such that it left Egypt’s irrigation system in ruins. It seems to have had an equally devastating economic and social impact on North Africa. Less is known about its socioeconomic impact in Iran, Iraq, Palestine, and Greater Syria, although reports from contemporary observers attest to its equal lethality in these areas. STUART J. BORSCH 114

See also Death and Dying; Folk Medicine; Physicians Further Reading Conrad, Lawrence. The Plague in the Early Medieval Near East. Ph.D. dissertation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University, 1981. Dols, Michael W. The Black Death in the Middle East. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977.

BOOKS Books (sing. kitab; pl. kutub) count among the chief objects of artistic expression throughout the Islamic lands, beginning with Islam’s most formative historical phases. The early prestige accorded to the book by Islamic society is generally considered to derive from the Qur’an (mushaf). Notwithstanding the status of the divine revelation itself, copying the Qur’an provided a strong impetus for formal and aesthetic exploration. The materials of the Qur’an—writing supports and inks—were produced with care; numerous scripts were developed over time to write out the text; illuminations were created to mark internal divisions of the text, count verses, frame the text, and introduce the book through elaborate frontispieces; and the finished, stitched textblock of folios was placed inside a protective binding. From the earliest period, the codex emerged as the chief structural form of the book, though this single form was subject to a host of permutations and adaptations over time. It was perhaps the Qur’an more than any other text that lent cultural importance to the book as a physical object and that motivated its artistic elaboration. By the tenth and eleventh centuries, a corpus of traditions had developed around the book that stressed its eminence and importance. These sayings record cultural notions that additionally explain the high status of the book in Islam. The book was heralded as the means by which human thought could be preserved over time—a permanent and reproducible trace of thought—the most effective vehicle for recording achievements of various sorts, whether broadly intellectual, literary, or political. One of the most complete corpuses of aphorisms appears in a treatise on the technique and art of calligraphy composed by Abu‘l-Hayyan al-Tawhidi (d. after 1009 CE). The sayings cited by al-Tawhidi are mainly concerned with the merits of calligraphy, a skill sought out and acquired by people of high culture. Calligraphy not only recorded the thoughts of mankind but could also embody the person’s morality as ideas—the proper content of the text—as well as in the physical form of writing. Fine writing—and the labor that preceded accomplishment in writing—offered a trace, like a footprint, of the person for posterity. Calligraphy

BOOKS was an impressed presence. Sayings in al-Tawhidi’s treatise include one attributed to Ja‘far b. Yahya alBarmaki (d. 803), ‘‘Handwriting is the necklace of wisdom. It serves to sort the pearls of wisdom, to bring its dispersed pieces into good order, to put its stray bits together, and to fix its setting.’’ Another saying attributed to a certain ‘Abbas reads: ‘‘Handwriting is the tongue of the hand. Style is the tongue of the intellect. The intellect is the tongue of good actions and qualities. And good actions and qualities are the perfection of man’’ (Rosenthal 1947, 1–20). Given that books are primarily vehicles of texts, it is not difficult to comprehend the logic of other sayings cited by another writer, Ibn al-Nadim (fl. 987), in his Fihrist, a virtual encyclopedia of the culture of books in the tenth century. The sayings given by Ibn alNadim include al-‘Attabi’s remark, ‘‘Books smile as pens shed tears,’’ and Buzurgmihr’s saying, ‘‘Books are the shells of wisdom, which are split open for the pearls of character’’ (Ibn al-Nadim 1970). Such sayings continued to have currency over time and were amplified by notions that the first thing created by God was the pen and that He had written out creation on the preserved tablet (lawh al-mahfuz). The synergy of these cultural notions and values secured the preeminence of the written word and the book across a wide spectrum of texts and resulted in the formation of personal, institutional, and royal libraries of oftenmassive scope. Although books were always adjuncts to processes of learning based on oral transmission and audition, the physical text permitted the transport of knowledge through space and time and ‘‘independently of their human transmitters,’’ as Bloom notes (Bloom 2001, 123). The principal materials used in the early production of books were parchment, vellum, and papyrus. These materials were quickly supplanted by paper, an inherently cheaper medium that had a profound impact on book culture. This new medium made books more readily available and permitted the widespread dissemination of knowledge on an unprecedented scale (see Bloom). It also provided an inherently more coherent surface for writing, illumination, and painting while matching the pliancy of other supports. By the year 1000, paper had even supplanted papyrus in Egypt. It had also been accepted as a suitable medium for the production of the Qur’an, though the use of materials such as parchment continued in some regions of the Islamic world, especially in North Africa, perhaps as a way of marking the separate status of the Qur’an. Various primary sources record the different formats of paper sheets. A rich technical literature similarly records recipes for black and colored inks and pigments prepared from vegetable and mineral sources, methods of

preparing and decorating papers through dyes, tints, and gold flecking, and the manufacture of book bindings. The earliest known text to devote itself wholly to the techniques and materials of the art of the book is Ibn Badis’s ‘Umdat al-kuttab (ca. 1025). The transmission of technical lore became a subject for many later writers, and there is a rich literature on this topic (see ‘Abd al-Hayy Habibi and Porter). Over time, many additional techniques were used to augment the visual dimensions of the book. Papers could be decorated with marbling or stenciling, text blocks framed inside multiple rulings that formed a border to divide the text field (matn) from margin (hashiya), and calligraphy could be executed in black or colored inks—sometimes spotted with flecks of crushed mother-of-pearl—or assembled from cut paper (decoupage) of differing colors. Leather bindings were equally inventive: Beginning with the relatively simple use of tanned leather over pasteboard covers, bindings came to be decorated with blind-tooled designs (punched or stamped into the leather and often augmented by the selective application of gold) organized into lines, clusters of motifs, or geometric compositions. More complex stamped ornament was developed through the use of engraved metal plates in various shapes arranged on book covers as medallions and corner pieces. The binding’s inner surfaces, the doublures, could either be fashioned from sheets of leather or cut leather (filigree) laid over colored paper grounds. The binding’s interior and exterior were also embellished in some contexts through patterned textiles or lacquer. By the middle years of the 1400s, the artistry of the bookbinder had reached a staggering level. Despite the development of many different techniques and decorative effects, however, the structure of the binding remained constant. It was assembled from upper and lower covers connected to the book’s spine, with a board attached along the outer edge of the lower cover—as wide as the depth of the textblock— that in turn supported an envelope flap. When the book was closed, the envelope flap was placed underneath the upper cover, thereby protecting the outer edge of the textblock. Although elegant and alluring, the binding offered a robust protection for the text that it contained. Because the Islamic book lacked pagination and an index, other means were required to enhance the clarity of the book’s organization and thus facilitate its use. These challenges were solved by several means. Illumination was developed to mark the beginnings and endings of chapters or book sections, as fullpage designs, double pages, or rectangular panels (‘unwan, sarlawh). Books may also have opened with a table of contents (fihrist) or an illuminated 115

BOOKS panel carrying the name of the text. An additional form of illumination was composed as a roundel (shamsa) that might contain the owner’s ex libris. The calligraphy proper was also manipulated to enhance the clarity of the work. Prose was usually arranged as running text, whereas poetry was divided into columnar formats of either four or six; colophons marking the end of chapters or books were generally arranged as an inverted triangle of text and conformed to established textual protocols. Variations in the color of ink or in the type and size of script were also used to announce subdivisions of the text, which are transitions from one subject to another on a single page. In the case of illustrated manuscripts, an encapsulation of the image’s content could appear in the form of a brief explanatory text enclosed in a small panel. These organizational challenges were even more severe in the anthology, books assembled from different texts that might treat various topics and that might unite works of prose and poetry in a single volume. The many processes associated with the production of the textblock could be undertaken in several sequences, though the copying of the text was usually completed first. After the folios had been cut to the appropriate size, the page was marked with a grid as a guide for the calligrapher. This was done either through the use of a sharp instrument that scored lines into the folio, or by pressing a cardboard with threads arranged across it (mastar) into the folio. Catchwords written in the lower-left margin of each folio guaranteed the correct collation of the manuscript at the time of its stitching to form a fixed textblock. In the course of writing the text, the copyist left spaces for illumination or for illustrations, which would generally be completed after the text was copied. Other processes, such as ruling, were generally accomplished last. Throughout the period between the seventh and sixteenth centuries, books were made under various circumstances and in different contexts. Some were made by copyists (warraq, nassakh), who were also booksellers in the market, under direct commission or speculatively. Some were made in the context of mosques or madrasas and provided for by the endowment of the waq f. Other book production occurred under caliphal or princely support, the best-known early medieval example being al-Ma’mun’s Bayt al-hikma in Baghdad. Degrees of specialization in the production of books always varied in each context and were not subject to a linear development over time. For example, in a volume of the Qur’an signed by Ibn al-Bawwab (d. 1022), the colophon notes that Ibn al-Bawwab copied the text and executed the illuminations. In an illustrated copy of al-Hariri’s 116

Maqamat, dated 1237, the copyist (al-Wasiti) was also responsible for executing the many paintings. In the later 1500s, such dual expertise was also applied to the production of books. Book production under royal patronage, whenever or wherever it occurred, was generally more specialized. Two documents from the early 1400s, for example, describe the highly specialized bookmaking procedures in the Timurid workshops (kitabkhana) of Herat and Shiraz. One document is a progress report about projects in the Herat workshop presumably addressed to the Timurid prince, Baysunghur (d. 1433); the other is a letter inviting an illuminator to become the chief of the Shiraz workshop and lists the workers under his direction by their specialization. These workshops were institutions, devoted in large part to the creation of books, that assembled skilled calligraphers, painters, draftsmen, illuminators, outliners, rulers and binders, and artists who were not only in command of the requisite skills of their particular medium but who also knew how to prepare materials. Additional evidence also suggests that some practitioners worked across different media. Some of the more stunning developments in the art of the Islamic book occurred under royal patronage because it alone was capable of sustaining specialized production—gathering the requisite human talent and procuring the necessary materials—and coordinating numerous practices into coherent, unified books. By the late 1400s, artists associated with the production of books were being recorded in histories; in the 1500s, authors such as the Ottoman man of letters, Mustafa Ali, composed texts devoted entirely to the history of artistic practice. These texts, prefaces to album collections and treatises, are yet another testament to the high status of books in Islam, but they express an appreciation for skill and artistic accomplishment in the terms of a history of art. DAVID J. ROXBURGH See also Abu’l-Hayyan al-Tawhidi; Adab; Alphabets; Al-Ma’mun; Arabic; Archives and Chanceries; Cultural Exchange; Humanism; Knowledge (‘Ilm); Libraries; Madrasa; Manuscripts; Painting, Miniature; Paper Manufacture; Persian; Qur’an, Manuscripts; Scribes; Turkish and Turkic Languages; Waqf

Primary Sources ‘Abd al-Hayy Habibi. ‘‘Literary Sources for the History of the Arts of the Book in Central Asia.’’ In Arts of the Book in Central Asia, 14th–16th Centuries, ed. Basil Gray, appendix 1. Boulder, CO: Shambhala Press, 1979. Al-Mu‘izz b, Badis. Mediaeval Arabic Bookmaking and its Relation to Early Chemistry and Pharmacology, [by] Martin Levey. Philadelphia, 1962.

BOTANY Ibn al-Nadim. The Fihrist of al-Nadim: A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture. Trans. and ed. Bayard Dodge. 2 vols. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970. Mustafa Ali. Menakib-i hunervaran. Tehran: Surush, 1991. Sadiqi Beg Afshar. ‘‘Qanun al-suwar.’’ In Martin Dickson and Stuart Cary Welch, The Houghton Shahnamah. 2 vols., vol. 1, appendix 1. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981.

Further Reading Atiyeh, George N., ed. The Book in the Islamic World: The Written Word and Communication in the Middle East. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Bloom, Jonathan M. Paper Before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic World. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2001. Bosch, Gulnar K. ‘‘The Staff of the Scribes and the Implements of the Discerning: An Excerpt.’’ Ars Orientalis 4 (1961): 1–13. Bosch, Gulnar, John Carswell, and Guy Petherbridge. Islamic Bindings and Bookmaking. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1981. Cagman, Filiz, and Zeren Tanindi. The Topkapi Museum: The Albums and Illustrated Manuscripts. Boston: Little, Brown, 1986. De´roche, Franc¸ois. Manuel de Codicologie des Manuscrits ´ criture Arabe. Paris: Bibliothe`que Nationale de en E France, 2000. De´roche, Franc¸ois, ed. Les Manusrits du Moyen-Orient: Essais de Codicologie et de Pale´ographie. Paris: Institut franc¸ais d’e´tudes anatoliennes, 1989. Dutton, Yasin, ed. The Codicology of Islamic Manuscripts. London: Al-Furqan, 1995. Eche, Youssef. Les Bibliothe`ques Arabes Publiques et Semi´ gypte au Publiques en Me´sopotamie, en Syrie et en E Moyen-Age. Damascus: Institut franc¸ais de Damas, 1967. Ettinghausen, Richard. Arab Painting. Geneva: Skira, 1962. Gacek, Adam. The Arabic Manuscript Tradition: A Glossary of Technical Terms and Bibliography. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Gray, Basil. Persian Painting. Geneva: Skira, 1977. Gray, Basil, ed. The Arts of the Book in Central Asia, 14th– 16th Centuries. Boulder, CO: Shambhala Press, 1979. Haldane, D. Islamic Bookbindings in the Victoria and Albert Museum. London: World of Islam Festival Trust, 1983. Pedersen, Johannes. The Arabic Book. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Porter, Yves. Peinture et Arts du Livre: Essai sur la Litte´rature Technique Indo-Persane. Paris and Tehran: Institut franc¸ais de recherche en Iran, 1992. Raby, Julian, and Zeren Tanindi. Turkish Bookbinding in the 15th Century: The Foundation of an Ottoman Court Style. London: Azimuth Editions, 1993. Rosenthal, Franz. ‘‘Abu Haiyan al-Tawhidi on Penmanship.’’ Ars Islamica 13–14 (1947): 1–20. Roxburgh, David J. Prefacing the Image: The Writing of Art History in Sixteenth-Century Iran. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Touati, Houari. L’Armoire a` Sagesse: Bibliothe`ques et Collections en Islam. Paris: Aubier, 2003.

Weitzmann, Kurt. Studies in Classical and Byzantine Manuscript Illumination. Edited by Herbert L. Kessler. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Welch, Anthony. Arts of the Islamic Book: The Collection of the Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982.

BOTANY Arabic botanical knowledge was mainly practical and descriptive. It was contained principally in pharmacological literature and secondarily in agricultural literature. Theoretical botany was a matter of philosophical speculation. Early Arabic plant knowledge relied on agricultural literature of Greece and Byzantium, with the Geoˆrgika by Demokritos (in fact, Bolos of Mendes, ca. 200 BCE), Anatolios of Berytos (possibly Vindonius Anatolius, d. ad 360), and Kassianos Bassos (sixth century. CE), as well as on literature from the Syriac world, with the so-called Nabatean agriculture encyclopedia. Ninth-century CE translation activity in Baghdaˆd introduced Greek material: (1) theoretical botany (genesis, reproduction, and growing of plants, their parts and physiology, plant classification, the nature and origin of their qualities and peculiarities) with De plantis by Aristotle (384–322 BCE), not known in the original but in the commented version by Nikolaos of Damas (first century BCE/CE), and De historia plantarum or De causis plantarum by Theophrastus (372/70–288/86 BCE) (the text is lost; hence the uncertainty of the translated work); (2) pharmacobotany (plants used as medicines), with De materia medica by Dioscorides (first century CE), an encyclopedia on the natural products used for therapeutic purposes. As in the Greek world, Dioscorides’s treatise dominated the field. It was repeatedly translated, first into Syriac by Hunayn ibn Ishaq, and then into Arabic by the same working in collaboration with Istifan ibn Basil. The Arabic text was further revised during the tenth century CE in the East and the West (Cordova), and the Syriac treatise was translated twice into Arabic in the East during the twelfth century CE. Each translation seems to have been widely circulated, and Dioscorides’s treatise was abundantly commented on—particularly by such North African and Western scientists as ibn al-Gazzaˆr, abuˆ al-Qaˆsim al-Zahraˆwıˆ, al Ghaˆfiqıˆ, and ibn al-Baytaˆr—in order to equate Dioscorides’s Mediterranean species with local ones. In Dioscorides’s model of botany, each plant is dealt with in a monographic chapter, which proceeds both synthetically (plant type) and analytically (plant 117

BOTANY description, neither systematic nor complete, but limited to the major characteristics from the top to the roots). Classification is based on the therapeutic properties of plants. The text is completed in several manuscripts with color representations of the plants, the authenticity and origin of which is still debated. Such a model was reproduced in the Arabic world but with two major modifications: (1) plants were no longer classified according to their properties, but according to the alphabetical sequence of their names, a fact that provoked the loss of plant classification; and (2) plant representations, which originally resembled those in Greek manuscripts, increasingly tended toward symmetrical and stylized pictures and also introduced elements that suggested the natural environment of the plants. Greek pharmacobotany in the Arabic world agglutinated data of different provenances (Mesopotamian, Persian, Indian), and new works were produced, best represented in the East by al-Bıˆruˆnıˆ’s Kitaˆb alSaydalah and ibn Sıˆnaˆ’s Qanuˆn, and in the West by ibn al-Gazzaˆr, abuˆ al-Qaˆsim al-Zahraˆwıˆ, al Ghaˆfiqıˆ, and ibn al-Baytaˆr, the last two of whom are credited with the most achieved works of descriptive botany in the Arabic world. Special aspects were dealt with in other works, as, for example, plant nomenclature in lexica, phytogeography, and plant distribution in geographical descriptions and travel books, plant physiology in philosophical and metaphysical treatises such as ibn Sıˆnaˆ’s Kitaˆb al-shifaˆ, and plant production in agricultural manuals, as ibn Baˆjja’s Kitaˆb al-nabaˆt. ALAIN TOUWAIDE

Further Reading Ben Mrad, Ibrahim. Ibn al-Baytaˆr. Commentaire de la «Materia Medica» de Dioscoride. Carthage: Beı¨t alHikma, 1990. Brandenburg, Dietrich. Islamic Miniature Painting in Medical Manuscripts. Basel: Roche, 1982. Die Dioskurides-Erkla¨rung des Ibn al-Baitaˆr.Ein Beitrag zur arabischen Pflanzensynonymik des Mittelalters. Go¨ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991. Die Erga¨nzungen Ibn_ul_ul’s zur Materia Medica des Dioskurides. Arabischer Text nebst kommentierter detuscher ¨ bersetzung. Go¨ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, U 1993. Dietrich, Albert. Dioscurides Triumphans. Ein anonymer arabischer Kommentar (Ende 12. Jahrh. n. Chr.) zur Materia Medica, 2 vols. Go¨ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988. Drossaart Lulofs H.J., and E.L.J. Poortman. Nicolaus Damascenus de Plantis. Five translations. Amsterdam, Oxford, and New York: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1989. Dubler, Cesar. La Materia Me´dica de Diosco´rides. Barcelona and Tetuan: Tipografı´a Emporium, 1953–1959.


Le Dictionnaire Botanique d’Abuˆ Hanıˆfa ad-Dıˆnawari, compiled according to the citations of later works. Cairo: Institut Franc¸ais d’Arche´ologie Orientale, 1973. Levey, Martin. Early Arabic Pharmacology. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1973. Lewin, Bernhard. Abuˆ Hanıˆfa ad-Dıˆnawari, Kitaˆb al-nabaˆt. Fifth part. Uppsala University, Wiesbaden: Harrassowits, 1953. Sadek, M. The Arabic Materia Medica of Dioscorides. Que´bec: Les Editions du Sphinx, 1983. Said, Hakim Mohammed, and Sami Khalaf Hamarneh. AlBiruni’s Book on Pharmacy and Materia Medica. 2 vols. Karachi: Hamdard National Foundation. Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. 4. Alchimie, Chemie, Botanik, Agrikultur bis ca. 430 H. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1971. Ullmann, Manfred. Die Natur- und Gegeimwissenschaften in Islam. Leiden & Cologne: E.J. Brill, 1972.

BRETHREN OF PURITY Ikhwan al-Safa’ (the Brethren of Purity) were the affiliates of an esoteric coterie that was based in Basra and Baghdad around the last quarter of the tenth century CE. The learned adepts of this fraternity authored a compendium, Rasa’il Ikhwan al-Safa’ (The Epistles of the Brethren of Purity), which was structured in the form of an encyclopedia. This voluminous work grouped fifty-two tracts that treated themes in mathematics, music, logic, astronomy, and the physical cum natural sciences, as well as exploring the nature of the soul and investigating associated matters in ethics, revelation, and spirituality. This series offered synoptic elucidations of the classical traditions in philosophy and science of the ancients and the moderns of the age. It was also accompanied by a dense treatise titled al-Risala al-jami’a (The Comprehensive Epistle) and further complemented by an appendage known as Risalat jami’at al-jami’a (The Condensed Comprehensive Epistle). The precise identity of the authors of this monumental corpus, and the exact chronology of its composition, remain unsettled matters of scholarly debate in the field of Islamic studies. Although the Ikhwan’s writings have been described as being affiliated to Sufi, Sunni, or Mu‘tazilite teachings, it is more generally accepted that their line in literature belonged to a Shi‘ite legacy that had strong connections with the Ismaili tradition. While some scholars assert that the Rasa’il Ikhwan al-Safa’ are attributable to early Fatimid sources, others maintain that this textual legacy transcended sectarian divisions in Islam and, in its spirit of openness, should consequently lead us to treat its authors as freethinkers who were not bound within the doctrinal confines of a specific creed. Moreover, besides founding their views on the Qur’an and the teachings of Islam, the Ikhwan did not hesitate to appeal in

BUDDHISM AND ISLAM their Rasa’il to the other scriptures of Abrahamic monotheism, such as the Torah of Judaism and the Canonical Gospels of Christianity. The Ikhwan were also implicitly influenced by Ancient Indian and Persian classics, and they were enthusiastically inspired by the Greek legacies of the likes of Pythagoras, Socrates, Plato, Aristotle, Plotinus, Euclid, Ptolemy, Porphyry, and Iamblichus. Finding ‘‘truth in every religion’’ and seeing knowledge as the pure ‘‘nourishment for the soul,’’ the Ikhwan associated the pursuit of happiness and the hope of salvation with the scrupulous unfolding of rational and intellectual quests. They furthermore promoted a friendship of virtue among their companions and gave a venerable expression to the liberal spirit in Islam. Their syncretism, which is not reducible to a mere form of eclecticism that may have been partly influenced by Mesopotamian Sabaean practices and beliefs, did ultimately ground their eschatological aspiration to found a spiritual sanctuary that would prudently assist their co-religionists in overcoming the sectarian discords that plagued their era. Oriented by a literal interpretation of the classical microcosm and macrocosm analogy, as it was primarily noted in their conception of the human being as a microcosm and of the universe as a macroanthropon, the Ikhwan did avidly attempt to restore the sense of harmony and equipoise between the psychical order and its correlative cosmological shaping forces. Their analogical thinking was furthermore inspired by a Pythagorean arithmetic grasp of the structuring orderliness of the visible universe, and they moreover adopted a Neoplatonist explication of creation by way of emanation in a creditable attempt to reconcile philosophy with religion. Drafted in an eloquent classical Arabic style, the Ikhwan’s epistles displayed a remarkable lexical adaptability that elegantly covered the language of mathematics, logic, and natural philosophy, as well as encompassing the intricacies of theological deliberation and occultist speculation, while also giving expression to a poetic taste that was ingeniously embodied in resourceful fables and edifying parables. In terms of the scholarly significance of the Rasa’il, and the cognitive merits of the Ikhwan’s views, it must be stated that, despite being supplemented by oral teachings in seminaries, their textual heritage was not representative of the most decisive of achievements made in the domains of mathematics, and the natural and psychical sciences of their epoch. Nonetheless, the Ikhwan’s intellectual acumen becomes most evident in their original and sophisticated reflections on matters related to spirituality and revelation, which did compensate the ostensible scholarly limitations that may have resulted from the diluted nature of their investigations in classical philosophy and

science. However, in spite of these traceable shortcomings, their corpus remains exemplary of medieval masterpieces that represented erudite popular adaptations of protoscientific knowledge. Assimilated by many scholars across a variety of Muslim schools and doctrines, the Ikhwan’s textual heritage acted as an important intellectual catalyst in the course of development of the history of ideas in Islam, rightfully deserving the station that it has been assigned amid the Arabic classics that constituted the high literature of the medieval Islamic civilization. NADER EL-BIZRI See also Aristotle and Aristotelianism; Eschatology; Fatimids; Gnosis; Ismailis; Knowledge (‘ilm); Mysticism; Plato and Neoplatonism; Shi‘i Thought; Theology Primary Sources Ikwan al-Safa’. Rasa’il ikhwan al-Safa’ wa Khullan alWafa’. Beirut: Dar Sadir, 1957.

Further Reading ‘Awa, Adel. L’esprit Critique des ‘‘Fre`res de la Purete´’’: Encyclope´distes Arabes du IVe/Xe sie`cle. Beirut: Imprimerie Catholique, 1948. De Callatay, Godefroid. Ikwan al-Safa’. Les re´volutions et les Cycles (E´pıˆtres des Fre`res de la Purete´, XXXVI). Beirut: al-Buraq, 1996. Farrukh, ‘‘Umar. ‘Ikhwan al-Safa’.’’ In A History of Muslim Philosophy. 3 vols. Edited by M. M. Sharif. Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1963–1966. Goodman, Lenn E. The Case of the Animals versus Man before the King of the Jinn: A Tenth-Century Ecological Fable of the Pure Brethren of Basra. Boston: Twayne Publishers, 1978. Hamdani, Abbas. ‘‘A Critique of Paul Casanova’s Dating of the Rasa’il Ikhwan al-Safa’.’’ In Mediaeval Isma’ili History and Thought. Edited by Farhad Daftary. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Marquet, Yves. La Philosophie des Ihwan al-Safa’. Algiers: Socie´te´ Nationale d’E´dition et de Diffusion, 1975. Marquet, Yves. ‘‘Ikhwan al-Safa’.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, Volume III. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1960. Netton, Ian Richard. Muslim Neoplatonists: An Introduction to the Thought of the Brethren of Purity. London: Allen and Unwin, 1982. Tibawi, Abdul-Latif. ‘‘Ikhwan as-Safa’ and their Rasa’il: A Critical Review of a Century and a Half of Research.’’ Islamic Quarterly 2 (1955): 28–46.

BUDDHISM AND ISLAM The infamous destruction of the giant Buddha images at Bamyan, Afghanistan, by the radical Islamic Taliban regime serves as a potent symbol of the culmination of the centuries-long coexistence and contact between Islam and Buddhism. The destruction of the statues not only eclipses that history but also 119

BUDDHISM AND ISLAM underscores a tone of intolerance toward Buddhism on the part of some Muslim thinkers today. A new book bearing the title Islam and Buddhism by Harun Yahya, perhaps the only contemporary work specifically dedicated to the question of the IslamicBuddhist relationship, provides a characteristically hostile depiction of Buddhism as an idolatrous religion and the quintessential example of ‘‘falsehood,’’ as it is defined by the Qur’an and Islamic thought more generally. Thus, Buddhism, with its ‘‘deification’’ of human beings, a cult of idols, a massive iconography, and its pessimism toward the material world and consequent extreme asceticism, seems to be worlds apart from Islam. However, the mere fact that an important Buddhist monument might exist in what is now known as an Islamic country indicates that Buddhism, in its varieties, existed in territories to which Islam also extended its reach during its advent to East and Southeast Asia. Many of the people who converted to Islam in these territories were originally Buddhists, and for long periods there was in these regions some sort of coexistence between the two realms, one far more varied and peaceful than certain events and publications might lead us to believe. The encounter between Islam and Buddhism can be documented from as early as the late seventh century (or first Islamic century). Buddhist converts, like many other converts to Islam, enriched Islam with troves of cultural expression of all sorts, and imported into the religion their own distinctive practices and theological interpretations. Perhaps the best concrete example of such Buddhist converts is the Barmaki lineage during the early days of the ‘Abbasid caliphate. The father of the family was a Persian-Buddhist priest from Balkh, whose descendants rose to power and glory as grand viziers and are often associated with the golden age of the ‘Abbasid caliphate. It was probably during that period, when the ‘Abbasid caliphs sponsored huge translation projects of Eastern and Western texts, that the most fruitful connections between Islam and Buddhism occurred. However, we must be very cautious before attributing any specific practice or idea in Islam to Buddhism, even when we find similarities between the two religions, since in most cases one cannot really pinpoint any direct influence. It is more plausible to speak of general Central Asian or Indian practices and ideas in relation to Islam rather then specifically Buddhist ideas or practices and to conceive of this syncretism in generally cultural terms rather than specific one-toone correlative ones. The most well-known attempt to draw a direct connection between Buddhist practices and Islam was undertaken by the great Hungarian–Jewish 120

Orientalist Ignaz Goldziher. In a study titled A Buddhizmus Hata´sa az Iszla´mra (On the Impact of Buddhism on Islam), published in 1903, Goldziher demonstrated similarities between Sufism and Buddhism and claimed that the former sprung forth when Islam came in contact with the latter in India (he repeated a version of this claim in his Lectures on Islam.) While Goldziher was basically right in drawing the attention of the debate toward the Indian connection to Sufism, one is hard-pressed to say that it was Buddhism per se rather than Indian practices such as Bhakti (devotionalism, in this context) that had some generalized impact on the early Sufi practitioners. (Of all dimensions of Islam, Sufism today is most readily compared to Buddhism, but then again, Sufism is indeed most inclusive and eclectic and thus most easily compared to strains within all religions). On the ideational level we find the unique case of a Chinese Sufi scholar, Wu Zixian, who translated the Mirsad al-‘ibad, a major Sufi compendium, into Chinese and stated freely in his preface to the book that he had consulted Buddhist texts to come up with the suitable Chinese vocabulary for Sufi terms. Wu is unique not because he was an East Asian Muslim inspired by Buddhism but rather because he was one who openly admitted this influence. Buddhists and Muslims today coexist in significant numbers in virtually all Southeast and East Asian countries (and also Korea and Japan). There have been some serious scholarly and religious attempts to renew and open the dialogue between the two faiths. One such attempt worthy of mentioning is by the major Japanese Buddhist thinker and educator Daisaku Ikeda. For the most part, however, this remains an undeveloped field, and what has been written on the topic is largely polemical. ZVI AZIZ BEN-DOR Further Reading Azuma, Ryushin. Nihon no Bukkyo to Isuramu (Japanese Buddhism and Islam). Tokyo: Shunjusha, 2002. Ben-Dor Benite, Zvi. The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, forthcoming. Goldziher, Igna´c. A Buddhizmus Hata´sa az Iszla´mra. Budapest: Kiadja a Magyar Tudoma´nyos Akade´mia, 1903. Harun, Yahya. Islam and Buddhism. New Delhi: Islamic Book Service, 2003. Ikeda, Daisaku. Global Civilization: A Buddhist–Islamic Dialogue (with Majid Tehranian). London and New York: British Academic Press, 2003. Murata, Sachiko. Chinese Gleams of Sufi Light. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. Zu‘bi, Muhammad ‘Ali. al-Budhiya wa-ta’thiruha fi l-fikr wa-l-firaq al-Islamiya al-mutatarrifa. Beirut: Matba‘at al-Insaf, 1964.


BUKHARA Bukhara is an oasis city in central Asia in the Zarafshan River Valley (in present-day Uzbekistan). According to traditions preserved in the partly legendary Islamic conquest literature, the first Arab forces reached Bukhara during the early Umayyad period. Ubayd Allah b. Ziyad concluded an agreement with the khatun (a Sogdanian title for the ruler’s wife) who governed the great and rich oasis (in AH 54/674 CE). Yet the actual capture of the region started a generation later during the governorship of Qutayba Ibn Muslim (89/708), and it was not secured until the days of Nasr Ibn Sayyar (738–748), when the armies of the caliphate succeeded in repelling the Western Turks (Turgish /Tu¨rgis¸). According to Islamic historiography, the victorious Muslim commanders constructed a mosque and recruited local clients to the armies of the caliphate, though it is difficult to gauge the number of converts and their percentage among the indigenous population. Judging by their participation in heretical movements, however, it can be assumed that in Bukhara during the eighth and ninth centuries, a considerable number of people were giving up local beliefs and joining Islam. Already during the early ‘Abbasid period, contacts between the core land of the caliphate and the periphery became more firmly established. A governor was sent from Baghdad to collect taxes and command the army. The rank of Bukhara in the administrative machinery of the caliphate was upgraded during the years of the Tahirids (207–278/822–891). The new importance of the city resulted from developments in Khurasan. The coming of Isma‘il b. Ahmad to Bukhara (in 262/ 875), whose position was confirmed by the caliph alMu‘tadid (279–89/892–902), opened a new chapter in the history of the oasis. Bukhara became the capital city of the Samanids, a local Iranian dynasty that became integrated into the ‘Abbasid system. After the fall of the Samanids (395/1005) and the emergence in present-day Afghanistan of new centers, that of Ghazna, who for a short period the Ghaznawids (367–583/977–1187) played a role in the history of Central Asia, Bukhara lost its political and administrative importance. Yet, due to cultural and economic reasons it did not disappear from chronicles that narrate the history of power struggles in medieval Central Asia. With the help of the Saljuqid sultan Sanjar, a Qarakhanid (Ilig/Ilek Khans) prince named Arslan Khan Muhammad occupied Bukhara (495/ 1102). The city remained in the hands of the Qarakhanids while it was governed by the Ilig Nasr b. ‘Ali the. After a few decades the Kara Khitay captured the town (536/1141). The Kara Khitay people did not rule

Bukhara directly but rather installed a local family as head of tax collection and bureaucracy (sadr). Mongol invasions (616/1220) brought havoc to Bukhara. Nevertheless, the city soon recovered. A revolt led by a pseudoprophet (636/1238) began the re-emergence of a local community. Yet after a few years, Bukhara once again was destroyed, first by the Il-Kahn Abaka of Iran (671/1278) and then by a Chaghtayid rebel (716/1316). Later, Bukhara was taken over by Timur Leng (Tamerlane, d. 1405). It remained in the hands of the Timurid Turkish–Mongol dynasty until the advance of Shibani Khan the Uzbek (905/1500). It seems that during these years the city had no political importance. The topographical history of Bukhara in the seventh to ninth centuries is shrouded in obscurity. On more solid ground is the information from the ‘Abbasid period. Arab and Persian geographers provide information on the structure and topography of Bukhara. They describe a large city (shahristan) protected by double walls with several gates (the sources name seven to eleven), a citadel (quhunduz; ark), water canals (arik), and suburbs (rabd). The Samanids built a royal palace that accommodated the administration (divan). Arslan Khan became noted as a great builder. He rebuilt the walls and citadel of Bukhara and constructed a mosque. A dozen monuments have survived as evidence of the architectural achievements of the years described in the previous paragraph. Being populated by Arabs, Iranians, and Turks, Bukhara served as a center to spread the new culture that developed within the boundaries of the caliphate. This deduction is supported by biographical dictionaries that use new nomenclature to name renowned Muslim scholars. In biographical entries these writers use genealogy based on geography (nisba) to name the personas. Money among them bore the nisba alBukhari. The lists of the numerous scholars named al-Bukhari are long. Abu al-Fadl Bal‘ami and his son Abu ‘Ali Muhammad (d. 363/973) are further examples. Both served as viziers of the Samanids. Translating into New Persian, the chronicles of al-Tabari, Muhammad gained fame as one of the first Persian authors. Bukhara functioned as an axis of Islamic culture and innovation and a hub of the Hanafi School of Islamic law, which molded the Islam of recently converted Turks. Patronized by the Samanids, the Persian language, which served as the lingua franca between the Muslim governors and the population of Transoxiana, developed into a pivot of the new Islamic civilization. From Bukhara it spread to the central parts of Iran and advanced into Central Asia. The city’s role as the heart of Islamic learning was not


BUKHARA eclipsed even under the Mongols. Moreover, Baha alDin Naqshaband (791/1389) started his brotherhood of dervishes (al-tariqa al-Naqshabandiyya) during the years of the Chaghatayid dynasty. YEHOSHUA FRENKEL

Further Reading Collins, B. A. Al-Muqaddasi—The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions. Reading, MA, 1994. Frye, Richard Nelson (Trans). The History of Bukhara [being a translation of Narshakhi]. Cambridge, MA: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1954. Frye, Richard Nelson. Bukhara: The Medieval Achievement. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965. Le Strange, Guy. The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate. London, 1905. Vambery, Armin. History of Bokhara from the Earliest Period Down to the Present, Composed for the First Time after Oriental Known and Unknown Historical Manuscripts. London: H.S. King, 1873.

BUKHARI Al-Bukhari, Abu Ja’far Muhammad b. Isma’il was an expert in hadith. Muslims consider his work, al-Jami’ al-Sahih, or more commonly, Sahih alBukhari, to be the foremost collection of the accounts of the words, deeds, and opinions of the Prophet Muhammad. The purview of the collection is indicated by the title which al-Bukhari apparently gave his work, translated as: The Comprehensive Collection of Supported Sound Hadith Summarized from the Actions, Practices, and Battles of the Messenger of God. The hadith are arranged topically. The emphasis is on Islamic religious law, although there is much material that can be more narrowly defined as theology and religious history. According to the traditional estimate, it consists of roughly 7275 hadith. Many of the hadith are mentioned more than once, and it is said that without the duplicates the total is 4000 separate hadith. Both figures include hadith lacking a chain of transmission (isnad), hadith repeated with more than one chain of transmission, and those ascribed to religious authorities other than Muhammad. Unfortunately, nowhere does al-Bukhari explain the criteria he applied in selecting hadith for inclusion, although tales assert that only a small fraction of what he knew he found worthy. For the most part, later scholars held that alBukhari’s mere mention of a transmitter in this work was sufficient proof that the transmitter was reliable. We may take the estimate of the esteemed scholar


al-Safadi (AH 696/1297–764/1363 CE) of the work as representative: ‘‘[Al-Bukhari]’s collection is the most exalted book on hadith in Islam; and the best of them after [the Qur’an].’’ Considering al-Bukhari’s later fame, the sources give us very little information about his life, and what we are told is largely hagiography mixed in with tidbits of information that, in most cases, could well have been derived from the examination of his works. He was born in Bukhara in 194/810 to non-Arab parents. He took up the study of hadith at an early age and traveled throughout Persia, Iraq, the Hejaz, Syria, and Egypt. In 256/ 870, he died in Khartank, a village near Samarqand, and was buried in the latter. The most serious blemish on his reputation was the allegation leveled by some of his contemporaries that he asserted that one’s recitation of the Qur’an is ‘‘created,’’ and therefore not pre-eternal. During his lifetime, issues surrounding the nature of the Qur’an were bitterly disputed, and later generations of scholars have generally held this particular doctrine to be heretical. In the traditional biographical accounts of the life of al-Bukhari, we find him unequivocally denying that he ever subscribed to such an odious view. Al-Bukhari wrote other works on subjects concerning hadith, but they are, considering his fame, unimpressive. Of these, his al-Ta’rikh al-kabir (ed. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Yahya al-Mu’allimi alYamani, 4 vols. in 8 parts, Hyderabad, 1361–1365), a more or less alphabetically arranged biographical dictionary of hadith transmitters, is probably the most notable. Despite its immense size, it was quickly eclipsed as a practical reference by even larger and more informative books covering the same ground. EERIK DICKINSON Primary Sources Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. Ta’rikh Baghdad. 14 vols. Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji, 1349/1931, 2: 4–34. Al-Safadi, Khalil b. Aybak. al-Wafi bi-’l-wafayat. Edited by Hellmut Ritter et al. Istanbul/Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1931 ff., 2: 206–209.

Further Reading Encyclopaedia of Islam. Second ed. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1953 ff., 1:1296–1297. Sezgin, Fuat. Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967 ff., 1:115–134.

BURIAL CUSTOMS See Funerary Practices, Muslim


BURIDS The Burids, or Bo¨rids, were a Turkish dynasty that ruled Damascus and much of its hinterland from 1104 to 1154 CE. Its founder was Zahir al-Din Tughtigin, the atabeg (a kind of ‘‘guardian and tutor’’) of Shams al-Mulk Duqaq, the son of the Seljuk sultan in Syria, Tutush (r. 1078–1095), who was the son of Alp Arslan and the brother of Malikshah (r. 1073–1092). Tutush took Damascus from Atsiz ibn Uvaz, who had conquered southern Syria and Palestine from the Fatimids. On Tutush’s death, his sons divided his territory, Duqaq taking Damascus while placing his affairs in the hands of Tughtigin. When Duqaq died in 1104, Tughtigin became the de facto ruler of Damascus. Tughtigin (r. 1104–1128) was the most remarkable member of the dynasty that he had founded. He maintained his independence with great dexterity while contending with the Fatimids in Egypt and Palestine, the newly arrived Franks of the First Crusade, also in Palestine, the ‘Abbasid caliph and Seljuk sultan in Baghdad, and other members of the Seljuk family in Syria and Iraq. Sometimes allied with, or against, one or another of these parties, he skillfully played them against each other. In the course of this, he established his authority in the region between the Hawran south of Damascus and Hamah to the north. He played an important role in the struggle against the Franks, who threatened his grain supply in the Biqa‘a Valley, and launched several expeditions against them. He made valiant but unsuccessful attempts to save Tripoli from them in 1109 and Tyre in 1124. He lacked the forces to drive the Crusaders from Palestine yet was distrustful of his disunited Muslim neighbors. In 1115, when the Seljuk sultan Muhammad sent an army to bring him under control and then attack the Franks, Tughtigin sided with the latter. Later, however, he traveled to Baghdad to seek the sultan’s pardon. On his death, Tughtigin was succeeded by his son Taj al-Muluk Bo¨ri (r. 1128–1132). He captured Hamah in 1129 and then blunted a Frankish campaign against Damascus. He almost immediately faced a major challenge with the rise of the Zankids in Mosul. The founder of this dynasty, Zanki, took Aleppo in 1128 and Hamah in 1130 while demanding the cooperation of Damascus against the Crusaders. He reached Homs before returning to Mosul. Meanwhile, in Damascus, Bo¨ri was threatened by the growing power of the Batinis, or Ismailis, who had been supported by his father. In 1129, Bo¨ri broke their power and exterminated a large number of them. In 1132, however, they assassinated him.

Bo¨ri was succeeded by his son, Shams al-Muluk Isma‘il (r. 1132–1135). He captured Banyas from the Franks in 1132, took Hamah back from Zanki in 1133, and forced back a Frankish invasion of the Hawran in 1134. Despite these actions, he was considered so corrupt and tyrannical that his mother ordered his assassination in 1135. His brother Shihab al-Din Mahmud (r. 1135–1139) then took the throne. Zanki attempted to take advantage of this turmoil by marching on Damascus, but the people of the city stoutly resisted him and he withdrew. Mahmud and Zanki contracted a marriage alliance in 1138 that appeared to resolve their differences. Shortly thereafter, however, Mahmud was murdered by two of his slaves. After Mahmud’s murder, the city’s military leaders first placed his brother Muhammad on the throne, but he died shortly thereafter. They then replaced him with Mahmud’s young son, Mujir al-Din Abaq (r. 1140–1154), while placing actual control of Damascus in the hands of his atabeg, Mu’in al-Din Unur. Zanki again attacked the city, and again it resisted. Unur formed an alliance with the Franks to keep him at bay. Relations with the Franks were stabilized for the next few years. Zanki’s preoccupation with Edessa in 1144 and his death in 1146 relieved the pressure from the north and allowed Unur to expand his territory. However, Zanki’s son and successor, Nur al-Din Mahmud, proved to be equally determined to capture Damascus. In early 1147, Nur al-Din married Unur’s daughter and the two leaders carried out joint operations against the Franks. A few months later, when the Second Crusade attempted to conquer Damascus, Nur al-Din provided some relief. When Unur died in 1149, Abaq was incapable of retaining control of the city. Nur al-Din forced him to accept his guardianship and finally drove him out in 1154. On the whole, Damascus prospered under the Burids, enjoying a long period of relative security after several centuries of anarchy. The city expanded and new institutions, notably madrasas (colleges of law), took root. GARY LEISER See also ‘Abbasids; Assassins; Jihad; Madrasa; Muslim–Crusader Relations; Seljuks

Primary Sources Ibn al-Qalanisi. The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades. Trans. H.A.R. Gibb. London: Luzac, 1932.


BURIDS Further Reading Baldwin, Marshall. ed. A History of the Crusades. Vol. 1. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969–1989. Mouton, J.-M. Damas et sa Principaute´ sous les Saljoukides et les Bourides 468–549/1076–1154. Cairo: Institut Franc¸ais d’Arche´ologie Orientale, 1994.

BUYIDS The Buyid (Buwayhid) dynasty lasted from AH 334/ 945 CE until 449/1057. This family originated from the hills of Dailam near the Caspian Sea. ‘Ali ibn Buya, in close collaboration with his two brothers, Ahmad and al-Hasan, led them to power at the head of a predominantly infantry army recruited in Dailam. Their first major success came when they took Shiraz in 322/934. Shortly thereafter they began adding Turkish cavalry to the army. The province of Fars served as one of their three centers of power. AlHasan took and ruled from Rayy. Ahmad marched on Baghdad, taking it in 334/945. The Buyid family ruled as a confederation, with the eldest member having precedence. They did not depose or eliminate the caliph but acted as his ‘‘deputies.’’ In reality they acted as kings while maintaining the legal fiction of subservience. All signs indicate that they were Shi‘i, but pragmatically they made no effort to replace the ‘Abbasid caliph with a Shi‘i imam or to rule in his name. However, they did remove uncooperative caliphs. Immediately following the conquest of Baghdad, the caliph al-Mustakfi granted the three brothers the titles by which they are typically known: Ahmad became Mu‘izz alDawla, al-Hasan became Rukn al-Dawla, and ‘Ali became ‘Imad al-Dawla. The caliph was then promptly removed from the throne, with al-Muti‘ taking his place. ‘Imad al-Dawla, as the dominant member of the family, ruled from Shiraz until his death in 338/ 949. When he died, he had no sons and his role in Shiraz was assumed by ‘Adud al-Dawla, the son of Rukn al-Dawla. Rukn al-Dawla then became head of the confederation. Mu‘izz al-Dawla died in 356/967 having never attained headship. ‘Adud al-Dawla represents the pinnacle of Buyid power and authority. As long as his father was alive, he maintained obedience to the familial structure of precedence. However, once his father died in 366/977, he seized Baghdad from his cousin and from there dominated the family. He was able to centralize rule and enforce unity. After ‘Adud al-Dawla’s death in 372/983, the unity that he had created crumbled and the Buyids reverted once more to their previous pattern of family rule 124

from their three main capitals of Baghdad, Shiraz, and Rayy. The position of senior amir was almost continually under dispute after ‘Adud al-Dawla’s death, and each prince usually ruled his capital independently. Only Baha’ al-Dawla (r. 398/1007–403/ 1012) and Abu Kalijar (r. 435/1044–440/1048) can be said to have held the position of senior amir. In addition to familial squabbles, the composite nature of the Buyid army meant that there were constant quarrels between Dailamite and Turkish troops. The later Buyids also faced considerable outside challenges. There were small challenges from Arab and Kurdish tribes and attempts by other dynasties, such as those of Oman and Isfahan, to break free from Buyid control. In the East there were major invasions by the Ghaznavids and Seljuks. The beginning of the end was the Ghaznavid conquest of Rayy in 1029. The demise of arguably the most active of the later Buyids, Abu Kalijar ‘Imad al-Din, in 440/1048 left no clear ruler for the whole of Buyid territory and no established princes in the major cities. The Seljuks under Tughril Bek took this opportunity to take control of Buyid territories, and the last independent Buyid, Khusraw Firuz al-Malik alRahim, was captured outside of Baghdad in 449/1057. Although politically chaotic, the Buyid courts provided havens for intellectuals, artists, and scientists from a variety of ethnic and religious persuasions. One can point to such luminaries as the philosopher Ibn Sina as examples of the breadth of intellectual achievement of this period. JOHN P. TURNER and RACHEL T. HOWES See also ‘Abbasids; ‘Adud al-Dawla; Baghdad; Ghaznavids; Ibn Sina; Imam; Iran; Iraq; Isfahan; Kurds; Mahmud of Ghazna; Oman; Seljuks; Shi‘ism; Turks Further Reading Bowen, H. ‘‘The Last Buyids.’’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1929). Busse, H. Chalif, und Grosskonig Die Buyuden in Iraq (945–1055). Beiruter Texte und Studien, bd 6. Beirut: In Kommission bei F. Steiner, Wiesbaden, 1969. Busse, Heribert. ‘‘Iran Under the Buyids.’’ Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 4. From the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975. Donohue, J.J. The Buwayhid Dynasty in Iraq 334H./945 to 403H./1012. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Kabir, M. The Buwayhid Dynasty of Baghdad. Calcutta: Iran Society, 1964. Mottahedeh, R.P. Loyalty and Leadership in an Early Islamic Society. New York: I.B. Tauris, 2001.

Primary Sources Ibn al-Athir. al-Kamil fi l-ta’rikh. Edited by ‘Abd al-Wahhab al-Najjar. Cairo: Idarat al-Tiba‘a al-Muniriyya, 1929.

BYZANTINE EMPIRE Ibn al-Jawzi. al-Muntazam fi ta’rikh al-muluk wa-l-umam. Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyya, 1992. Ibn Khallikan. Ibn Khallikan’s Biographical Dictionary. Edited by W.M. de Slane. Paris: Oriental translation fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1843. Ibn Miskawayh. The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate. Edited by H.F. Amedroz and D. S. Margoliouth. Oxford: B. Blackwell, 1920. Al-Shirazi, Al-Mu’ayyad fi l-Din. Sirat al-Mu’ayyad fi l-Din Da‘i al-Du‘at. Edited by Muhammad Kamil Hussain. Cairo: Dar al-Katib al-Misri, 1949. Yaqut. Irshad al-arib ila ma‘rifat al-adib. Edited by D.S. Margoliouth. 7 vols. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1907.

BYZANTINE EMPIRE Byzantium was that part of the Roman Empire that retained its independence after the first ultradynamic phase of Islamic expansion (634–652 CE). Its principal components were (1) the islands of the Aegean, (2) the fertile coastal plains that fringe Asia Minor, (3) the mountain ranges that back onto those plains and the rolling plateau that they encircle, (4) those parts of the southern Balkans (Thrace, a coastal strip running west to Thessalonike, eastern Greece), which had not been colonized by Slavs in the late sixth and early seventh centuries, (5) a cluster of substantial territories in the central Mediterranean (central and southern Italy, Sicily, Carthage and its large hinterland), and (6) far to the northeast, enclaves on the Black Sea (the Crimea and Lazica). The capital, the ancient Greek colony of Byzantium (renamed Constantinople), had been developed into one of the three great cities of the East Mediterranean by Constantine the Great (324–337 CE) and his immediate successors. It was endowed with impressive public buildings, grand processional ways, and a spectacular domed cathedral. This late-antique armature provided visible proof to Byzantines, as well as to outsiders, that theirs was indeed a latter-day Roman Empire. Much changed in the Middle Ages, but the importance of Byzantium’s Roman heritage should not be underestimated. The people were Romans, ruled by an uninterrupted sequence of emperors from successive dynasties. The Senate continued to exist in its Late Antique guise of a court at the apex of an aristocracy of service. The modification of inherited institutions was a gradual, long, drawn-out process. Law, language, and coinage remained Roman. Most important of all was continuity in the spheres of secular culture, religion, and ideology. Byzantium retained imperial status, in its own eyes as well as those of others. Its identity was defined ultimately by GrecoRoman culture and Christian faith, deepened by the

harrowing experiences through which the people at large and the governing elites lived.

Struggle for Survival (Seventh to Ninth Centuries CE) Initially, Byzantium’s history was shaped by the threat from Islam. Constantinople itself came under attack in 654, for several years in the 670s, and again in 717–718. Territory was lost—Cilicia in the southeast in the 690s, North Africa in 698, and Sicily gradually from 827. Asia Minor suffered severe damage from repeated invasions. It was only in interludes of civil war within the Caliphate that the Byzantine army could be reorganized properly for defense and the administrative system adapted to ensure efficient, effective support for the war effort. The cumulative effect of a multitude of ad hoc responses and more methodical reforms was to transform state and society by the end of the eighth century. First, the imperial center tightened its grip over the localities. The tax system inherited from antiquity was used to suck up an unprecedentedly high percentage of surplus resources. Second, the empire was militarized. Army commands and their subdivisions replaced provinces and cities as the units of regional and local government in Asia Minor. The burden of supporting the troops was distributed over the countryside. The peasantry enlisted in large numbers. The army adopted guerrilla tactics, relying on urban fortifications (usually much reduced in size) and strategically placed castles to secure the civilian population and their moveable wealth. Third, a quiet social revolution occurred. The urban-based land-owning aristocracy did not survive the era of extensive war damage and urban decline. The peasant and the peasant village gained unprecedented recognition as the basis of society and the state. The reforms were mainly the work of Constans II (641–668), grandson and successor of Heraclius (610– 641) and the first two Isaurian emperors, Leo III (717–741) and Constantine V (741–775). What emerged was a state with a high military gearing and a resilient social and ideological base, able to project power far beyond its borders by a variety of means (naval, military, diplomatic, and propaganda). After defense in the East, the highest priority was reassertion of authority in the Balkans. When Islam turned in on itself, offensives were launched against the hybrid nomad–sedentary state established in the 670s by Bulgars south of the Danube by Constantine IV in 681, by Constantine V, who sustained the pressure from 759 to 775, and (disastrously) by Nicephorus I


BYZANTINE EMPIRE in 811. Transalpine Europe and Italy tended to slip beyond the horizon of vision, unless there was an acute threat, and action was usually limited to the diplomatic sphere (as when the Franks occupied Venice in 812). Foreign policy was reactive until the 860s, when the initiative in the Near East passed to Byzantium. The same was true in the domestic sphere. The catalyst for the drive to decontaminate Christianity of icon veneration, formally initiated by Leo III in 730, was undoubtedly the explosive eruption of Thera in the Aegean core of the empire. There could have been no plainer sign of divine displeasure at the flouting of the Second Commandment, at this accretion to the faith, which was conspicuous for its absence in Islam. Much political and intellectual effort was subsequently expended before the final restoration of icons in 843. Similarly, a renewed interest in classical Greek literature, mathematics, science, and philosophy in the reign of Theophilus (829–842) was triggered by the ‘Abbasid-sponsored program of translation and commentary.

Political Acme (Tenth to Eleventh Centuries CE) and Subsequent Decline With the accession of Basil I (867–886), founder of the Macedonian dynasty, Byzantium entered its heyday. A cautious, carefully targeted aggressive policy was adopted against Islam, which resulted, by 976, in annexation of a broad swath of land in the southeast and western Armenia. By the time of Basil II’s death in 1025, Bulgaria was conquered, the whole Balkans reintegrated into the empire, and Byzantine prestige raised to new heights in the West. In the East, Christian Armenian princes were yielding to blandishment and ceding sovereignty to the emperor. By the middle of the eleventh century, Byzantium achieved something close to hegemony in the East Mediterranean. At home, emperors from Romanos I Lekapenos (920–944) to Basil II (976–1025) asserted their authority over the aristocracy (now solidifying its wealth and status by investing in land) in a series of legal enactments, charged with emotive appeals to Christian moral standards. Their prime concern was to conserve the old social order and its peasant base. Modifications were introduced into provincial administration (notably allocation of executive authority to judges). Minor adjustments were made in the central apparatus. The army was concentrated behind the frontiers, but the main structures put in place in the age of crisis were retained. 126

It is open to debate whether or not the agrarian legislation of the tenth century succeeded in stemming the long-term growth of aristocratic power and the concomitant subordination of peasants to lay, clerical, and monastic landowners. It is known, however, that there was steady demographic growth to the eve of the Black Death, increasing commercial activity, and a reemergence of urban notables as a significant political force. More is learned about the church and monasticism in the last centuries, but their essential characteristics were unchanged: (1) an otherworldliness, long manifest in church decoration (which transformed the interior into a microcosm of heaven) and in the striving for seclusion of monks, nuns, and holy men and women; (2) a faith made live by regular reenactment of the salvation story; and (3) an episcopate of greater intellectual than political weight. Art and learning flourished more than hitherto. From the middle of the eleventh century Byzantium declined swiftly as a political power. The causes of a first collapse were primarily external: the swift westward advance of the Turks, which spilled over into Asia Minor from 1058, depredations by Norman adventurers in southern Italy and the Balkans, and the growing commercial ambitions and naval power of the Italian city-states, including Byzantium’s longstanding client, Venice. Among them, these three forces drove Byzantium to the brink of destruction by 1081. All the resources of Byzantine statecraft, eventually harnessed to the cause of the Crusade, were required for the reconstitution of an empire, now centered on the Balkans, by Alexius Comnenus (1081–1118). The triggers for a second collapse, culminating in the capture of Constantinople by the Fourth Crusade (1204), were defeat at the hands of the Turks in 1176, the massacre of Latins at Constantinople in 1182, and successful rebellions by Serbs and Bulgarians in the Balkans from the mid-1180s. The final phase of revival, initiated by the Lascarid rulers of a rump state in northwest Asia Minor, peaked with the recapture of Constantinople by Michael VIII Palaeologus in 1261. Thereafter, decline resumed, exacerbated by civil war and social conflict. Repeated attempts to secure western help were thwarted by popular opposition to the doctrinal concessions required by the Papacy. The establishment of a secure Ottoman bridgehead across the Dardanelles in 1354 marked the beginning of the end. It was only deferred by the crushing Mongol victory over the Ottomans at Ankara in 1402. Constantinople, by then a small island in an Ottoman sea, was finally captured, after heroic resistance by an outnumbered garrison, on May 29, 1453. JAMES HOWARD-JOHNSTON

BYZANTINE EMPIRE Further Reading Angold, Michael. The Byzantine Empire 1025–1204: A Political History. London and New York: Longman, 1984. Haldon, John F. Byzantium in the Seventh Century: The Transformation of a Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Harris, Jonathan. Byzantium and the Crusades. London and New York: Hambledon and London, 2003. Hussey, Joan M. The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986. Laiou-Thomadakis, Angeliki E. Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire: A Social and Demographic Study. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977. Laiou, Angeliki E., ed. The Economic History of Byzantium from the Seventh through the Fifteenth Century. 3 vols. Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 2002.

Lemerle, Paul. The Agrarian History of Byzantium from the Origins to the Twelfth Century: The Sources and the Problems. Galway: Galway University Press, 1979. Mango, Cyril. Byzantium: The Empire of New Rome. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1980. Mathews, Thomas F. The Art of Byzantium: Between Antiquity and the Renaissance. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1998. Nicol, Donald. The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261–1453. London: Rupert Hart-Davis, 1972. Obolensky, Dimitri. The Byzantine Commonwealth: Eastern Europe, 500–1453. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971. Whittow, Mark. The Making of Orthodox Byzantium, 600–1025. London: Macmillan, 1996. Wilson, Nigel G. Scholars of Byzantium. London: Duckworth, 1983.



to form a single city. However, al-Qahira (Cairo) was farther to the northeast and for some time remained separate from the other cities, which were known by the collective name of al-Fustat. Under the early Fatimids, al-Qahira remained a palatial city closed to the general public, housing the caliph, royal officials, and the administration. Both al-Qahira and Fustat each had their own port on the Nile and functioned as separate cities. In the twelfth century, this situation changed when Fustat entered into a period of decline caused by famines, earthquakes, and other natural and manmade disasters. One of the most significant factors was that the Nile was gradually moving westward, leaving the port facilities of Fustat high and dry. The decisive change came when the Fatimid vizier Badr al-Jamali allowed the transfer of some markets from Fustat and also permitted inhabitants of Fustat to build houses within al-Qahira. In order to accommodate the increasing population, the walls of the Fatimid were expanded, first by Badr alJamali between 1087 and 1091 and later (1176–1193) by Salah al-Din. From this point on, al-Qahira became the main focus of activity and the heart of the later medieval metropolis. The transfer of power to the Ayyubids consolidated these changes, although it is notable that Salah al-Din attempted to enclose both Fustat and al-Qahira within one massive defensive wall, with the citadel occupying the area in between. Under the Mamluks, al-Qahira continued to develop outside the old walls mainly in the area to the south of the old city and to the west of the Ayyubid citadel. There was also

Cairo is the best documented and best preserved of the medieval Islamic capitals and, for most of this period, its largest city. Originally, Cairo (Ar. Al-Qahira) referred only to a small part of the Egyptian capital, although it later developed into a term for the whole medieval city. In 641 CE, soon after the conquest of Egypt, the Arabs established a new garrison city known as al-Fustat next to the old Roman city of Babylon at the southern tip of the Nile Delta. The new settlement resembled other early Islamic cities, such as Basra and Kufa, with a congregational mosque and Dar al-‘Imara at its center. In 750, the ‘Abbasids built a new administrative center to the north called al-‘Askar (‘‘the soldier’’) in reference to the troops stationed there. More than one hundred years later, in 870, the semiindependent Tulunids established another city on higher ground to the northeast, which was called alQata’i‘ (‘‘the wards’’). The last of the four cities that comprised medieval Cairo was established one hundred years later by the Fatimids to mark the completion of their conquest of North Africa. The city, which was completed in 971, was originally named al-Mansuriyya by the caliph al-Mu‘izz after his father al-Mansur, though it was later changed to al-Qahira (‘‘the victorious’’) both as a signal that the Fatimids had achieved their objective and because the planet Mars (al-Qahir) was in the ascendant when work started on the construction of the city. The first three early Islamic cities were located on the west bank of the Nile and merged into each other


CAIRO some expansion to the north of the city chiefly around the Mosque of Baybars (1266–1269), which was built on the site of the former royal polo ground. After the Ottoman conquest in the sixteenth century the direction of expansion was toward the west, following the westward deflection of the Nile. The nucleus of the Ottoman expansion was the mosque of Sinan Pasha built in 1571. The early expansion of Cairo (including Fustat) was characterized by the construction of congregational mosques, which became nuclei for settlement. The principal monuments of Fatimid Cairo are the mosques of al-Azhar and al-Hakim. Soon after its construction in 970–972, the al-Azhar mosque became a teaching institution propagating the Fatimid da‘wa (propaganda). The increasing educational importance of al-Azhar may have been the impetus for the construction of al-Hakim’s mosque in 990–991 (completed under al-Hakim by 1012). Under the Ayyubids a new factor was introduced in the form of small religious foundations such as madrasas and zawiyas, which formed the focal points of smaller local communities. This process continued under the Mamluks and, with the exception of the Mosque of Baybars, all of the Mamluk mosques appear to have formed part of a religious complex, which may have included a tomb, madrasas, or khanqah. Under the Ottomans the situation was reversed and mosques once again became the principal type of religious architecture. ANDREW PETERSEN Further Reading Behrens-Abuseif, D. Supplement to Muqarnas. Leiden: E.J. Brill. Creswell, K.A.C. Muslim Architecture of Egypt 2 Vols. Oxford, 1952–1960. Rogers, M. ‘‘Al-Khaira.’’ in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 424–441.

CALIPHATE AND IMAMATE The caliphate is arguably the most central issue associated with the Muslim polity and its administration. In the political realm, khilafa (anglicized as ‘‘caliphate’’) refers to the ‘‘succession’’ of an individual as leader of the polity after the Prophet Muhammad’s death in AD 11/632 CE. The etymologically related word khalifa (pl. khulafa’; anglicized as ‘‘caliph’’) occurs in the Qur’an in which its context is understood mainly as referring to humans as God’s ‘‘vicegerent’’ or ‘‘representative’’ on Earth (2:30; 38:26). Khalifa in Qur’anic usage does not evidence explicit political meaning. Early Qur’an exegetes through the second/eighth century, in fact, understood the term to 130

refer broadly to the basic function of humans as custodians and cultivators of the earth. Later exegetes increasingly came to understand this term in highly political terms, reflecting the historical and theological developments of the formative period.

The Rightly Guided Caliphate Sunni sources almost unanimously inform us that when Abu Bakr was selected as the leader of the polity after the Prophet’s death in Medina, after what appears to have been a contentious debate, the title applied to him was Khalifat Rasul Allah, meaning ‘‘the Successor of the Messenger of God.’’ Abu Bakr is said to have recoiled from adopting another suggested title, Khalifat Allah, meaning ‘‘God’s deputy’’ or ‘‘vicegerent,’’ because he regarded himself as someone merely following in the footsteps of Muhammad, not as someone entrusted with political and religious authority by God himself, as this title would imply. The latter title, however, was adopted by both the Umayyad and ‘Abbasid caliphs to signal an enhanced status for themselves. Abu Bakr ruled for a mere two years (632–634), but within this period he subdued those tribes in Arabia that rose in revolt against the Medinan government and refused to pay zakat, the obligatory alms tax. The wars that were waged against these fractious tribes are known as the ridda wars, the so-called wars of apostasy, which decisively aborted this uprising and restored unity to the polity, at least for a while. Before he died in 13/634, Abu Bakr took the precaution of naming Umar as his successor, so as to prevent the kind of confusion and heated debate that had arisen during the process of his selection as the first caliph. The choice of ‘Umar as the second caliph seems to have won general ratification, except in the case of the faction who consistently advocated ‘Ali’s candidacy. This faction was consequently dubbed Shi‘at ‘Ali (‘‘the partisans of ‘Ali’’), Shi‘is for short. Shi‘i conceptions of the caliphate–imamate are presented separately in the following paragraphs. ‘Umar’s ten-year rule was decisive and critical for the still-nascent Muslim community. Among the titles applied to ‘Umar were Khalifat Abi Bakr (‘‘the Successor of Abu Bakr’’) and Khalifat khalifat Rasul Allah (‘‘the successor of the Successor of the Messenger of God’’). The clumsiness of the second title would partially explain why ‘Umar preferred the title Amir al-Mu’minin (‘‘Commander of the Faithful’’). According to the sources, ‘Umar was an energetic, even abrasive ruler, gifted interpreter, stern enforcer of the law, and shrewd political administrator. He instituted the

CALIPHATE AND IMAMATE famous diwan, the register of pensions, which awarded stipends to Muslims on the basis of their priority in conversion and extent of service to Islam, and established garrison towns in the newly conquered realms. Under his reign, the Islamic realm expanded to include Syria–Palestine, Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Persia, a project already underway under his predecessor. ‘Umar’s shaping of certain Islamic practices at this early stage is regarded as critical by later historians, for which he is praised by Sunnis but denounced by the Shi‘is. ‘Umar’s reign was followed by ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan, elected by the six-man electoral council called the shura, which was appointed by the former as he lay on his deathbed, mortally wounded by a Persian assailant. ‘Uthman’s reign, which was the longest (644–656), was marred by continuous strife and factionalism. His perceived nepotism—many of his relatives and fellow clan members from the Banu Umayya had been appointed to high offices—caused widespread disgruntlement, particularly in the garrisons of Kufa, Basra, and Egypt. In 656, as ‘Uthman sat in the mosque at Medina reading the Qur’an, a cabal of some of these garrison dwellers attacked and killed him. ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib, the Prophet’s cousin and son-inlaw, next assumed the caliphate to lead a highly fractious polity. ‘A’isha, the Prophet’s widow, instigated what became known as the Battle of the Camel when ‘Ali refused to accede to her demands to avenge the death of ‘Uthman and punish his assailants. ‘A’isha and her cohorts were roundly defeated, but civil war (fitna) soon broke out between ‘Ali and Mu‘awiya, a kinsman of ‘Uthman’s who similarly wanted the third caliph’s assassins punished. The two sides met at the Battle of Siffin in 657, which came to a halt when Mu‘awiya sued for arbitration, to which ‘Ali agreed. This angered a number of ‘Ali’s troops, who seceded from his army and became known as the Khawarij (‘‘the seceders’’). Negotiations with Mu‘awiya dragged on indecisively until ‘Ali was murdered by a Khariji assassin, bringing what became known as ‘‘the Age of the Rightly Guided Caliphs’’ to a close. Mu‘awiya, who was the governor of Syria, declared himself caliph and initiated dynastic rule in the Islamic world.

The Umayyads, the ‘Abbasids, and the Later Caliphate The Umayyads ruled between 661 and 750 with their capital in Damascus, Syria. Although later ‘Abbasid sources regularly vilify them as godless usurpers of

power, some Umayyad rulers took an interest in matters of religious law and ritual. ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al‘Aziz (r. 717–720) is distinguished from practically all other Umayyad rulers by later historians for his exceptional piety and religious scholarship, a standing indicated by the fact that he is frequently referred to as the fifth Rightly Guided Caliph. In the late first/ seventh century, ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan made Arabic the official language of the empire, instituted a sophisticated postal system, and commissioned the building of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem. Increasing unrest and dissension marked the latter part of Umayyad rule. The Shi‘is and the Khawarij had sporadically kept up their rebellion against the government. Unfair taxation practices against the mawali, Muslim converts from non-Arab backgrounds, and other instances of preferential treatment for Arabs over non-Arabs were among the significant factors that fomented widespread resentment and hostility toward the Umayyads. This culminated in the outbreak of the ‘Abbasid revolution of 749 and the Umayyad assumption of the caliphate in 750. An Umayyad scion escaped to Spain and established the Andalusian Umayyad dynasty in Cordoba.

The ‘Abbasids In 762, the second ‘Abbasid caliph, al-Mansur, founded Baghdad, which soon became the capital of the new dynasty, inaugurating a new era (Ar. dawla). The ‘Abbasid period (750–1258) has been described as the golden age of Islamic civilization, and with good justification. The efflorescence of learning, culture, the arts, architecture, and the natural sciences is associated with this period, triggered to a great extent by the great translation activity of the second/eighth and third/ninth centuries, which made a considerable part of the scholarship of antiquity available to Muslims. Major schools of Sunni and Shi‘i law were established during the first two centuries of ‘Abbasid rule, and the authoritative Sunni hadith compilations were made. Persian notions of political administration gained much influence, reflected in a more hierarchical division of society, in the creation of the chancelleries and their largely Persian coterie of secretaries, and in the conception of the ‘Abbasid caliph as ‘‘God’s shadow on Earth.’’ The Mongol sacking of Baghdad in 1258 effectively put an end to the active ‘Abbasid caliphate, with the murder of the caliph, al-Musta‘sim. The Mamluks, who defeated the Mongols at ‘Ayn Jalut in 1260 and also put an end to the Fatimid dynasty (r. 969–1171), installed a series of nominal ‘Abbasid caliphs in whose name the actual holder of power, called the sultan, ruled. This state of affairs would 131

CALIPHATE AND IMAMATE last until the advent of the Ottomans in 1517, who eventually assumed the caliphate themselves.

The Caliphate in Classical Sunni Political Thought The classical conception of the Sunni caliphate is formulated by the Shafi‘i jurist al-Mawardi (d. 1058) in his famous work al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyya (‘‘The Governmental Ordinances’’). According to him, the caliph discharges ten functions, which include enforcement of the Shari‘a, defense and expansion of the boundaries of Islam, proper administration of the government, and disbursement of revenues. Al-Mawardi maintained that the title Khalifat Allah was illegal and impious. He also upheld the general Ash‘ari position that the caliphate–imamate was obligatory by revelation and not by reason, as the Mu‘tazila had maintained. There cannot be two Imams at one and the same time, he affirmed, and a duly elected Imam could not be displaced by a worthier candidate, as maintained by the Mu‘tazila. Election was mandatory, however, even if there was only a single qualified candidate.

The Imamate in Classical Shi‘i Political Thought Both Sunni and Shi‘i sources report that a small group of people, later termed the Shi‘at ‘Ali, were vocal in their opposition to the election of Abu Bakr as the first caliph–imam. Although it is generally assumed that they based their opposition on the belief that a blood member of the Prophet’s family should assume the caliphate, the early sources also suggest that their position was based on their conviction that ‘Ali was more morally excellent (afdal) than Abu Bakr and therefore more qualified for the office. Classic Shi‘i views, however, emphasize the legitimist position and restrict the office to the direct descendants of ‘Ali and Fatima. In Imami Shi‘ism, the largest Shi‘i denomination, there are twelve such infallible Imams, the twelfth Imam having gone into Occultation (Ar. al-ghayba) in 874 and being expected to return at the end of time. In the absence of the rightful Imam, the duty of holding Friday congregational prayers and the waging of jihad, for example, remain in abeyance. The Imamiyya reject the first three caliphs and hold a poor opinion of most of the Companions, since they are assumed to have wrongfully usurped ‘Ali’s exclusive right to the caliphate–imamate after the Prophet’s death. 132

The next major Shi‘i faction, the Isma‘iliyya, believe in seven Imams; hence, they are called the Seveners. The Isma‘iliyya developed further subfactions over time, such as the Nizaris and the Musta‘lis; the former has living Imams. The Zaydis believe in five Imams and are regarded as the closest in their political thought to the Sunnis, since they, unlike the Imamiyya and the Isma‘iliyya, accept the first three caliphs as legitimate, even though they were less excellent than ‘Ali. ASMA AFSARUDDIN Further Reading Afsaruddin, Asma. Excellence and Precedence: Medieval Islamic Discourse on Legitimate Leadership. Leiden, 2002. Arnold, Thomas Walker. The Caliphate. New York, 1966. Crone, Patricia, and Martin Hinds. God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam. Cambridge, 1986. Kennedy, Hugh. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates: The Islamic Near East from the Sixth to the Eleventh Century. Longman, 1991. Madelung, Wilferd. The Succession to Muhammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate. Cambridge, 1997. Al-Tabari, Muhammad b. Jarir. The Crisis of the Early Caliphate. Trans. R. Stephen Humphreys. Albany, NY, 1990.

CALLIGRAPHY The art of writing Arabic in an aesthetically pleasing manner appears to have been cultivated from the earliest years of Islam. As the Arabic script came to be adopted for such other (and unrelated) languages as Persian, Turkish, and Urdu, it remained a constant feature of Islamic civilization. Beautiful writing is considered to be the pre-eminent form of visual art throughout the Islamic lands. The earliest Arabic inscriptions were written in a South Arabian script, but by the fourth century CE, Arabic speakers had adopted a variant of the Aramaic alphabet used by the Nabateans. Within two centuries the essential features of the modern Arabic script had been developed, so that Arabic script has remained remarkably consistent over the fourteen centuries since the revelation of Islam. Like Hebrew and Syriac, Arabic is a Semitic language. Like them, but unlike Greek and Latin, it is always written from right to left. The Arabic script, like that used for most Semitic languages, is based on an abjad, or consonantary, rather than a true alphabet, for it uses one symbol per consonantal phoneme, or distinctive sound. Nabatean Aramaic had only eighteen letterforms, but because Arabic had twenty-eight phonemes, most of the Aramaic letters were pressed to represent more than one Arabic consonant. By the seventh century, diacritical marks had been added


Making lead. Manuscript from Baghdad, Iraq. ‘Abbasid caliphate, 1222. Gouache on paper. Credit: Bridgeman-Giraudon/ Art Resource, NY. Louvre, Paris, France.

over or under some letters to distinguish them from those with a similar shape, such as ba’, ta’, tha’ or ha’, jim, and kha’. Like other abjads, Arabic lacks symbols

for vowels: The morphemic structure of the language usually allows the reader to supply them from the context. Eventually, however, Arabic, like other 133

CALLIGRAPHY Semitic abjads, came to use ‘helping’ consonants to represent the long vowels, and ultimately other signs were developed to represent short vowels, doubled consonants, and pauses in fully vocalized texts. Many of the world’s writing systems have developed two or more forms of writing, including a ‘‘monumental’’ form in which the letters are written separately for legibility and a ‘‘cursive’’ form in which they are connected together for speed in writing. Although Arabic eventually developed many different styles of script, it has only one form of writing: in all styles some of the letters may sometimes connect to neighboring ones. Consequently, individual letters may change shape depending on their position in a word: The same letter can have one form when it stands alone, another at the beginning of a word, another in the middle of a word, and yet another at the end of a word. All of these features made Arabic relatively difficult to read and indicate that only readers who already had a good idea of what a given text would say were expected to be able to read it; therefore, writing was not normally intended to convey new information to the uninitiated. The preferred tool for writing Arabic has always been a reed pen, and ink was prepared from carbon black or gallnuts, depending on the intended support. Parchment (and to a lesser degree papyrus) eventually gave way to paper, which was introduced after the conquest of Central Asia in the eighth century and quickly became popular throughout the Muslim world. Although connoisseurs always appreciated the subtle beauty of the script alone, fine writing was often embellished with decorative designs worked in color and gold, particularly in the later periods. The earliest surviving examples of Arabic calligraphy are written in an angular script commonly but incorrectly known as ‘‘kufic’’ after the city of Kufa in Iraq. Although manuscripts of the Qur’an were surely produced by the latter part of the seventh century, no examples have been dated convincingly before the ninth. Most early manuscripts of the Qur’an are written on horizontal-format (‘‘landscape’’) parchment sheets with an odd number of lines per page. Letterforms are based on relatively simple but harmoniously proportioned geometrical shapes that can often be elongated. Some texts have diacritical marks to distinguish one letter from another having a similar shape, and colored dots or marks are sometimes used to indicate vowels. The individual letters, as well as groups of connected letters forming word fragments or entire words, are always separated by spaces of equal width. This uniform spacing makes it difficult for a reader to tell where one word ends and another begins and reveals how these texts must have been ‘‘read’’ by people who already knew what they had to say. 134

New, more ‘‘cursive’’ scripts began to appear in secular manuscripts copied on paper in the ninth century. Commonly, but quite confusingly, known by such names as ‘‘Qarmatian [or Karmathian] Kufic,’’ ‘‘broken Kufic,’’ ‘‘eastern Kufic,’’ ‘‘Kuficnaskhi,’’ ‘‘New Style,’’ ‘‘warraq [stationer’s] script,’’ or ‘‘broken cursive,’’ these scripts were usually written in carbon black ink on paper. They have an accentuated angular character and a deliberate contrast between thick and thin strokes; in some examples the script is quite vertical and elongated. Spaces between words are always wider than the spaces between the nonconnecting letters of a word, and diacritical marks distinguish the different letters sharing the same shape. Most scholars have seen these new scripts as logical outgrowths of earlier ‘‘Kufic’’ scripts used for copying the Qur’an. However, as these scripts first appear in secular contexts, it seems much more likely that they were developed by professional secretaries and copyists who regularized the cursive handwriting they had previously used for transcribing paper documents into a new and more legible script appropriate for copying books. In the tenth century, calligraphers, particularly in Iran, began to use these new scripts to copy the Qur’an, and at the same time they began to replace parchment with paper as a support for copying the holy text. Although these secretarial hands continued to be used for several centuries in special situations, their success paved the way for the development of rounded styles of Arabic handwriting in the tenth century. Normally known as naskh, this group of related scripts remains common to the present day, being the type of script most familiar and legible to ordinary readers. In the Maghrib, or western Islamic lands, however, the secretarial hands were transformed into a distinctive script often known as maghribi ; it is characterized by an evenness and flatness of line and looped descenders. As with the broken cursive script, the origins of the rounded hands popular in the eastern and central Islamic lands are obscure, but tradition reports that the ‘Abbasid secretary (and later vizier) Ibn Muqla (885–940) introduced a new method of writing known as ‘‘proportioned script’’ (al-khatt al-mansub). Although no genuine examples of his writing are known to survive, Ibn Muqla is known to have developed a system for calculating the size of letters based on the rhombic dot formed when the nib of a reed pen is applied to the surface of the paper. Ibn Muqla calculated the height of an alif, the first letter of the Arabic alphabet, in terms of these dots and then calculated the size of all other letters in relation to the alif. Ibn Muqla’s skill in writing passed on to the next generation in the person of ‘Ali ibn Hilal, known

CAMELS as Ibn al-Bawwab (d. 1030), who began his career as a house painter but soon turned to calligraphy, where he added elegance to the system developed by his predecessor. Calligraphers in thirteenth-century Iraq and Iran eventually codified the various hands used during the lifetime of Ibn Muqla into six round hands, comprising three pairs of large and small scripts (thuluth– naskh, muhaqqaq–rayhan, and tawqi‘–riqa‘), which were known collectively as the ‘‘Six Pens.’’ The most famous master was the calligrapher Yaqut al-Musta‘simi (1242–1298), who served the last ‘Abbasid caliph al-Musta‘sim (r. 1242–1258) as secretary. These six scripts, disseminated through his many pupils and disciples, have remained the core of the calligrapher’s art until the present day, although Iranian calligraphers beginning in the fourteenth century developed an even more fluid script known as nastaliq, or ‘‘hanging naskh,’’ which became the principal hand for copying secular manuscripts in Persian. JONATHAN M. BLOOM Further Reading Blair, Sheila S. Islamic Calligraphy. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006. Bloom, Jonathan M. Paper Before Print: The History and Impact of Paper in the Islamic Lands. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001.

CAMELS Belonging to the Camelidae family of even-toed mammals, camels are generally classified into two species: Camelus bactrianus, the Bactrian or two-humped camel; and Camelus dromedarius, the Dromedary or one-humped (also known as the Arabian camel). The Dromedary occupies the warmer regions of the Middle East and Northern and West Africa. The habitat of the Bactrian camel is in the colder regions of East-Central Asia and China. The hybrid camel, a crossbreed between these two species, has been known to exist in Anatolia, Turkey, northern Iran, and Afghanistan. The humps of the camel are repositories of fat, which the animal uses as a source of food at times of scarcity, thus allowing it to survive for long periods without sustenance. Contrary to common belief, camels do not store water but, rather, efficiently conserve water by distributing it throughout their bodies within forty-eight hours of consuming it. Camels are also able to take in heat, allowing their blood temperature to rise without causing them to perspire and dehydrate.

Besides its two humps, the main physical feature of the Bactrian camel is its shaggy coat, which enables the animal to withstand the cold temperature of southern Russia, east-central Asia, and western China. The Dromedary single-humped camel, however is short-haired, allowing it to conserve body moisture in a variety of ways, and hence to easily adapt to regions with high temperatures. Most likely, original camel domestication occurred in southern Arabia, with its remote valleys and dry climate, between 3000 and 2500 BCE. In the first stage of domestication, Dromedary camels served as a source of meat, milk, and hair; later they were used as mounts and a means of transport—though not for hauling. The first domestication process appears to not only have been connected with trade, but also with sacrificial religious purposes in regard to the animal’s association with both benevolent and demonic spirits that were believed to inhabit the desert. The supernatural quality of the camel in the preIslamic era has continued into the present day, as the animal continues to be used as a sacrificial beast during major religious processions, such as the Feast of Sacrifice (‘id-i qurban) on the tenth of Zu’l-Hajja, across the Islamic world. The sacrifice ritual of the camel is an occasion for Muslims to celebrate the day when Abraham was ordered by God to offer his son, Isma’il, for slaughter instead of an animal, recalling the dramatic trial that the prophet experienced as a sign of faith in God. In the course of their spread throughout Asia, single-humped camels began to gradually supplant the Bactrian species, with the former becoming widely used in Persia, southern Afghanistan, and the Indus valley. Although bred throughout northern Iran to East-Central Asia in the first centuries of the Islamic period, Bactrian camels were primarily kept to produce hybrids. The hybrid camels then began to emerge as an ideal breed because of their body size, strength, and longevity. The hybrid camel, a stronger pack animal than either of the other two species, played a central role in the transportation of goods in the caravan trade that developed after the opening of the Silk Road, which linked Central Asia and Mesopotamia under Parthian rule (247–228 BCE). The evolution of the camel in its two species and hybrid types is inextricably tied to the history of transportation. As Richard W. Bulliet has described it, since pack camels were cheap and efficient transporters over long distances, they progressively replaced wagons and wheeled transports. Accordingly, the proliferation of the caravan trade across Asia led to the spread in the breeding of camels and, in turn, reinforced the decline of wheeled vehicles and the disappearance of wagon roads. 135

CAMELS The advent of Islam in the seventh century led to the greatest distribution of the camel, as the expansion of the new faith allowed the Arabs to reinforce the status of the animal as a source of labor and a means of caravan transportation across Asia, in particular, eastward in northeastern Iran and westward along the Mediterranean shores of North Africa. The camel’s impact on transportation reached its height in the medieval Islamic world, during which time no evidence of the use of wheeled vehicles from Morocco to Afghanistan can be found. However, with the rise of the European-dominated maritime trade after 1600 CE, the camel caravan began its initial stages of decline, a process that eventually led to the disappearance of the camel as a central means of transportation. BABAK RAHIMI See also Animal Husbandry; Festivals and Celebrations; Nomadism and Pastoralism; Processions, Religious; Road Networks; Silk Road; Trade, African; Trade, Mediterranean

Further Reading Bulliet, Richard W. ‘‘Camel.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. Vol. 4, ed. Ihsan Yarshatir. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda, 1991. ———. The Camel and the Wheel. New York: Columbia University Press, 1990. ———. ‘‘Why They Lost the Wheel’’ ARAMCO World, 24 (1973): 22–25. ———. ‘‘Le Chameau et la Roue au Moyen-Orient.’’ ´ conomies, Socie´te´s, Civilizations 24 (1969): Annales: E 1092–1103. Calmard, Jean. ‘‘Shi‘i Rituals and Power II. The Consolidation of Safavid Shi‘ism: Folklore and Popular Religion.’’ In Safavid Persia, ed. Charles Melville. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Gauthier-Pilters, Hilde, and Dagg, Anne Innis. The Camel: Its Evolution, Ecology, Behavior, and Relationship to Man. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1981. Goitein, Shelomo Dov. A Mediterranean Society. Vol. I. Economic Foundations. Berkeley: California University Press, 1967. Omidsalar, M. ‘‘Sˇotor-qorbani.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. Vol. 4, ed. Ihsan Yarshatir. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda, 1991. Pellat, Charles. ‘‘Ibil.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed. Vol. 3, ed. H. A. R. Gibb. Leiden: Brill, 1971. Rahimi, Babak. ‘‘The Rebound Theater State: The Politics of the Safavid Camel Sacrifice Rituals, 1598–1695 C.E.’’ Iranian Studies, 37 (2004): 451–478. Rodinson, M. ‘‘‘Adjala.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, new ed. Vol. 1, ed. H. A. R. Gibb. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960. Roux, J.-P. ‘‘Le Chameau en Asie Centrale.’’ Central Asiatic Journal 5 (1959–1960): 35–76. Siddiqi, Muhammad Iqbal. Animal Sacrifice in Islam. Lahour: Kazi, 1978. Tapper, Richard. ‘‘One Hump or Two? Hybrid Camels and Pastoral Cultures.’’ Production Pastorale et Socie´te´ 16 (1985): 67.


CARPETS The manufacture of heavy textiles of felted or woven wool to serve as floor coverings, cushion facings, room dividers, and other furnishings is a very old and important technique throughout the region stretching from the Atlantic coasts of Spain and Morocco across North Africa to West and Central Asia. The relative warmth and aridity of the climate throughout most of the region encouraged people to live and work on or close to the ground, without the wooden furniture used in colder and damper regions, and the tribal or nomadic way of life followed by many inhabitants of the region was further encouragement of the production and use of heavy woolen textiles for furnishing. Indeed, the region is sometimes referred to as the ‘‘Rug Belt.’’ The introduction of Islam encouraged the use of carpets, for Muslims are required to prostrate themselves in worship five times a day, an act customarily accomplished privately on a small carpet or mat or collectively in a mosque on large carpets often bearing geometric designs that allow worshippers to arrange themselves in lines facing Mecca. Apart from felted rugs, in which the fibers are simply matted together through pressure and moisture, carpets are either flat-woven (a technique usually known as kilim or gelim) or given a pile surface by knotting short lengths of yarn around one or more warp threads. Sheep’s wool is the most common fiber, but extremely fine carpets are knotted from such fibers as goat hair and silk on wool, silk, or cotton warps. From the earliest times, different colors of fiber were used to create beautiful and intricate patterns that have made these carpets universally admired. As most carpets were literally worn into the ground, it is difficult to reconstruct the history of the medium. The oldest known knotted example, discovered in a frozen burial mound at Pazyryk in southern Siberia, is conventionally dated to the fifth century BCE. The carpet, which measures 1.8 2.0 m (6 7 ft), is knotted of wool; it has a central field of stylized flowers surrounded by several borders with animal friezes, a type of design that would continue to be popular over the millennia. The high technical quality of this carpet, which has more than 1.2 million knots, indicates that it must have been the product of a long tradition of carpet weaving, although the actual place of production is unknown. Apart from scattered references to carpets in medieval Arabic texts and a few fragmentary finds, the oldest significant group of knotted carpets to survive comes from thirteenthand fourteenth-century Anatolia and Iran. Nearly twenty large carpets with geometric designs were discovered in the early twentieth century on the floor


Carpet showing the fight between the dragon and a phoenix. Ca. 1400. Turkey. Wook, 172 90 cm. Inv. I. 4. Photo: Georg Niedermeiser. Credit: Bildarchiv Preussischer Kulturbesitz/Art Resource, NY. Museum fuer Islamische Kunnst, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Berlin, Germany.

in the mosques of Konya and Beysehir; a much smaller number of small carpets bearing designs of stylized animals, mostly discovered in Europe, have been attributed to Iran. The generous size of the Anatolian carpets suggests they were made commercially but not exported; the European provenance of the animal carpets, as well as their appearance in European paintings, indicates they were precious goods exported to Europe by merchants such as Marco Polo.

Increased numbers of carpets survive from the period after 1450, not only because more were produced but also because many of them were exported to Europe, where they were either preserved intact in churches and royal treasuries or portrayed in contemporary representations by such painters as Bellini, Crivelli, and Holbein, who have given several types of Anatolian carpets their conventional modern names. Court carpet workshops were established under the patronage of the Ottoman, Safavid, and Mughal 137

CARPETS dynasties to supply the needs of the courts and to produce carpets for export. At the same time, particularly in factory production, the traditional process of designing carpets by combining units retrieved from the weavers’ memories began to be replaced by a new process in which a designer, often the employee of the court or of a merchant, prepared designs on paper for the artisans to execute in wool. By the mid-nineteenth century, a huge demand for ‘‘Oriental’’ carpets had developed in Europe, popularized by international exhibitions and the arts and crafts movement. While Anatolian production remained largely village based, in Iran, local entrepreneurs were increasingly supplanted by Europeans, who organized production in factories and cottages, supplying not only the designs but also the European yarns to produce carpets in standard sizes for the export market. JONATHAN M. BLOOM See also Textiles Further Reading Denny, Walter B. Sotheby’s Guide to Oriental Carpets. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994.

CARTOGRAPHY Contrary to the impression that one receives from scholarship on the history of cartography, the richest, largest, and among the earliest extant collections of maps hails from the medieval Muslim world, neither from ancient Greece nor medieval Europe. It is generally held that Ptolemy and the Greeks were the earliest constructors of cartographic images. However, the earliest surviving ‘‘Ptolemaic’’ manuscript incorporating maps dates back only to the thirteenth century. This glaring discrepancy in the extant record has been the subject of heated debates in the history of cartography circles, yet the master narrative remains unaltered. At a time when Europe was producing rudimentary T-O maps of the world, the geographical scholars of the Muslim world, drawing upon knowledge acquired during conquests and extensive travel and trade, naturally influenced by the ancient Greek, Babylonian, Egyptian, Sasanian, Indian, Chinese, and Turkish learning traditions, among others, were producing detailed images of the world and various regions in the Islamic world. There exist thousands of traditional Islamic cartographic images scattered throughout the medieval and early modern Arabic, Persian, and Turkish manuscript collections worldwide. Yet, until recently, most of these maps have lain virtually untouched and have often been deliberately ignored on the grounds that they are not 138

‘‘mimetically’’ accurate representations of the world. What many failed to see is that these schematic, geometric, and often perfectly symmetrical images of the world are iconographic representations of the way in which the medieval Muslims perceived their world. Granted, these are stylized amimetic visions restricted to the literati—the readers, collectors, commissioners, writers, and copyists of the geographical texts within which these maps are found. Yet the plethora of extant copies produced all over the Islamic world, including India, testifies to the enduring and widespread popularity of these medieval Islamic cartographic visions for not less than eight centuries.

Fons Et Origo What is the source of this rich and widespread medieval Islamic propensity to map? Some scholars believe that the answers lie in the earliest Arabic textual references to maps. For instance, consider the incredible silver globe (al-Sura[h] al-Ma’muniyya[h]) that the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mun (r. 813–833) is said to have commissioned from the scientists working in his Bayt al-hikma (House of Knowledge), or the maps of the eastern part of the Muslim empire, specifically of the region of Daylam, as well as the city of Bukhara, that the Umayyad governor, al-Hallaj ibn Yusuf, commissioned toward the end of the first century hijra (ca. 702 CE). In Kitab al-Buldan (Book of Countries), Ahmad ibn Abi Ya‘qub al-Ya‘qubi (d. ca. late ninth century) reports that a plan of the round city of Baghdad was drawn up in 758 for the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Mansur (r. 754–775). The Egyptian chronicler alMaqrizi mentions that a ‘‘magnificent’’ map on ‘‘fine blue’’ silk with ‘‘gold lettering’’ upon which were pictured ‘‘parts of the earth with all the cities and mountains, seas and rivers’’ was prepared for the Fatimid caliph al-Mu‘izz (r. 953–975) and entombed with him in his mausoleum in Cairo. A few scholars assert that versions of the mid-ninthcentury al-Ma’munid world map can be found in later works, such as Ibn Fadl Allah al-‘Umari’s (d. 1349) Masalik al-absar fi mamalik al-amsar (Ways of Perception Concerning the Most Populous/Civilized Provinces), or the recently discovered thirteenth-century Fatimid geographical manuscript, Kitab ghara’ib al-funun wa mulah al-‘uyun (Book of Curiosities). The problem with the al-Ma‘munid silver globe is that it is probably mythical. Other than an extremely vague passage cited in Abu al-Hasan ‘Ali ibn alHusayn al-Mas‘udi’s (d. 956) Kitab al-tanbih wa-lishraf (Book of Instruction and Revision), we have no other descriptions of it. Al-Mas‘udi’s description

CARTOGRAPHY is very confused. It suggests an impossibly complicated celestial map superimposed on a globe—that is, an extremely sophisticated armillary sphere of which we have no extant example until the fourteenth century. David King provides the most likely explanation when he reads al-Mas‘udi’s description as an astrolabe with world map markings superimposed on it. In fact, to date, the earliest extant medieval Islamic source containing maps is a ninth-century copy of Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Musa al-Khwarazmi’s (d. 847 CE) Kitab Surat al-Ard (Picture of the Earth). Composed primarily of a series of zij tables (that is, tables containing longitudinal and latitudinal coordinates), it also includes four maps. Of these, two have been identified: one as a map of the Sea of Azov and the other as a map of the Nile.

Islamic Atlas Series The four maps of al-Khwarazmi’s manuscript copy appear to be related to the earliest cartogeographical atlas tradition, best known by the title of its most prolifically copied version: al-Istakhri’s Kitab alMasalik wa al-Mamalik (Book of Roads and Kingdoms). Most of the maps in this earliest-known atlas-like mapping tradition occur in the context of geographical treatises devoted to an explication of the world, in general, and the lands of the Muslim world, in particular. These map-manuscripts are sometimes called Surat al-Ard (Picture of the Earth) or Suwar al-Aqalim (Pictures of the Climes/Climates). They emanate from an early tradition of creating lists of pilgrim and post stages that were compiled for administrative purposes. They read like armchair travelogues of the Muslim world, with one author copying from another. Beginning with a brief description of the world and theories about it—such as the inhabited versus the uninhabited parts, the reasons why people are darker in the south than in the north, and so on—these geographies methodically discuss details about the Muslim world, its cities, its people, its roads, its topography, and more. Sometimes the descriptions are interspersed with tales of personal adventures, discussions with local inhabitants, debates with sailors as to the exact shape of the earth and the number of seas, and so forth. They have a rigid format that rarely varies: first, the whole world, then the Arabian peninsula, then the Persian Gulf, then the Maghrib (North Africa and Andalusia), Egypt, Syria, the Mediterranean, upper and lower Iraq, and twelve maps devoted to the Iranian provinces, beginning with Khuzistan

and ending in Khurasan, including maps of Sind and Transoxiana. The maps, which usually number precisely twenty-one—one world map and twenty regional maps—follow exactly the same format as the text and are thus an integral part of the work. The earliest extant Islamic cartogeographical map atlas comes from an Ibn Hawqal manuscript housed at the Topkapi Saray Museum Library (Ahmet 3346) firmly dated to AH 479/1086 CE by an accurate colophon. Counterintuitively, this earliest extant manuscript also contains the most mimetic maps of all the existing copies. The striking mimesis of the maps in the earliest extant copy stands in stark contrast to the maps of the later copies, which abandon any pretense of mimesis. As the maps of the later copies become more and more stylized, they move further into the realm of objects d’art and away from direct empirical inquiry. By the nineteenth century some of these maps became so stylized that, were it not for the earlier examples, they would be unrecognizable as maps.

Popularization of the Book of Roads and Kingdoms Mapping Tradition This form of geographical text became extremely popular in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and the original tenth-century geographical texts, along with enhanced and more colorful versions of the maps, were copied prolifically right up until the late seventeenth century. The Ottomans, Safavids, and Mughals were all interested in commissioning copies, and many famous scholars, such as the Ilkhanid scholar Nasiruddin Tusi, used versions of these earlier map forms in their work. The popularization of illustrated geographical manuscripts also influenced the works of late medieval Islamic scholars, such as al-Qazwini (d. 1283) and Ibn al-Wardi (d. 861), authors of ‘Aja’ib al-Makhluqat wa ghara’ib al-mawjudat (The Wonders of Creatures and the Marvels of Creation) and Kharidat al-‘aja’ib wa faridat al-ghara’ib (The Unbored Pearl of Wonders and the Precious Gem of Marvels), respectively. Judging by the plethora of pocketbook-size copies that still abound in every Oriental manuscript collection, the Kharidat al-‘Aja’ib must have been a bestseller in the late medieval and early-modern Islamic world. It is therefore significant that copies always incorporated, within the first four or five folios, a classical Islamic world map. Eventually the classical Islamic world maps also crept into general geographical encyclopedias, such as Shihab al-Din Abu ‘Abdallah Yaqut’s (d. 1229) thirteenth-century Kitab Mu ‘jam al-Bldan (Dictionary 139

CARTOGRAPHY of Countries). The earliest prototype of the Yaqut world map is found in a copy of Abu al-Rayhan Muhammad ibn Ahmad al-Biruni’s (ca. d. after 1250 CE) Kitab al-tafhim (Book of Instruction). World maps were also used to open some of the classic histories. Copies of such well-known works as Ibn Khaldun’s (d. 1406) al-Muqaddimah (The Prologue) often begin with an al-Idrisi type of world map, whereas copies of the historian Abu Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Jarir al-Tabari’s (d. 923) Ta’rikh al-rusul wa-l-muluk (History of Prophets and Kings) sometimes include a Ptolemaic ‘‘clime-type’’ map of the world as a frontispiece. Similarly, classical Islamic maps of the world find their way into sixteenth-century Ottoman histories, such as the scroll containing Seyyid Lokman’s Zu¨bdetu¨’t-tevarih (Cream of Histories) produced in the reign of Suleyman I (1520–1566).

Other Mapping Traditions There are other more mimetic and better-known Islamic mapping traditions, such as the work of the well-known twelfth-century North African geographical scholar al-Sharif al-Idrisi (d. 1165). The Norman King, Roger II (1097–1154 CE) commissioned alIdrisi to produce an illustrated geography of the world: Nuzhat al-Mushtaq fi Ikhtiraq al-Afaq (The Book of Pleasant Journeys into Faraway Lands), also known as the Book of Roger. Al-Idrisi divided the world according to the Ptolemaic system of seven climes, with each clime broken down into ten sections. The most complete manuscript (Istanbul, Ko¨pru¨lu¨ Ku¨tu¨phanesi, Ms. 955, 1469 CE) contains one world map and seventy detailed sectional maps. The sixteenth-century Ottoman naval captain, Muhyiddin Piri Re’is (d. 1554) is another Muslim cartographer who is world famous. Renowned for the earliest extant map of the New World, Piri Re’is and his incredibly accurate early-sixteenth-century map of South America and Antarctica has been the subject of many a controversial study. Piri Re’is also produced detailed sectional maps but—like the Italian isolarii—he restricted himself to the coastal areas of the Mediterranean. The second version of his Kitab-i bahriye (Book of Maritime Matters) contains 210 unique topocartographic maps of important Mediterranean cities and islands. This is but a brief summary of the incredible depth and variety of the rich medieval Islamic mapping traditions. Those interested in learning more should consult the ‘‘Further Reading’’ section. What all these extant maps say is that—at least from the thirteenth century onward, when copies of 140

Islamic map-manuscripts began to proliferate—the world was a very depicted place. It loomed large in the medieval Muslim imagination. It was pondered, discussed, and copied with minor and major variations again and again. KAREN PINTO Further Reading Edson, Evelyn, and E. Savage-Smith. Medieval Views of the Cosmos. Oxford: Bodleian Library, 2004. Harley, J.B., and David Woodward, eds. ‘‘Cartography in Traditional Islamic and South Asian Societies.’’ In History of Cartography. Vol. 2, Book. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. King, David A. World-Maps for Finding the Direction and Distance to Mecca: Innovation and Tradition in Islamic Science. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999. Pinto, Karen. ‘‘Ways of Seeing. 3 Scenarios of the World in the Medieval Islamic Cartographic Imagination.’’ Doctoral Dissertation. New York: Columbia University, 2002. Sezgin, Fuat: Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums. Vol. XII: Mathematische Geographie und Kartographie im Islam und ihr Fortleben im Abendland. Kartenband Frankfurt: Institut fu¨r Geschichte der ArabischIslamischen Wissenschaften, 2000.

CENTRAL ASIA, HISTORY (750–1500 CE) Modern Central Asia comprises the territories that are occupied by Asiatic Russia and the republics of the former Soviet Union: Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uighuristan (Xingjian in China), countries that are predominantly populated by Iranian and Turkic Muslims. In premodern times, Arab and Persian authors used various terms to refer to this continent. Some ‘Abbasid period sources combine it with the province of Khurasan (East, or Land of the Rising Sun) and refer to ‘‘the eastern region’’ (iqlim al-mashriq). However, the great majority of Muslim authors distinguish between Cisoxiana and Transoxiana. They regarded the Oxus River (Jayhun in Arabic; Amuya or Amu Darya in modern Persian) as the border between the Iranian plateau and the vast land that they called (in Arabic) ma-wara-al-nahr (the land beyond the Oxus river), namely Sogdiana (Sughd in Arabic) in the Hellenistic sources. They divided it into five major zones: Khwarazm (modern Khiva) around the Oxus delta and the shores of the Aral Sea; the upper Oxus region; Sughd along the Zarafshan valley, where the major cities Bukhara and Samarqand are located; Fraghana; and Shash (Tashqent). The relationships between Eurasia (including Central Asia) and the Fertile Crescent were established

CENTRAL ASIA, HISTORY (750–1500 CE) immediately after the emergence of the Islamic caliphate. An important source of goods and manpower, Central Asia attracted the attention of Muslim authors. The bonds that connected the urban hubs in the Central Islamic lands with Eurasia are clearly reflected in the ‘Abbasid-age literature. Several writers report the chronicles of Muslim conquests and chapters on the history of ma wara al-nahar down to the sixteenth century. ‘Abbasid administrative and geographical volumes contain information on locations, population, commerce, and goods. Various accounts, including mythological narratives, linked the landscape and people of Central Asia with those of the Central Islamic lands. Some commentators related the mysterious Gog and Magog with the Turks and other Steppe peoples. Following the flight of the last Sasanid king (in 651), the Arab forces reached Turkmenistan. A settlement was probably reached early on with Mahoye, the ruler of Marv (Merv), who bore the title marzaban (marzuban; the warden of the march). However, the actual conquest of the lands beyond the Oxus River started during the governorship of al-Hajjaj b. Yusuf (d. 95/714). This energetic vice-royal dispatched Qutayba b. Muslim to capture the Zarafshan basin (87–90/706–709). Yet the Umayyads’ grip was not firm. Turkic forces inflicted a heavy defeat on the Islamic armies (106/724). Under the command of Nasr b. Sayyar (d. 131/748), the tide was reversed. Heading the Muslim fighters, he was able to infiltrate the ethnic mosaic of Central Asia and succeeded in embedding Islam deeply in ma-wara-al-nahr’s soil. The Arabs were the backbone of a bureaucratic empire and adherents of a new universal religion, while the success of their competitors, the Steppes peoples, was limited to a short-lived nomadic empire. Several religious uprisings led by radical rebels (ghulat) are recorded in the Arabic and Persian sources during the late Umayyad and early ‘Abbasid periods. Although these revolts were directed against the caliphate and as such voiced social discontent with the government and taxation, nevertheless, the rebels did not attack the very idea of an Islamic world order but rather adopted heterodox views. Syncretism enabled the forging of alliances between Zoroastrians, Mazdakites, and Shi‘is. Iranians had played an important role in the army and administration of the new ‘Abbasid order. With time, some of the local Iranian forces accumulated strength. The first significant force was the Tahirid dynasty. They boasted a double-noble lineage, claiming to be the descendants of Rustam b. Dustan (alshadid, ‘‘the Strong Man’’), the ancient Iranian hero, as well as of the Arab tribe Khuza`a. Tahir changed the residence of Khurasan’s governors from Merv to

Nishapur (in 821), and this seems to have been a turning point in the administrative history of the oasis of Bukhara. Following this alteration, the city acquired a new importance and became a governmental center at the edge of the caliphate, which affected developments all over Transoxiana. This facilitated the rise to prominence of a local force in Transoxania that came under the rule of the Samanids (203–395/819–1005). Although the Samanids claimed to be the offspring (farzand) of Bahram Jubin (Chubin, Chobin), the great mythological Iranian hero, the Samanid family probably had a more humble background. In 204/819, four sons of Asad b. Saman were appointed governors of various districts in Central Asia: Nuh (d. 227/842) governor of Samarqand, Ahmad (d. 846) of Fraghana, Yahya of Shash (Tashqent), and Ilyas (d. in 856) of Herat. The country under their rule was known as the Turk Barrier (sadd al-ghuzz), a name that referred to their role in fighting against the polytheistic nomads of Eurasia. The Saman family reached the zenith of its power during the governorship of Isma‘il b. Ahmad, who had conquered Bukhara (in 262/875). The caliphs alMu‘tadid (279–289/892–902) and al-Muktafi (289–295/ 902–908) further rewarded him with the governorship of Khurasan. This development opened a new chapter in the history of Transoxiana and the neighboring Eurasian steppes. The Samanids conducted an offensive policy toward the steppes people, as a result of which Islam spread among the population of Central Asia. At the zenith of their power the Samanids had command of a large professional army. They recruited Turkic slaves outside the Abode of Islam, and these recent converts made up the fighting battalions of the Samanids. This was in line with steps taken by the caliphs from the days of al-MaÆmun (d. 833), if not earlier. The historical contribution of the Saman house was the establishment of an Islamic and Iranian presence in Transoxiana and Inner Asia. Their achievements did not save the Samanids from breakdown. The deep demographic and cultural changes that swept across the Eurasian steppes cast a shadow over the history of ma-wara-al-nahr. This Iranianspeaking land underwent a process of Turkification. With the collapse of the Samanids a cultural chapter in the history of Central Asia came to an end. The Qarakhanid state (the Ilek or Ilig-khan Khanate) was active in Central Asia from the ninth to the thirteenth centuries. The nucleus of the state was the Qara-luq Turk tribal confederation. Following clashes with the Samanids of Bukhara, Sabuq (or Satuq) Bugha (Bog˘ra) Khan converted to Islam and even assumed the Arab–Islamic name ‘Abd alKarim (d. 344/955). 141

CENTRAL ASIA, HISTORY (750–1500 CE) Led by Shihab al-Dawla Harun b. Sulayman b. Bughra Khan Ilek, the Qarakhanids attacked (in 382/992) Nuh b. Mansur, the Samanid ruler of the Syr Darya valley (366–387/976–997). If the fragmented information is accurate, it was during these years (probably in 382/992) that the Qarakhanids gained control over Fraghana and Bukhara. Like other steppes empires, the Qarakhanid armies consist of two kinds of soldiers: a small troop of retinues and a large body of nomadic Turk tribesmen (turkmen). The Qarakhanids accepted the authority of Baghdad inasmuch as the ‘Abbasid caliph was the only source of legitimacy. The historical importance of this Turk dynasty stems from their role in leading the way for the conversion of Turkic people in the Eurasian steppes. In addition to this, they were patrons of Islamic institutions. Corresponding to the disintegration of the Samanid regime and the emergence of the free Qarakhanid power in Central Asia, another Turkic dynasty played an important role in shaping the history of this vast territory. An ex-slave of the Samanids, the Turkish commander Alp-Takin (tegin), who was their commander in chief, left Khurasan and established himself in Ghazna near Kabul (in present-day Afghanistan, in 350/961). He was succeeded by Nasir al-Dawla SebukTakin, another slave-soldier of Turkic origin, whose son, Yamin al-Dawla Mahmud (388–421/999–1031), was the founder of the Ghaznawid dynasty and bore the title Sayf al-Dawla (Sword of the State; r 388(421/ 998–1030). For a short period the Ghaznawids played a role in the history of Central Asia. The lofty position of the Ghaznawids suffered a deadly blow from a new power that arose in Central Asia during the last quarter of the tenth century. Various Turk (Turkmaniyyah) tribes, among them the Ghuzz (Oghuz) nomads, crossed into the districts of Transoxiana and Khwarazm. At this stage in their history the Ghuzz were led by the house of Saljuq (Seljuk), at least according to late Saljuq sources. The Saljuqs, almost from the very beginning of their presence in the land south of the Oxus River, clashed with the Ghaznawids (about 416/1025). When Yamin alDawla Mahmud died (in 421/1031), the Turks constituted a threat that his heirs found difficult to ignore. The crucial clash took place in Dandanqan (near Merv in 431/1040), where the Ghaznawid forces were routed. The Saljuqs reduced the Qarakhanid rulers of Transoxiana and Sinkiang to vassalage. Sanjar, the great Saljuq, took Merv as his capital city, and it flourished as a center of art and commerce. However, the Qarakhitay, a force that emerged in northern China, advanced westward and near Samarqand were able to defeat the great Saljuqs in 1141. The 142

success of these steppe nomads did not last long, however. ‘Ala al-Dim Muhammad (1200–1220), the Khwarazm-Shah, advanced from Urgench, his capital city (Chorasmia, in the delta oasis of Khiva, where the Amu Darya and the Shavat canal flow into the Aral Sea in contemporary Uzbekistan), eastward and defeated the Qarakhanids. He then turned his attention southward to the Iranian plateau. After conquering northern China (Beijing, 1215), Genghis (Temujin) Khan turned his attention westward to the territories controlled by the Khwarazms. The Mongols did not stop at the Aral Sea (1219–1225) but swept on to Anatolia, Iran, Baghdad, and Syria (1234–1258). Following the death of Genghis Khan (in 1227), Central Asia became the territory of his son Chaghatay. With the conversion to Islam of the Mongol Chaghatay people (ulus), a new Mongol–Islamic culture developed in the land between the Oxus and Sinkiang. After their disintegration, a new force emerged in Central Asia. Timur Lenk (Tamerlane, 1335–1405) succeeded in establishing a new nomad empire. He became the de facto ruler of ma-wara-al-nahr, leaving the Chaghatay dynasty as the nominal rulers and the source of his legitimacy. Tamerlane proceeded to conquer all of western Central Asia, Iran, and Asia Minor. In his capital of Samarqand, Timur gathered numerous artisans and scholars from the lands he had conquered and imbued his empire with a very rich culture. After the death of Timur, the Timurid state quickly broke in two. His youngest son and successor, Shah Rukh (1407–1447), crossed the Oxus southward to the Iranian area and established his headquarters in Herat. Babur, the last representative of the Timurid dynasty, was driven out by the Uzbek Shibanid dynasty (in 1501) to seek his fortune in India. YEHOSHUA FRENKEL

Further Reading Bartold, Vasilii Vladimirovich. (W. Barthold). Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion. London: Luzac, 1968/ 1977. Dankoff, Robert, trans. Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Diwan lugat At-Turk by Mahmud ibn al-Husain alKashgari). Harvard University Print Office, 1982–1984. Darke, R., trans. Nizam al-Mulk: The Book of Government. London, 1960. Hamada, M. ‘‘Le Mausolee et le cults de Satuq Bughara Khan.’’ Journal of the History of Sufism 3 (2001): 63–87. Hamilton A. R. Gibb. The Arab Conquests in Central Asia. London, 1923. (Reprint New York, 1970.) Khadr, M., and Cahen, Cl. ‘‘Deux actes de waqf d’un Qarahanide d’Asie centrale,’’ JA 255 (1967): 305–334. Bosworth, C. E. ‘‘A propos de l’article de Mohamed Khadr—Deux actes de waqf d’un Qarahanide d’Asie

CERAMICS centrale.’’ JA 256 (1968): 449–453. [Reprinted in his The Medieval History of Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. London: Variorum Reprints, 1977, art. 21.] Le Strange, Guy. The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate. London, 1905. Manz, Beatrice Forbes. The Rise and Rule of Tamerlane. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Minorsky, V., trans. Hudud al-Alam: The Regions of the World—A Persian Geography 372AH/982 AD. London: Luzac, 1970. Richards, D.S., trans. The Annals of the Saljuq Turks: Selections from al-Kamil fi0 l-Ta0 rikh of 0 Izz al-Din Ibn alAthir [1160–1233]. London: Routledge Curzon, 2002. Thackston Jr., W. M., trans. Baburname, Vol 1. Harvard University, 1993.

CERAMICS Around the year 1135 CE, a merchant from Aden wrote the following letter to his counterpart in Egypt: ‘‘Please buy me six painted platters, made in Misr [Old Cairo]. They should be of middle size, neither very large nor very small; and twenty regular bowls and forty small ones. All should be painted, and their figures and colors should be different.’’ The history of ceramic production in the medieval Muslim world, from the period of the Umayyads in the seventh century to the Ottomans and Safavids in the seventeenth century, attests to the superior creativity and experimentation of Islamic potters, demonstrated through their innovations in shape and design, clay recipes, glazes, and techniques of decoration. Glazed ceramics represent a very small percentage of the total ceramic assemblage produced in the medieval Muslim world. The majority of domestic earthenwares comprised unglazed storage and transport jars—for items such as grain, oil, and water—and unglazed bowls, platters, and receptacles, which were made for the kitchen, pharmacy, or market shop. However, as the letter from the Adenese merchant indicates, glazed and painted ceramics were highly sought commodities in urban, as well as courtly, contexts. This entry highlights several types of glazed ceramics produced in the medieval Islamic period, although it is in no way comprehensive, and readers are referred to the bibliography for more detailed studies on the subject. Medieval sources refer to pottery or ceramics as khazaf, fakhkhar, and ghadar, although we often find the generic term sini used particularly for fine glazed ceramics. The term sini is derived from the Arabic word for China—al-Sin—since both potters and consumers of the medieval Muslim world considered Chinese ceramics the pottery par excellence. Chinese wares were imported into the Islamic world by the early ninth century and have been discovered in

archaeological sites across Muslim Spain to India. Their influence on Islamic ceramics was immediately felt within the ninth-century ‘Abbasid pottery-making industry and their impact persisted as late as the nineteenth century. Potters of the Islamic lands, wanting to imitate the whiteness of the elegantly shaped Chinese wares, experimented with specially made tin and alkaline glazes that fired to an opaque creamywhite finish. Around the twelfth century, medieval potters also developed alternative clay recipes by adding large quantities of crushed quartz to produce a hard, white ceramic body, which when thinly potted resembled the translucency of Chinese porcelain. This new ceramic body, known as ‘‘fritware’’ or ‘‘stonepaste,’’ was used for all fine ceramics of the Islamic world from the twelfth century onward until the European discovery of the secret of high-firing Chinese porcelain clays in the eighteenth century. With the invention of white ceramic bodies and opaque glazes, Islamic potters were free to experiment with various techniques of ceramic decoration. An exciting decorative scheme introduced by the potters of Samarra and Basra in the ninth century was the use of cobalt blue pigments, which they painted as stark epigraphic and vegetal designs onto opaquewhite wares, creating the very first ‘‘blue-and-white wares.’’ The Iraqi potters appear to have held a monopoly on cobalt at this time until its appearance on fritware ceramics of the twelfth century, and it was later exported outside the Islamic lands to China in the fourteenth century. Soon after, cobalt-painted Chinese blue-and-white porcelain arrived in the Middle East and caused a fashion craze in the Islamic markets. By the middle of the fifteenth century, potters from Egypt to Central Asia were producing their own varieties of blue-and-white ceramics based on both Chinese and Islamic models. Slip-painted pottery, another major type of Islamic glazed ware, did not require special opaque glazes or a fritware body and was produced throughout the Muslim world from the tenth century onward. Slip is essentially semifluid clay, and white slip was often used by the Islamic potter to coat the entire surface of an earthenware vessel in order to create a blank canvas for further decoration. Floral, geometric, animal, and figural designs were often incised through the slip coating before the bowl was covered in a transparent clear or colored glaze and fired. For added drama, copper-green and iron-brown splashes of colored glazes were also incorporated on slipcovered bowls, with or without incised decoration. Another variety of slip-painted pottery, using primarily black, white, and red slips, achieved great heights of sophistication in the tenth and eleventh centuries in the Samanid territories of Eastern Iran 143

CERAMICS and Central Asia. These types of dishes were normally covered in a white slip, and benedictory phrases or proverbs such as, ‘‘May everything eaten from this [bowl] be wholesome,’’ or ‘‘Generosity is a quality of the people of paradise,’’ were painted in sharp, angular scripts along the rims with a black slip. Another type of slip-painted pottery centered at Samanid Nishapur offered a livelier aesthetic by using a riot of colors including green, acid yellow, black, and red to depict stylized figural subjects, such as seated figures, dancers, horses, and other animals, which were surrounded by various floral and epigraphic motifs. One of the truly great inventions of potters of the medieval Islamic world is lustre-painted ceramics. The technique of lustre decoration on glass was already practiced in Egypt and Syria as early as the fifth century; however, Iraqi potters appear to have been the first to experiment with lustre decoration on opaque-glazed ceramics in the ninth century. Lustre pigments made of silver and copper oxides were painted in a variety of figural and vegetal designs onto the surface of a glazed vessel, which was then refired under special conditions. The results of a successful refiring created a ceramic ware with painted decorations that gleamed like gold or silver. The highly sought ‘Abbasid lustre wares were exported across the Muslim world and as far away as India and Thailand. This complex technique of pottery decoration was probably transferred to Egypt in the tenth century through the migration of Iraqi potters to Fatimidgoverned domains. As lustre pigments were better controlled on a paintbrush, this enabled Egyptian potters to expand their iconographic repertoire of images using more precise line-drawn figures. During the twelfth century the technique seems to have spread to Spain, Syria, and Iran, leading to greater variations in styles of painting and the transfer of the technique to Europe. During the Seljuk period between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in Iran, a new type of glazed pottery was developed, later coined as mina’i, or enameled ware, typified by its wide-ranging color scheme and intricate narrative compositions. The paintings on mina’i ceramics attest to the existence of a vibrant tradition of Persian illustrated manuscripts from this period, now lost. Indeed, both mina’i and Persian lustre portray visual and poetic themes derived from Persian literature, such as the Shahnama epic or the romance of Varqa va Gulshah, depicting warriors, heroes, lovers, and fantastical beasts. The mina’i technique of applying colored pigments over an already glazed fritware vessel allowed the potter to expand his color palette to include blue, green, red, purple, brown, black, pink, and gold, which were then fixed by a second low-temperature 144

firing. As with Persian lustre, Kashan appears to have been the main center of production for mina’i, with vessel shapes ranging from bowls, pilgrims’ flasks, ewers, cups, and in rare instances, tiles. The Turkish city of Iznik in western Anatolia became the preeminent center of a court-sponsored pottery-making industry during the Ottoman period between the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. ‘‘Iznik’’ has come to refer to the distinctive purewhite frit-bodied ceramic vessels and tiles that were covered in a brilliant white slip and then decorated, over the course of time, with various combinations of colored slips beginning with cobalt blue and turquoise, followed by the introduction of a subtle palette of sage green, manganese purple, black, and finally the use of a more vibrant color scheme in blue, green, black, and ‘‘sealing-wax red.’’ Art historians have discerned several chronological and stylistic groups of Iznik wares based on color and design patterns, and the ceramics are best understood in the context of a larger production program of Ottoman courtly arts including architectural decoration, textiles, and manuscript illumination. FAHMIDA SULEMAN See also ‘Abbasids; Andalus; Architecture, Religious; Architecture, Secular: Palaces; Artisans; Baghdad; Baraka; Basra; Cairo; Cairo Geniza; Central Asia; China; Damascus; Dome of the Rock; Egypt; Epic Poetry; Epics, Persian; Fatimids; Firdawsi; Food and Diet; Fustat; Gifts and Gift Giving; Glassware; Heroes and Heroism; Iran; Iraq; Isfahan; Istanbul; Khurasan; Love Poetry; Mamluks; Manuscripts; Markets; Merchants, Christian; Merchants, Jewish; Merchants, Muslim; Minerals; Mining; Mosaics; Mosques; Mythology and Mythical Beings; Nishapur; Ottoman Empire; Painting, Miniature; Poetry, Persian; Proverbs; Precious Metals; Safavids; Samanids; Samarqand; Samarra; Seljuks; Shahnama; Silk Road; Sinan; Stories and Storytelling; Su¨leymaniye Mosque (Istanbul); Syria, Greater; Textiles; Timurids; Trade: Indian Ocean; Trade: Mediterranean; Transoxania; Transport; Travel

Further Reading Allan, James W. Islamic Ceramics. Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 1991. Atasoy, Nurhan, and Julian Raby. Iznik: The Pottery of Ottoman Turkey. London: Alexandria Press, 1989. Atil, Esin. Ceramics from the World of Islam (Freer Gallery of Art Fiftieth Anniversary Exhibition). Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1973. Fehe´rva´ri, Ge´za. Ceramics of the Islamic World in the Tareq Rajab Museum. London and New York: I.B. Tauris, 2000. Ghouchani, Abdallah. Inscriptions on Nishabur Pottery. Tehran: Reza Abbasi Museum, 1986.

CHARITY, ISLAMIC Goitein, S.D. A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza. Vol. 4: Daily Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983. Golombek, Lisa, Robert Mason, and Gauvin Bailey. Tamerlane’s Tableware: A New Approach to the Chinoiserie Ceramics of Fifteenth- and Sixteenth-Century Iran. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers, 1996. Grube, Ernst. Cobalt and Lustre: The First Centuries of Islamic Pottery. Nasser D. Khalili Collection of Islamic Art. Vol. IX. London: Nour Foundation, 1994. Melikian-Chirvani, Assadullah Souren. ‘‘Le Roman de Varqe et Golsah,’’ Arts Asiatiques, 22 (1970): 1–262. Porter, Venetia. Islamic Tiles. London: British Museum, 1995. Watson, Oliver. Ceramics from Islamic Lands. London: Thames & Hudson, 2004.

CHARITY, ISLAMIC Charity, the obligation to help those less fortunate than oneself, was a fundamental concept for medieval Muslim ethics. Muslim authors did not have a word that can be translated as ‘‘charity,’’ and the use of the Arabic word khayri to mean charitable is a modern invention. Nonetheless, medieval Muslims were familiar with a number of practices that might be characterized as charitable. The most prominent of these were zakat (the alms tax), sadaqa (alms, most often voluntary), and waqf (the pious endowment that sometimes served a charitable purpose). Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islam and as such can be regarded as an article of faith. Muslim jurists characterized it as one of the huquq Allah (duties owed to God), and failure to pay it could result in one’s being regarded as an apostate. The obligation to pay zakat is mentioned throughout the Qur’an and collections of Hadith, but the most important proof text is Surat al-Tawba, verse sixty, ‘‘Alms (sadaqat) are only for the poor, the indigent, those who collect them, those who reconcile people’s hearts, for slaves, debtors, for the path of God, and for the traveler, an obligation imposed by God. God is all-knowing and most wise.’’ This verse established the proper recipients of zakat. In addition to the expected recipients, such as indigent people, indentured slaves, debtors, and travelers, the verse also provides for alms to be distributed to holy warriors (those on the path of God) and to persons who reconciled non-Muslims and Muslims. In addition, the verse makes it clear that the original intention was for the state to collect alms and distribute them. In subsequent Muslim practice, however, zakat was usually left to the conscience of the individual. People identified worthy recipients, such as beggars, and paid them alms. Since zakat was due every Islamic year, many people paid their alms tax in the month

of Muharram, the first of the Islamic calendar. Zakat was due on a number of commodities, including herd animals, grains and fruit, gold and silver, commerce, and precious metals. The rate varied by item but was most commonly paid as a 2.5 percent tax on gold, silver, and commerce. At the end of Ramadan, fasting Muslims would pay an additional zakat al-fitr (alms for the feast) to celebrate the upcoming feast. This obligation consisted of a sum sufficient to feed one individual for one day. In addition to these obligatory alms, Muslims also paid voluntary alms when and where they wished. These voluntary alms were usually called sadaqa, although this term was sometimes also applied to zakat. There was a considerable debate in Muslim ethical writings over whether it was appropriate to publicize one’s good deeds. Most authors agreed that it was better to give alms in private, since to do so in public would suggest that one was more interested in achieving social status than in pleasing God. Others, however, pointed out that public almsgiving would encourage others to follow one’s example. Beggars congregated outside mosques, especially after Friday prayers, in markets, and at funerals. The fourteenthcentury author Ibn al-Hajj noted that it was common to give alms at a funeral, in the hope that this final good deed would ease the deceased’s passage into paradise. Funeral processions in medieval Cairo, for example, often included a kaffara (expiatory gift) that would be turned over to the poor people who followed the procession. Begging posed a number of problems for medieval Muslims and their rulers. A considerable literature grew up describing the proper etiquette of the beggar and his benefactor when giving alms. Al-Ghazali (d. 1111 CE) argued that begging was forbidden unless necessary for one’s survival and worried that the beggar was in danger of replacing his divine benefactor with a human one. Taj al-Din al-Subki (d. 1370) was outraged by some of the more theatrical techniques used by beggars to solicit alms and worried that the sight of Muslims begging would humiliate the Muslim community in the eyes of Christians and Jews. Some of the rulers of Mamluk Egypt found the presence of lepers and beggars in public places and tried to remove them from the capital. In 1264 or 1265, Sultan al-Zahir Baybars tried to remove Cairo’s beggars to al-Fayyum, and similar attempts were made by other sultans in 1330, 1392, and 1438. Such efforts do not seem to have been effective, because begging continued in public places and the professional beggar was a standard character in medieval Arabic literature. The third major charitable practice in medieval Islamic society was waqf. Endowments of this type 145

CHARITY, ISLAMIC served many different purposes, including benefiting family, religious institutions, hospitals, and even family tombs. In the medieval period, especially from the early fifteenth century on, it was impossible to distinguish family waqfs from charitable waqfs, as was done in modern times. Many waqfs provided income to a wide range of beneficiaries. Still, it is possible for the modern researcher to isolate those functions that were charitable, in the sense of aiding the poor or infirm. Some of the wealthiest endowments of the Islamic Middle Ages were hospitals. Although these institutions were not always founded with waqfs, many Muslim rulers followed the example of Nur al-Din ibn al-Zanki (d. 1174), who founded a hospital in Damascus. A similar institution established by Sultan al-Mansur Qalawun in 1284 in Cairo provided food, shelter, and medicine to patients. Since the wealthy preferred to be treated at home, the inmates of the hospital were largely poor people or travelers. There were separate sections for men and women, as well as a ward for the insane. Another popular type of waqf was the maktab, or Qur’an school for orphans. These schools provided orphaned boys with small stipends and some food, as well as teaching them the Qur’an, some basic literacy, and arithmetic. Some waqf supported ribats, which were homes for widowed or divorced women. These institutions were usually founded by wealthy women and were frequently presided over by female administrators. Some endowments provided food and water to pilgrims and residents of the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. There were also many smaller waqfs, many of them associated with family tombs, that provided food and water to the poor on a weekly basis, in exchange for the poor saying prayers for their deceased benefactors. These tomb waqfs became quite popular in Cairo in the second half of the fifteenth century. The practice of building kitchens to feed the employees of large endowments gave rise in the Ottoman Empire to the foundation of separate soup kitchens (sing. ‘imaret), such as the one established by Hasseki Hurrem Sultan in Jerusalem in the 1550s. Finally, some endowments provided for the washing and burial of the dead. This service was of particular importance in the late Middle Ages, when outbreaks of plague repeatedly struck the Middle East. ADAM SABRA See also Black Death; Burial Customs; Death and Dying; Egypt; Epidemics; Ethics; Funerary Practices, Muslim; Gifts and Gift Giving; Hospitality; Hospitals; Mamluks; Mecca; Medina; Mental Illness; Mosques, Nur al-Din ibn al-Zanki; Ottoman Empire; Pilgrimage; Poverty; Public Works; Syria; Waqf 146

Further Reading Amin, Muhammad Muhammad. Al-Awqaf wa-l-hayat alijtima ‘iyya fi Misr 648–923 H./1250–1517 M. Cairo: Dar al-Nahda al- ‘Arabiyya, 1980. Bonner, Michael, Mine Ener, and Amy Singer, eds. Poverty and Charity in Middle Eastern Contexts. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003. Hoexter, Miriam. ‘‘Waqf Studies in the Twentieth Century: The State of the Art.’’ JESHO 41 (1998): 133–156. McChesney, Robert D. Charity and Philanthropy in Islam: Institutionalizing the Call to Do Good. Indianapolis: Indiana University Center on Philanthropy, 1995. Sabra, Adam. Poverty and Charity in Medieval Islam, Mamluk Egypt, 1250–1517. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Singer, Amy. Constructing Ottoman Beneficence: An Imperial Soup Kitchen in Jerusalem. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002. Stillman, Norman. ‘‘Charity and Social Service in Medieval Islam.’’ Societas 5 (1975): 105–115. Tolmacheva, M. ‘‘Female Piety and Patronage in the Medieval ‘Hajj’.’’ In Women in the Medieval Islamic World, ed. Gavin R. G. Hambly. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998, 161–179.

CHARITY, JEWISH In the absence of taxation—a significant resource for poor relief in European Jewish communities—we find a ‘‘mixed economy’’ of charity in Fustat. Private charity was one major source. By nature usually hidden from the historian’s gaze, it is well documented in the Geniza through letters of appeal from the poor or on their behalf (see Poverty, Jewish). Family charity, the most private of private charities, existed, too, although it is usually documented only when people complain that it is not forthcoming. People often gave charity in their wills. However, confraternities, a favored vehicle for delivering poor relief in European Jewish communities as of the thirteenth century in Spain (copying Catholic confraternities in this endeavor), do not appear in the Geniza evidence (nor in the Islamic surroundings). The purposes served by European Jewish charitable confraternities, such as teaching poor children and orphans, clothing the needy, burying the indigent, and dowering orphan girls, were, as far as the evidence permits us to conclude, provided by bequests, private gifts, revenues of pious foundations, and communal poor relief. Public charity—the charity provided through the community—is richly documented in the Geniza, though it was not as well differentiated from private philanthropy, as was the case with Christian poor relief in early modern Europe. Most of the structures of communal charity had been established long before the advent of Islam. One of them, the heqdesh, or

CHARITY, JEWISH pious endowment, is abundantly present in medieval Fustat. Often established or supported by deathbed declarations but also, in the manner of its Islamic counterpart, the waqf, by healthy benefactors, the Jewish pious endowment consisted mainly in houses donated to the community. Like the original heqdesh, which supported the needs of the sacrificial temple (beit ha-miqdash) in Jerusalem, revenues from the rent of heqdesh properties in the Geniza mainly supported communal institutions, such as the upkeep of the synagogue, salaries of communal officials, and teachers’ fees. Only a small percentage went for direct charity to the poor. Like the Islamic waqf, however, the institution was conceived of as a form of charity and so was referred to by the moniker ‘‘for the poor.’’ Shelter for the poor, especially foreigners lacking means of livelihood or suffering from illness, was provided, as in late antiquity, both in the synagogue and in the Jewish funduq, or inn (see Hospitality). The Fustat community maintained at least two funduqs as heqdesh properties lodging foreign travelers. Public funds were also sometimes used to subsidize rents of needy persons residing in regular apartments. Pledge drives throughout Egypt to ransom captives were coordinated out of Fustat. In the Talmud, ransom of captives was designated a ‘‘great mitzva,’’ and in the medieval Mediterranean lands it became an even more urgent necessity. Medical charity expressed itself when physicians provided care for the ill without charge, in bequests for the sick poor in wills, or in collections to pay the medical and other expenses of a visiting sick scholar. The community had no hospital, differing again from European Jewish communities, where in the late Middle Ages the word heqdesh became synonymous with hospital, and from the Ottoman communities, which also ran their own hospitals. The most visible form of public charity consisted in direct donations of money or in kind to provide either bread, wheat, clothing, or cash for the poor. Bread was distributed twice a week (Tuesday and Friday) in rations of four one-pound (450 grams) loaves per adult per week. Since this did not provide adequate nutrition, it was supplemented on an irregular basis by wheat and cash. The money went to buy other food necessities or to help the poor pay their annual poll tax to the government. Clothing was also disseminated. Hundreds of Geniza alms lists and donor registers illustrate the administration of public charity. People donated money, or sometimes wheat in kind. Revenues were collected by officials called jabi (like Hebrew gabbai) or by the administrators of the social services, the parnasim. Detailed accounts itemize income and expenditures—direct charity and salary subsidies for communal officials together. Though controversial,

the latter was considered a legitimate use of monies collected for the poor. The collections themselves were done, usually in the synagogue, through pledges, called pesiqa, a term also used for ad hoc pledges for specific uses, including private charity solicited by individuals and money for ransom of captives. Parnasim collected the pledges, sometimes making the rounds of businesses in the marketplace. The pesiqa illustrates a characteristic of the ‘‘mixed economy’’ of charity in medieval Fustat and doubtless other locales in the medieval Islamic world, as well as the blurred boundaries between public and private charity. Sometimes a whole week’s distribution of bread would be paid for by one person (for example, a donation of three dinars in 1107 by the Nagid and head of Egyptian Jewry to purchase 600 loaves of bread). Bakers brought their loaves to the pickup point in the synagogue compound. Scribes kept careful records of each person and the number of loaves per head of household. These numbers were revised with changes in need, and names were crossed out when the indigents no longer were present. A large number of lists contain items of clothing, because the poor usually possessed not much more than the proverbial ‘‘shirts on their backs.’’ Many letters seeking private charity request an item of clothing to replace what was lacking. In the Talmud, alms for the poor were provided through the weekly quppa (the ‘‘basket’’ containing bread or money for the local poor) and the daily tamhui (mostly, food for wayfarers). These terms do not appear in medieval Fustat. Rather, the alms system there was unified and called mezonot, an old rabbinic term for maintenance for wives, children, orphans, widows, and others, here enlisted in a charitable context for food for the poor. The unified system may have been in force much earlier. It was still the custom in the Egyptian capital at the beginning of the sixteenth century, when the new chief Rabbi, an exile from Spain, found it unusual and commented to that effect when glossing Maimonides’ astonishing statement in his Code of Jewish Law that some communities no longer employ the tamhui. MARK R. COHEN Further Reading Ashtor, Eliyahu. ‘‘Some Features of the Jewish Communities in Medieval Egypt’’ (Hebrew). Zion 30 (1965): 61–78, 128–157. Ben-Naeh, Yaron. ‘‘Poverty, Paupers and Poor Relief in Ottoman Jewish Society’’ (Hebrew). Sefunot 23 (2003): 195–238. Cohen, Mark R. Poverty and Charity in the Jewish Community of Medieval Egypt. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005. Gil, Moshe. Documents of the Jewish Pious Foundations from the Cairo Geniza. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976.


CHARITY, JEWISH Goitein, S.D. A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World As Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza. 5 vols plus index volume by Paula Sanders. Berkeley, CA, and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967–1993, esp. Vol. 2. Idem. The Voice of the Poor in the Middle Ages: An Anthology of Documents from the Cairo Geniza. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005. Sabra, Adam. Poverty and Charity in Medieval Islam: Mamluk Egypt 1250–1517. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000. Shefer, Miri. ‘‘Charity and Hospitality: Hospitals in the Ottoman Empire in the Early Modern Period.’’ In Poverty and Charity in Middle Eastern Contexts, eds. Michael Bonner, Mina Ener, and Amy Singer. Albany: SUNY Press, 2003, 121–143. Vaza, Ora. ‘‘The Jewish Pious Foundations According to the Cairo Geniza Documents: Appendix to Prof. M. Gil’s Study’’ (Hebrew). M.A. thesis, Tel Aviv University, 1991.

CHESS The words for the game of chess in Middle Persian (cˇatrang) and in Persian and Arabic (sˇatrang/ sˇat: ranj) are derived from (Sanskrit) caturanga, meaning army consisting of four divisions (Falkner 1892, 125). This is because the Indian army consisted of four groups: hasty-as´va-nauka-pada¯ta, which translates as ‘‘elephant, horse, ship, foot soldiers.’’ Thus the game was meant to be a simulation for battle. The game entered the Near East, specifically to Persia in the sixth century CE during the rule of the Sasanian king, Khosrow I (Arabic Kisra) (530–571). The game was meant to be part of princely or courtly education in acquiring (Middle Persian) frahang or (Persian) farhang, which means culture. The playing of the game as part of princely education continued in the Medieval Islamic period, as is attested in such works as the Qa¯bu¯s-nameh of Ibn Wasˇmgir (Yusefı¯ 1375, 77), and Chaha¯r maqa¯la by Samarqandi (Qazvini 1331, 68–69). The games of chess and backgammon, along with a variety of literary works, were introduced to Persia from India, including the Pan˜catantra, which, according to tradition, was translated into Middle Persian by a physician named Burzoe. The Middle Persian version is lost, but a Syriac translation of it was made in 570 under the name Kalı¯lag wa Damnag. These stories were taken from another Indian text called the Hitopades´a (Book of Good Counsel). This book was part of the Indian genre known as nı¯tis´a¯stra (‘‘mirror for princes’’), which also existed in Persia, and in Middle Persian was known as e¯we¯n-na¯mag (Persian) a¯yı¯n-na¯me (Book of Manners), which is mentioned in the earliest text on the games of chess and backgammon. These books were also commonly known as ‘‘Mirror for Princes’’ or Siya¯r al-mulu¯k or Nas: ¯ıh: at ’al-mulu¯k in the Medieval Islamic period (Daryaee 2002, 285–286). 148

The earliest text on the games of chess and backgammon is found in Persia in Middle Persian, and it ˇ atrang ud Nihisˇn ¯ı Ne¯w-Ardaxis known as Wiza¯risˇn ¯ı C sˇ¯ır (The Explanation of Chess and the Invention of ˇ atrang Backgammon). According to Wiza¯risˇn ¯ı C ud Nihisˇn ¯ı Ne¯w-Ardaxsˇ¯ır, there are four major personages involved in making the game; De¯wisˇarm/Sacˇidarm, the Indian king and his minister, Taxtrı¯tos, sent the game to Persia. On the Persian side, Khusrow I and his minister, Wuzurgmihr/(Arabic and Persian) Buzarjumihr/Bozorgmihr were to decipher the game. The wise Persian minister Wuzurgmihr gives an explanation of the game, making an analogy to war or battle between two armies: ‘‘He made the king like the two overlords, the rook (on) the left and right flank, the minister like the commander of the warriors, the elephant is like the commander of the bodyguards, and the horse is like the commander of the cavalry, the foot-soldier like the same pawn, that is at front of the battle(field)’’ (Daryaee 2002, 304). The earliest surviving chess pieces are also from Persia. These include an elephant carved from black stone (2 7/8 inches). The piece is from the late sixth or seventh century, which corresponds to the time when the Middle Persian text was composed (Dennis and Wilkinson 1968, xxxvii). A fourteenth-century manuscript of the Sˇa¯hna¯me contains two scenes, one at the court of Khusrow I and the second at the court of De¯wisˇarm. In the scene Wuzurgmihr is seated on the floor with three other Persians, all with white turbans. In front of the Persian sage is a board game where by taking into account the story, we can see that the board game is a backgammon board. The Indian king is seated on his throne and is surrounded by the Indian sages who are painted darker and have darker turbans. Wuzurgmihr has his right hand pointing on the backgammon board, which probably means that he is either challenging the Indian sages or explaining the rules of the game after the Indian sages have been dumbfounded. It is particularly interesting to note that one of the two older Indian sages with a white beard has his hand by his mouth, symbolizing his amazement or perplexity (Dennis and Wilkinson 1968, xii). What can be concluded from these representations and our text is that board games such as chess were likened to battle and the struggle in life. These board games were sports that were meant to train the mind in order to be a wellrounded person, namely someone who has acquired frahang/farhang (culture). During the early ‘Abbasid period, the game of chess was seen as a form of gambling by some Muslim scholars. This argument was put forth based on two reasons: first, there was betting placed on the game, and so it was considered to be a form of gambling,


Tournament scene. Chess pawn. Spain, twelfth century ivory carving, 6.4 6.8 cm. Inv: OA 3297. Photo: J.G. Berizzi. Credit: Re´union des Muse´es Nationaux/Art Resource, NY. Louvre, Paris, France.

which made it hara¯m (illicit). Second, enthusiasts would spend so much of their time playing chess that they forgot to pray and participate in the religious life (Rosenthal 1975, 37–40). Some authors justified the game by stating that as long as it was played for mental exercise it would be beneficial. The Qa¯bu¯sna¯me dedicates a chapter to the games of chess and backgammon, detailing the proper etiquette of playing and when one should win and to whom one should lose. It is strictly stated that one should not make bets on the games, and only then does playing the game become a proper activity (Yusefı¯ 1375, 77). The game of chess entered Europe, specifically Andalusia, with the Muslim conquest of the region. When the Christian Spaniards were able to beat back the Muslims, the game had already become popular (in Spanish, ajedrez), except that one piece of the game was changed, that of the Queen for the Wazı¯r. TOURAJ DARYAEE

Further Reading Daryaee, T. ‘‘Mind, Body and the Cosmos: The Game of Chess and Backgammon in Ancient Persia.’’ Iranian Studies 35, 4 (2002): 281–312. Falkner, E. Games of Ancient and Oriental and How to Play them Being the Games of the Ancient Egyptians, the Hiera Gramme of the Greeks, the Ludus Latrunculorum of the Romans and the Oriental Games of Chess, Draughts, Backgammon and Magic Squares. New York: Dover Publications, 1892. Rosenthal, F. Gambling in Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1975. ‘Umar b. ‘Alı¯ Nizami Samarqandi. Chaha¯r maqa¯la. Edited by M. Qzvini. Tehran, 1331. ‘Unsur al-ma ‘a¯lı¯ Kai-Ka¯wu¯s b. Iskadar b. Qabu¯s b. Wasˇmgı¯r b. Ziya¯r. Qa¯bu¯s na¯me. Edited by Q.-H. Yusefı¯. Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publishers, 1375. Wilkinson, C. K. Chess: East and West, Past and Present, A Selection from the Gustavus A. Pfeiffer Collection. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1968.



CHILDREN AND CHILDHOOD In Islam, children are viewed as precious gifts from God. Islam teaches that children are born sinless and are certain to gain paradise if they pass away before reaching puberty. Children need to be loved, taken care of, and protected with compassion and tenderness by their parents and their surrounding communities to ensure their healthy physical and psychological growth (Yildirim 2005). In medieval medical writings on infancy, feeding of children and, breast-feeding in particular constitute a central theme. Additional topics include how to treat infants immediately after birth, how to prepare their cradles, how to wash and swaddle them, how to calm weeping children, teething, how to treat children when they start walking and talking, and recommendations regarding entertainment and the company of other children. Because childhood is considered to be a time of weakness and vulnerability, ignorance and absence of intellectual grasp, and a lack of willpower, Islam not only gives parents the responsibility for the spiritual and physical well-being of children and a correct religious upbringing but also makes them accountable. Viewing children as vulnerable and dependent, Islamic law supplies various rules for the protection of not only themselves but also their property. A special legal status was given to children; they did not owe full obedience to criminal law and therefore could not be punished as Muslims who are sane and of age. More attention is given to the child’s benefit than to the interest of his or her parents. Fathers retained guardianship over the child, which involved guardianship over property and over the person, including overall responsibility for physical care, socialization, and education. Mothers were entrusted with the care and control of their children for the first few years of their lives (al-Ghazali 1967). Following the example of the Prophet Muhammad, the Islamic scholar Said Nursi states that children need kindness and compassion. Medieval Islamic sources abound in accounts of loving, tender relationships between parents and children, including close physical contact (al-Ghazali 1967). Because children are weak and powerless, their spirits can flourish best in knowing and experiencing a compassionate and powerful Creator. Only in an environment where mercy exists can children feel secure. The best way to give them this sentiment completely is to teach them that God is The Most Merciful and The Most Compassionate and that He is the one who is protecting them from all evil and bad things. They will be able to deal with facing fears in later


years through trust in God and surrender to God’s guidance (Nursi 1997). In medieval times, spiritual and moral education in childhood and adolescence was crucial for raising physically and psychologically healthy people, because a balanced moral character was seen to be essential in maintaining psychological and physical health (Giladi 1992). Education in childhood was especially important owing to the view that in its pristine state, the child’s soul is pure and impressionable. The main purpose of education was to ensure the future of the believer in the next world. As stated by Said Nursi, if a child was not exposed to belief in God, spirituality, and correct morals at an early age, it would be much more difficult to settle belief and spirituality in their hearts in later years, establish good habits, or change bad ones. Good habits were generosity, honesty, diligence, and restraint of one’s desires. The more a child was exposed to a community observing religion the easier it would be to understand religion and spirituality later in life (Nursi 2002). Writings also addressed the principles and methods of correcting bad conduct, conduct that might result in the immortal loss of the believer. In medieval times, childhood was divided into two stages from a religious point of view: (1) before puberty, when a child begins to distinguish between good and evil, and (2) after puberty. Adolescence was generally considered to be around the age of fifteen. Entrusting a boy or a girl with respective adult functions was the accepted way to determine mental maturity (Bosworth et al. 1995). Age and maturity were taken into account when considering a child’s education. Education at a young age, when the pupil’s mind is open and free from adult cares, was emphasized. YETKIN YILDIRIM See also Education; Family; Toys Further Reading Bosworth, E., E. van Donzel, W.P. Heinrichs, and G. Lecomte, eds. The Encyclopedia of Islam. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1995. Al-Ghazali, A. Iha’ ‘ulum al-din. Cairo, 1967. Giladi, A. Children of Islam, Concept of Childhood in Medieval Muslim Society. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992. Nursi, S. Letters. Istanbul: Sozler Publication, 1997. Yildirim, Y. ‘‘Islamic Perspectives on Spirituality in Childhood and Adolescence.’’ In Religious Perspectives on Spirituality in Childhood and Adolescence. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2005.


CHINA The history of Islam in China is, naturally, intertwined with the historical development of a Muslim presence there. It is also connected, albeit to a much lesser extent, to the history of relations between China and the Muslim world. A Muslim presence has been recorded in China as early as the seventh century, when Muslim envoys visited Chang’an, then the capital of the Tang dynasty. As early as the eighth century there is evidence of a more permanent Muslim presence, as merchants settled in China’s larger cities and established communities there. Both Chinese and Muslim records speak of these communities, which maintained regular contacts with the Muslim world. Al-Sirafi, the tenth-century author of Akhbar al-Sin wa’l-Hind, mentions a community of more than one hundred thousand Muslims in Khanfu (Canton). While it is clear that this number is quite exaggerated, it indicates that the community must have been fairly significant in size. Over the years, Muslim quarters were established elsewhere in the major Chinese cities and in the northwestern and southwestern regions of China, which were closer to the Muslim territories of Central Asia. The highlight of these settlements was ‘‘Zaitoon’’ (Quanzhou), a city on China’s southeastern coast where large numbers of Muslim merchants resided during the times of such travelers as Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta (both of whom wrote extensively about the city). The main bulk of Muslims, however, came to China along with the occupying Mongols, for whom Muslims served as soldiers, administrators, tax collectors, and scientists. The brief integration of China with the rest of the world during the days of the Mongol empire intensified the trade with Muslim regions even further. When the Mongols left China and the Chinese Ming dynasty was founded in 1368, these Muslims remained in China and settled in different parts of the empire, creating an array of forms of Muslim presence in the country—from Muslim villages in the rural northwest to Muslim quarters within the large Chinese urbanities of the east. The early years of the Ming period (roughly from the fourteenth through sixteenth century) saw also the transformation of these people from ‘‘Muslims in China’’ to ‘‘Chinese Muslims,’’ a new and diverse social entity that used Chinese as its language and had some form of Islam as its religion. This wide range of forms of Muslim life in China gave rise to an equally diverse range of forms of Chinese Islam in the following centuries. The Northwest saw the appearance of menhuan (saintly lineage), devout Sufi orders organized around the cult of Sufi saints and the practice of Sufi rituals such as the vocal

and the silent dhikr (remembrance). The urban communities of eastern China gave rise to a textual canon known as the Han Kitab (Chinese book), a sophisticated amalgamation of Islamic thought and neoConfucian philosophy. In both of these forms we can see a distinctive form of Islam, which can be termed ‘‘Chinese Islam.’’ The emergence of these distinctive forms of Chinese Islam is traced back to roughly the end of the sixteenth century, although they reached their peak during the eighteenth century. Of the numerous Sufi orders of northwestern China the most influential was the Naqshbandiyya, whose masters moved their activities from Central Asia into China during the seventeenth century. Shortly thereafter, local Chinese forms of these grew up around northwestern Chinese leaders such Ma Laichi (1673–1753), founder of the first indigenous Chinese order, and Ma Mingxin (1719–1781), who formed a rival order with different practices. Ma Mingxin’s career led him and his followers to serious clashes with the Chinese authorities that in turn resulted in a series of violent outbreaks in the Northwest that lasted, off and on, for more than a century and devastated the Muslim communities of the region. The Han Kitab scholars of eastern China emerged from an education system that was in structure very much like the Confucian education system and which espoused similar values, such as textual learning and scholarly perfection. The first Han Kitab texts appeared in the early seventeenth century and were mainly translations into Chinese of Sufi texts such as the Mirsad al-‘Ibad. Shortly thereafter, original works appeared. This tradition reached its peak with the career of Liu Zhi (ca. 1755–1730), whose work created a coherent philosophical system that combined key neo-Confucian and Sufi concepts. The cornerstone of Liu’s thought was the identification he made between Ibn-‘Arabi’s concept of Insan Kamil (Ar., perfect man), with the Confucian concept of Shengren (Ch., sage). The Prophet Muhammad, according to this formulation, was the ultimate Confucian sage. Both of these distinct forms of Chinese Islam disappeared, or were radically transformed, during the twentieth century. However, their legacies—of the Sufi orders in particular—still persist in China. ZVI BEN-DOR BENITE

Further Reading Benite (Ben-Dor), Zvi. The Dao of Muhammad: A Cultural History of Muslims in Late Imperial China. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, forthcoming. Broomhall, Marshall. Islam in China: A Neglected Problem. London: Morgan and Scott, 1910.


CHINA Chu, Wen-djang. The Moslem Rebellion in Northwest China: A Study of Government Minority Policy. The Hague: Mouton, 1966. Fletcher, Joseph. Studies on Chinese and Islamic Inner Asia. London: Variorum, 1995. Gladney, Dru. Muslim Chinese: Ethnic Nationalism in the People’s Republic. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991. Israeli, Raphael. Islam in China: A Critical Bibliography. London: Greenwood Press, 1994. ———. Muslims in China: A Study in Cultural Confrontation. London: Curzon, 1978. ———. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1981. Leslie, Donald. Islam in Traditional China: A Short History. Canberra: Canberra College of Advanced Education, 1986. Lipman, Jonathan. Familiar Strangers: A History of Muslims in Northwest China. Seattle: Washington University Press, 1998.

CHISHTI, MU‘IN AL-DIN (C. 1141/2–1236) One of the eponymous founders of the Chishti Sufi order in India, Khwaja Mu‘in al-Din Hasan Sijzi was born in Sistan around 1141 or 1142. Following political upheavals in Sistan and his father’s death, Mu‘in al-Din Chishti set out on his travels, linking up in Nishapur with the wandering circle of Khwaja ‘Uthman, a Sufi master from Chisht near Herat. We know little about his travels before he moved to India; certainly, hagiographies that describe his meetings with other founders of famous Sufi orders, such as ‘Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani (d. 1166), Najib al-Din Suhrawardi (d. 1168), and Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 1221), have little basis in history. Our earliest sources for the life of Mu‘in al-Din are Amir Khwurd’s Siyar alawliya’, a collection of Chishti hagiographies, and Surur al-sudur, conversations (malfuzat) of Hamid al-Din Nagawri penned posthumously some two hundred years later. Contemporary accounts such as Minhaj’s and Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s do not mention him, nor do the earliest Chishti works, namely the Fawa’id al-fu’ad, the conversations of Nizam al-Din Awliya’ penned by Amir Hasan Sijzi (d. 1336), and the Khayr al-majalis, the conversations of Nasir al-Din Chiragh-i Dihlavi (d. 1356) compiled by Hamid Qalandar. It is thus unclear when exactly he moved to Delhi and then Ajmer. The hagiographies often stress that he settled in Ajmer when it was still nonMuslim territory (and the center of the Rajput Chauhan realm, as well as a religious place of significance), and through his spiritual power and example brought the natives into the fold of Islam; the date given is usually before 1192. In other accounts, he moved to Ajmer after the Muslim conquest of Rajasthan in the 152

1190s and settled after the death of the Ghurid sultan Mu‘izz al-Din in 1206. He is said to have married locally and been revered as a holy man, gathering around him disciples such that when he died in 1236, his tomb became a place of pilgrimage. Although Mu‘in al-Din Chishti left no writings, some of his key doctrines are recorded by Amir Khwurd. First, he stressed that seekers should be like lovers and when they gain insight and experience, they realize that love, lover, and beloved are all one. This monism may account for the later successful spread of the influence of Ibn ‘Arabi’s ideas among the Chishtis. Second, serving humanity and, in particular, the poor was actually true service to God and defined the very essence of religion. Chishti centers became known for their open-door policy and their doctrine of universal peace. Third, generosity, love, and hospitality were the key virtues to be inculcated. Religious parochialism and exclusivism were to be avoided. Chishti shrines embodied this ethos in their daily functions and provided shelter and sustenance for the poor and destitute, encouraging non-Muslims and Muslims to benefit from the spiritual power of the Sufis. We know much about the development of the cult of Khwaja Mu‘in al-Din, who became known as the stranger who is generous (gharib navaz), through the patronage of the later Delhi sultans and the Mughals, especially Akbar. The spread of the Chishti order throughout India is credited to his disciples and the Sufis in the two generations after him, in particular Farid al-Din Ganj Shakar (d. 1265), whose shrine is at Ajodhan, Nizam al-Din Awliya’ of Delhi (d. 1325), Qutb al-Din Bakhtiyar of Mehrauli (d. 1235), and Hamid al-Din of Nagawr (d. 1274). The cult of the shrines of the famous Chishti Sufis, encouraged by the Mughals through endowments and bequests, established the Chishti order as the most widespread, wealthy, and influential Indian Sufi order. SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also Delhi; Farid al-Din Ganj Shakar; Herat; Nishapur; Sufism

Further Reading Currie, P.M. The Shrine and Cult of Mu‘in al-Din Chishti of Ajmer. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989. Ernst, C., and B. Lawrence. Sufi Martyrs of Love. London: Palgrave, 2002. Farooqi, N.R. ‘‘The early Chishti Sufis of India I and II.’’ Islamic Culture 77.1 (2003): 1–29, 77.2 (2003): 1–33. Haeri, M.. The Chishtis. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2001. Nizami, K.A. Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2002 [1961].


CHIVALRY Celebrated in numerous medieval romances, such as that of the legendary pre-Islamic Arab knight ‘Antar (Sirat ‘Antar), the figure of the gallant horseman (faris) had a distinguished history in pre-Islamic Arab and early Islamic Arab tradition. Rooted in the hard realities of Bedouin tribal life, the motif of the valiant cavalier celebrated for his matchless courage and prowess on the battlefield is captured most directly in the pre-Islamic Arab concept of manliness (muruwwa), an ideal that embraced the virtues of courage, forbearance, generosity, fidelity to kin, and magnanimity toward enemies. This motif was easily accommodated in Islamic military culture, and descriptions of the chivalric exploits of gallant warriors for the faith abound in accounts of the early Arab conquests. In the ‘Abbasid era, epics recounting the heroism of figures such as Hatim al-Ta’i, ‘Antar, Hamza, or the Persian hero Rustam captured the imagination of the masses, being retold, recorded, and eventually versified in a literary testament to a collective celebration of chivalric virtues. In the increasingly cosmopolitan atmosphere of the major urban centers of medieval Islamdom, the ideal of manliness soon came to include the religiously inspired virtues of love of truth and justice, reverence for women, protection of the poor and indigent, piety, altruism, and indefatigable devotion to the faith. Beginning in the eighth century CE, this expanded chivalric ideal began to be referred to by the term futuwwa (valorous young manliness; Persian, javanmardi ), and it is no accident that the figure of the Prophet’s cousin and son-in-law ‘Ali (d. 661 CE) came to represent the paragonal ‘‘valiant young man’’ (fata), something well evinced in the oft-quoted saying: ‘‘There is no fata save ‘Ali, and no sword save Dhu ’l-Faqar.’’ At the same time, however, the term futuwwa began to be used in contexts oftentimes quite unconnected with mastery of the martial arts. It was within Sufism, in particular, where futuwwa took on explicitly religious connotations, Sufi scholars such as al-Sulami (d. 1021) devoting entire treatises to the subject. For them, the futuwwa was above all a moral and ethical ideal, a tradition of chivalric behavior stripped of its martial connotations and then refashioned in light of the Sufi spiritual universe. Here, the ideals of the gallant warrior were applied not to the military battlefield but rather to the spiritual struggle against the malicious armies of those lower drives and passions that estrange the soul from God. At the same time, however, the military connotations of the pre-Islamic ideal of manliness and chivalric virtue never lost its vitality or importance, and

there is ample evidence to suggest its continued persistence in medieval Islamic martial culture. Although never fully transformed into the aristocratic type of social and military organization characteristic of chivalric knighthood in medieval Europe, the presence of chivalric brotherhoods in the form of various self-styled futuwwa organizations was a prominent feature of urban landscapes across the central and eastern regions of the medieval Islamic world. Generally speaking, members of such groups were unmarried young men bound together by oaths of fidelity, special costume, and a shared allegiance to chivalric virtues. Although the details vary considerably, such futuwwa or futuwwa-inspired groups often appeared on the public stage during times of disorder and civil strife, playing roles as varied as neighborhood militias and police auxiliaries to trouble-making urban gangs bent on rabble-rousing, banditry, and extortion in the marketplace. Perhaps in response to the anarchic potential of such groups, in the early thirteenth century, the ‘Abbasid caliph al-Nasir (r. 1180–1225) set out to promulgate a courtly form of the futuwwa, sponsoring the dissemination of manuals outlining its principles and practices and sending out specially designated agents to initiate various sultans, princes, and governors into its fold. As organizations devoted to the ideals of manliness and chivalry, membership in a medieval futuwwa group often brought with it an expectation to participate in various sports, normally games stressing martial skills such as pigeon breeding, archery, birding, riding, and wrestling. In Iran and Anatolia between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries, the futuwwa tradition made its way into urban craft guilds, becoming so prevalent that in the Ottoman and Safavid domains most guilds were distinguished by their own chivalric rules, initiatory rites, hierarchies, and ceremonials. Scholars have long noted the similarity between certain aspects of Islamic chivalry and the chivalric organizations of medieval Europe, normally understood in the context of mutual influence in Islamic Spain, as well as a result of Muslim–European encounters and interchange in the eastern Mediterranean during the period of the Crusades. ERIK S. OHLANDER See also Gangs; Guilds, Professional; Heroes and Heroism; Hippology; Pigeons; Police; Sports; Sufism and Sufis; Thieves and Brigands; Urban Gangs Primary Sources Al-Sulami. The Book of Sufi Chivalry (Futuwwah): Lessons to a Son of the Moment. Translated by Sheikh Tosun Bayrak al-Jerrahi al-Halveti. New York: Inner Traditions, 1983.


CHIVALRY Kashifi. The Royal Book of Spiritual Chivalry. Translated by Jay R. Crook. Chicago: Great Books of the Islamic World, 2000.

Further Reading Arnakis, G.G. ‘‘Futuwwa Traditions in the Ottoman Empire: Akhis, Bektashis, Dervishes and Craftsman.’’ Journal of Near Eastern Studies 12.4 (1953): 232–247. Cahen, Claude, and Franz Taeschner. ‘‘Futuwwa.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2 ed, ed. H.A.R. Gibb et al. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1954–2003. Renard, John. Islam and the Heroic Image: Themes in Literature and the Visual Arts. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1993. Riaz, Muhammad. ‘‘A Study of the ‘Javanmardi’ Movement in the World of Islam.’’ Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society 29.1 (1981): 3–17. Salinger, Gerard. ‘‘Was the Futuwwa an Oriental Form of Chivalry?’’ Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 94.5 (1950): 481–493.

CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY Until at least 1000 CE, Christians of various denominations were the majority of the population in the Islamic world. While Christian Arabs such as the Banu Taghlib fared poorly under Islam (Tritton 1930:89–92), the post-Qur’anic caliphate developed a profitable relationship with its non-Muslim subjects: the Arab conquests of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria had brought three ancient Christian centers under Islamic rule (Griffith 2001) and were followed by the incorporation of Persian (Le Coz 1995) and Iberian Christians. One of the Qur’anic ‘‘People of the Book’’ (see Q 3:65 f.; 5:18–19), Christians were among the communities to whom the Islamic state pledged its protection (dhimma) in exchange for their payment of a poll tax ( jizya; cf. the sole Qur’anic attestation of this term at Q 9:29). Although the status of these ‘‘protected persons’’ has come under attack (Ye’or 2002), Christians did participate in, and contribute to, classical Islamic civilization (Friedman 2003). The Qur’an itself distinguishes those who acknowledge the Prophet Muhammad from their monotheistic counterparts (for example, Q 2:142–147; 5:51)—although Christian (and Jewish) women and food are lawful for Muslims (cf. Q 5:5). Similarly, while inscriptions on the Dome of the Rock and the earliest Islamic coinage explicitly refute the Trinity, claims of a clear separation of Muslims and nonMuslims—as indicated in the terms of Christian acceptance of Muslim rule contained in the Covenant of ‘Umar (Tritton 1930)—are at variance with the pre-Crusade historical record: early ‘Abbasid caliphs 154

held interreligious debates (Griffith 1999); classical Qur’an commentators extrapolated from the Christians in their own milieus when commenting on those Qur’anic passages alluding to Christians (McAuliffe 1991); and the Qur’anic charge of scriptural corruption leveled against the Children of Israel—Jews and Christians (for example, Q 5:12–14)—prompted Muslim scholars such as Ibn Hazm (d. 1064 CE) to engage in biblical exegesis. Finally, some of the most detailed sources about Christians in the classical Islamic world come from Muslim authors such as ‘Abd al-Jabbar (d. 1025; cf. Reynolds, 2004). In the East, all the denominations came to express themselves in Arabic while retaining their ancient liturgical languages and patristic heritage. The emergence of the new genre of inter-Christian theological debates in Arabic is contemporaneous with the development of Islamic ‘‘dialectical theology’’ (‘ilm al-kalam; cf. Griffith 2002), with parallels between, respectively, Christian Trinitarian and Christological debates, and Muslim ‘‘divine attribute’’ (al-asma’ al-husna) and ‘‘createdness of the Qur’an’’ discussions. Christians who spoke Syriac were particular vehicles for cultural exchange: Employed by the caliph in the translation of Greek texts into Arabic, scholars such as Yahya b. ‘Adi (d. 974) were active participants in the philosophical movement at Baghdad (Gutas 1998; Yahya b. ‘Adi 2002). In addition to their scholarly contributions, Christians were employed as doctors and scribes. On the Iberian Peninsula, the Mozarabs profited from and added to the works of their eastern counterparts (Burman 1994). Already culturally and linguistically (and, for most, theologically) distanced from their Latin and Greek counterparts before the Arab conquests, a common experience and language under Islamic rule united the Christians in the eastern Islamic lands (Melkites, Maronites, Jacobites—both Syrians and Copts—and Nestorians); evidence of this unity—despite theological differences—is that the Nestorian Catholicos became the chief representative of Christian interests at the caliph’s court in Baghdad. The end of the demographic dominance of Christians in the Islamic world coincided with the Crusades and the Mongol invasion. With the accession of the Ottomans, the chief Christian was no longer the Nestorian Catholicos of Baghdad; rather, the head of the Christian millet (organized religious minority, from Ar. milla [religion]) became the (Greek Orthodox) Patriarch of Constantinople (Armenians, however, formed their own millet). Despite Christian martyrdoms at the hands of Muslims (Gaudeul 1984; although some—such as those at Cordoba in 850—may have been self induced), apocalyptic denunciation of Islamic rule (Martinez

CIRCASSIANS 2003) and policies such as the Ottoman devshirme (levy of Christian youths), the Islamic state’s promise of ‘‘protection’’ of both the persons and practices of its Christian subjects, assured Christians the ability to practice their religion (within limits: Tritton 1930; cf. Q 5:82). Particularly in the period after the Crusades, when Islamic thought increasingly made a distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim (which also included ‘‘bad’’ Muslims; cf. Michel 1984), conversions to Islam, from conviction, coercion, or socioeconomic aspirations (as well as the interventions of foreign ‘‘Christian’’ powers; Frazee 1982), undermined the position of Christians within the Islamic world. CLARE E. WILDE See also ‘Abbasids; Abyssinia; Alexandria; Aramaeans; Ascetics and Asceticism; Churches; Coptic; Copts; Interfaith Relations; Al-Jahiz; Jerusalem; Al-Ma’mun; Merchants, Christian; Mirrors for Princes; Muslim– Byzantine Relations; Muslim–Crusader Relations; Ottoman Empire; Qur’an and Christianity; Romance, Iberian; Scholars; Scribes; Syria, Greater; Syriac; Theology; Trade, Mediterranean; Umayyads; Women, Christian Further Reading Bulliet, Richard W. Conversion to Islam in the Medieval Period: An Essay in Quantitative History. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1979. Burman, Thomas E. Religious Polemic and the Intellectual History of the Mozarabs, c. 1050–1200. Leiden: Brill, 1994. Ducellier, Alain. Chre´tiens d’Orient et Islam au Moyen Age: VIIe-XVe sie`cle. Paris: Armand Colin/Masson, 1996. Ebied, Rifaat, and Herman Teule. Studies on the Christian Arabic Heritage in Honour of Father Prof. Dr. Samir Khalil Samir S.I. at the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday [Eastern Christian Studies, 5]. Leuven: Peeters, 2004. Frazee, Ch. Catholics and Sultans: The Church and the Ottoman Empire 1453–1923. London: Cambridge University Press, 1982. Friedman, Yohanan. Tolerance and Coercion in Islam: Interfaith Relations in the Muslim Tradition. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2003. Gaudeul, Jean-Marie. Encounters & Clashes: Islam and Christianity in History. 2 vols. Rome: Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e Islamici, 1984. Griffith, Sidney H. ‘‘The Monk in the Emir’s majlis: Reflections on a Popular Genre of Christian Literary Apologetics in Arabic in the Early Islamic Period.’’ In The Majlis: Interreligious Encounters in Medieval Islam [Studies in Arabic Language and Literature, 4], ed. Hava Lazarus Yafeh et al, 13–65. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1999. ———. ‘‘Melkites, Jacobites and the Christological Controversies in Arabic in Third/Ninth-Century Syria.’’ In Syrian Christians under Islam: The First Thousand Years, ed. David Thomas, 9–55. Leiden: Brill, 2001. ———. The Beginnings of Christian Theology in Arabic: Muslim-Christian Encounters in the Early Islamic Period

[Collected Studies Series, 746]. Aldershot, Hamp: Variorum/Ashgate, 2002. Gutas, Dimitri. Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The Graeco-Arabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early ‘Abba¯sid Society (2nd–4th/8th–10th centuries). London and New York: Routledge, 1998. Khoury, Paul. Mate´riaux pour Servir a` l’E´tude de la Controverse The´ologique Islamo-Chre´tienne de Langue Arabe du VIIIe au XII Sie`cle [Religionswissenschaftliche Studien, 11:1–4]. 4 vols. Wu¨rzburg and Altenberge: Echter & Oros Verlag, 1989–1999. Le Coz, R. L’Eglise d’Orient: Chre´tiens d’Irak, d’Iran et de Turqie. Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1995. Martı´nez, F.J. ‘‘La literatura apocalı´ptica y las primeras reacciones cristianas a la conquista isla´mica en Oriente.’’ In Europa y el Islam, edited by Gonzalo Anes and ´ lvarez de Castrillo´n, 143–222. Madrid: Real Academia A de la Historia, 2003. McAuliffe, J. Qur’a¯nic Christians: An Analysis of Classical and Modern Exegesis. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Michel, Thomas F. A Muslim Theologian’s Response to Christianity: Ibn Taymiyya’s al-Jawa¯b al-a ¯ı . Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1984. Reynolds, Gabriel Said. A Muslim Theologian in the Sectarian Milieu: ‘Abd al-Jabbar (415/1025) and the ‘Critique of Christian Origins.’ Leiden: Brill, 2004. Tritton, A.S. The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of ‘Umar. London: Oxford University Press, 1930. Yahya¯ ibn ‘Adı¯. The Reformation of Morals [Eastern Christian Texts, 1], ed. Samir Khalil Samir, trans. Sidney H. Griffith. Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2002. Ye’or, Bat. Islam and Dhimmitude: Where Civilizations Collide. Teaneck, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2002.

CIRCASSIANS Circassians is the general name for the group of peoples in the northwestern Caucasus region who speak a language of the Abazgo–Circassian branch of the Caucasian languages. In Arabic, they are usually referred to as Jarkash (pl. Jarakish); in Turkish, ˇ erkes; and in their own language, Adygei. The CirC cassians were renowned for their military skills and played an important role in the history of the Mamluk Sultanate in Egypt and Syria, and to a certain degree later in the Ottoman Empire and the Safawid Empire. The territories inhabited by the Circassians are today part of the Russian Federation, and people of Circassian descent also live in Turkey, Jordan, and Israel. Circassians and their lands were known to the early Arab geographers but were generally off the main path of early Muslim history. Their territory was ruled by the Khazars in the seventh to eleventh centuries, and the Mongol Golden Horde in the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries. Throughout this 155

CIRCASSIANS period, the Circassians followed their indigenous pagan traditions, although Christianity made some inroads among them. The Circassians began adopting Islam starting around the sixteenth century. The fact that they were pagans, along with their prowess, made them ideal candidates for military slavery (see Slavery, Military), not the least since at times it was difficult to procure Mamluks from the traditional Qipchaq Turkish areas farther north. Circassians first achieved prominence in the Mamluk Sultanate under Sultan Qalawun (1279–1290), who enrolled them in his Burjiyya regiment, named after the towers (abraj) of the Cairo citadel in which they resided. The members of this formation were only part of the large number of Mamluks whom this sultan purchased, and besides their military skills and availability, another reason for their purchase appears to have been a desire to counterbalance the influence of the Turkish Mamluks. The Circassians at that time, as well as later, showed a great degree of ethnic solidarity (jinsiyya), and rallied behind their compatriot Baybars al-Jashnakir (the taster), one of the strongmen of the Sultanate after Qalawun’s death who was briefly sultan (r. 1309–1310), known to modern historians as Baybars II. While not disappearing, the power of the Circassians was subsequently weakened in the following generations but was to reemerge after the rise to power of Sultan Barquq (r. 1382–1406), a Circassian who made a special effort to import Mamluks from among his countrymen, at the expense of Turks and other groups. In fact, the second half of the Mamluk Sultanate is known by contemporary sources as the ‘‘Circassian State/Dynasty’’ (dawlat al-jarakisa), reflecting the predominant role of this group. Modern historians and students often mistakenly call this time the Burji period and its rulers Burji sultans, probably unintentionally (but still falsely) seeing a connection between the Circassian Burjiyya regiment of the late thirteenth century and the Circassian rulers, officers, and common Mamluks of a century later. The Circassian period was generally one of economic decline and political disorder. Certainly there was a growing lack of discipline among the Mamluks. Contemporary writers, sometimes followed by modern historians, have attributed this to the character of the Circassians. It probably has more to do with a declining economy (a legacy of the middle fourteenth century), which in turn generated problems with paying the army, as well as the necessity of importing older Mamluks, meaning less education for the common soldier and future officer; he was therefore less formed than his predecessor and more prone to rioting and other forms of lack of discipline. There was a notable tendency for the Circassians to bring over 156

family members once they were well established, breaking a long-held tradition of the Mamluk system, where the young military slave lost contact with his family, thus becoming dependent on his new patron and fellow Mamluks. Interestingly enough, during the Circassian period there was a certain flowering of Mamluk Turkish literature in the Sultanate, indicating that perhaps Turkish remained the lingua franca of the Mamluk class in spite of demographic changes. Circassians remained among the Mamluks of Egypt in the Ottoman period and were settled in Palestine and Jordan in the nineteenth century by the Ottoman authorities as part of the effort to increase control in the area, as well as to provide a solution to the thousands of Circassians who fled their homeland after the Russian conquest. REUVEN AMITAI See also Mamluks Further Reading Ayalon, David. ‘‘The Circassians in the Mamlu¯k Kingdom.’’ Journal of the American Oriental Society. 69 (1949): 135–147. (Reprinted in D. Ayalon. Studies on the Mamlu¯k of Egypt [1250–1517]. London: Variorum Reprints, 1977.) Flemming, Barbara. ‘‘Literary Activities in the Mamluk Halls and Barracks.’’ In Studies in Memory of Gaston Wiet, ed. Myriam Rosen-Ayalon. Jerusalem: Institute of Asian and African Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1977. ˇ arkas.’’ Encyclopaedia Iranica. 4: Manz, Beatrice. ‘‘C 816–818. ˇ erkes.’’ Encyclopaedia of Islam, Quelquejay, Ch et al. ‘‘C new edition. 2: 21–26.

CIRCUMCISION (KHITAN ) The Arabic word for circumcision (khitan) is used interchangeably with both the male and the female versions, although the term khifad often appears in specific reference to female excision. Nowhere mentioned in the Qur’an, and only briefly discussed in legal materials, circumcision has become inextricably tied to one’s identity as a Muslim in popular piety and practice. In fact, many Muslims recognize it as a necessary step in conversion to Islam. From a religious studies perspective, the manipulation of the genitalia ultimately epitomizes a believer’s submission to divine control over human, procreative instincts and base passions. Circumcision was a common practice in pre-Islamic Arabia that was later absorbed into the Islamic tradition. Both Philo (ca. 40 CE) and Josephus (ca. 100 CE) note its presence in Egypt, Ethiopia, and Arabia prior to the coming of Islam. They suggest

CLIMATE, THEORIES OF circumcision was tied to certain rites of passage, like puberty or marriage, in these regions. Philo observes that Egyptian males and females were circumcised after the fourteenth year before marriage, whereas Josephus claims the Arabs performed it on males just after the thirteenth year, at the time Ishmael was circumcised. In one of the earliest biographies of the Prophet Muhammad, Ibn Ishaq (d. 767 CE) records that in pre-Islamic times the Quraysh would slaughter a camel to Hubal, the central idol of the Ka’ba, before their sons were circumcised. Ibn Ishaq mentions girls were also circumcised, but in less celebratory fashion. Oddly, these early biographical materials do not mention the Prophet Muhammad’s circumcision. The explanations for how the Prophet was circumcised only appear in later works. For example, some fourteenth- and fifteenth-century documents suggest ’Abdu’l Muttalib circumcised Muhammad; others insist that the prophet was, in fact, born circumcised. The justifications for circumcision vary dramatically in early Sunni sources and practices. The majority of Sunni hadith associate circumcision with rites of purification (tahara). Cutting the foreskin often appears in lists that include other acts of general hygiene, including the clipping of nails, the use of the tooth-stick, the trimming of mustaches, and the depilation of both the armpits and the pubic region. Adherence to these purity practices, which call for the removal of excess bodily materials, allows the true believer to realize the fitra, which the hadith define as the originary religion reflected in one’s true nature as God created it. Some Sunni hadith also link the practice of foreskin removal back to Abraham, who circumcised himself at the age of eighty with a pickax. Unlike Judaism, Islam does not view circumcision as the sole signifier of the covenant between God and his people. Circumcision stands as just one of many tests Abraham performed to demonstrate his unflinching adherence to the true faith. Just as Abraham was willing to sacrifice his son, so too was he willing to sacrifice a part of himself to fulfill God’s command. Like many other Muslim ritual practices, circumcision is significant only insofar as it reflects a deeper intent to submit fully to God’s will. In early Sunni legal circles, Islamic scholars debate whether the practice of circumcision is wajib (obligatory) or sunna (customary), or whether its obligations extend solely to males, or to males and females. AlShafi‘i considers the practice mandatory for both sexes, whereas Malik and others consider it sunna only for males. Those who consider the practice mandatory for males and females look to those hadith that combine circumcision with non–gender specific

purificatory rituals, such as the removal of armpit hair and the shaving of the pubic region. Female circumcision is supported by relatively few numbers of hadith, many of which are attached with some sort of disclaimer. In those that do support female circumcision, the command is to cut, but not to cut too severely for the sake of the woman and her husband. These hadith, which stem back to the Prophet himself, condemn practices of excessive mutilation or radical infibulation. In addition to debates about to whom the practice should apply, many legal schools also deliberate the time a circumcision should be performed. Some recommend the seventh day following the birth of a male child (as distinct from Jewish law), while others propose its performance after a child reaches his tenth birthday. Like their Sunni counterparts, Shi‘i jurists support the practice of circumcision. Not insignificantly, the Shi‘is do insist that all major prophets, including Abraham and Muhammad, were born purified and circumcised, along with every Shi‘i imam. The Shi‘i view that foreskin, or any other body part that requires cutting, clipping, shaving, or plucking, would somehow mar the flawlessness of a prophet or imam, may be what informs this doctrine. KATHRYN KUENY See also Birth; Customary Law; Festivals and Celebration; Gender and Sexuality; Hadith; Ibn Ishaq; Law and Jurisprudence; Malik ibn Anas; Muhammad the Prophet; Personal Hygiene; Purity, Ritual; Qur’an; al-Shafi‘i; Shi‘ism; Sira Further Reading Hoffman, Lawrence A. Covenant of Blood: Circumcision and Gender in Rabbinic Judaism. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1996. Kister, M.J. Concepts and Ideas at the Dawn of Islam. Aldershot, Great Britain and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate/ Varioram, 1997. Kueny, Kathryn. ‘‘Abraham’s Test: Islamic Male Circumcision as Anti/Ante-Covenantal Practice.’’ In Bible and Qur’an: Essays in Scriptural Intertextuality, ed. John C. Reeves, 161–182. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003. Waugh, Earl. ‘‘Circumcision.’’ In The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World, edited by John L. Esposito. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Wensinck, A.J. ‘‘Khitan.’’ In The Encyclopedia of Islam, 2d ed, ed. H.A.R. Gibb et al. 9 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1987.

CLIMATE, THEORIES OF There are two interconnected understandings of climate that developed in medieval Islamic society. The first derives from the rich Arabic geographical 157

CLIMATE, THEORIES OF literature that variously divided the world into different ‘‘climates’’ as a framework for topographical description and cartography. These geographical climates were referred to by the Arabic term iqlim (pl. aqalim), which derived originally from the Greek klima (inclination), the basis of the Ptolemaic cartographic system. The use of aqalim in Arabic geography is considerably varied and does not simply follow the patterns of the Greek tradition as it was translated through Syriac authors. Several individual geographical treatises, such as that of al-Khuwarizmi, as well as more encyclopedic works, such as Yaqut, tended to reproduce the original seven climates of Ptolemy. These consisted of horizontal bands that began at the equator and progressively moved northward to cover the whole of the northern hemisphere. The width of each band was determined by the length of the day at the summer solstice and therefore did not represent any topographical or anthropological reality. Nevertheless, as discussed in the work of the Ikwan al-Safa’ and others, residence in a particular iqlim was considered to affect the health of its inhabitants, their capabilities, both mental and physical, and even their body types and skin color. For most medieval authors there was a distinctly marked preference for the middle latitudes, which represented regions of climatic balance, in both temperature and seasonality. One of the chief advantages of this theory was that Baghdad, the official capital of the Caliphate for much of the ‘Abbasid dynasty, was located squarely in the fourth/middle climate, thus advantageously placed to represent the essence of ta‘adil (equilibrium/moderation in all things). This latitudinal division of the world was largely rejected, or at least significantly reworked, by many medieval geographers who preferred to categorize the world in more civilizational or administrative terms. In maintaining the number seven as definitional to a theory of aqalim, certain authors were influenced by the Persian notion of kishvar regions, each of which comprised a large empire/civilization. Al-Biruni provided a diagram of the world based on the kishvar, such that his climates are represented by circles, not latitudinal bands, with Baghdad’s iqlim in the center and the other six arranged around it. Within the tradition of descriptive geography that was championed by authors of the so-called Balki school of the tenth century, a more administrative logic would define these regions and also increase their number. In probably the most sophisticated geographical treatise of the medieval period, al-Muqaddasi’s Ahsan al-Taqasim fi Ma‘rifat al-Aqalim (The Best Division for Knowledge of the Regions), the author describes fourteen regions (six Arab, eight non-Arab) that were described not only using the administrative 158

boundaries but also numerous other cultural and environmental factors, such as ethnicity and cultivation. In virtually all of the works that used the notion of iqlim as part of a theory of geographical classification, the intent was to provide a framework for presenting information on the cities, settlements, populations, and topographical features located in these regions. This geographical literature tended not to prioritize the description of climate in a more meteorological sense, although this was addressed peripherally in many works, particularly compendia of knowledge such as the epistles of the Ikhwan al-Safa¯’. Rather, this second understanding of climate, distinguished in Arabic by the term manakh (climate, atmosphere), which encompasses notions such as weather and seasonality, was often dealt with in other sources. Medieval Arabic texts, particularly those that dealt with the question of the ‘aja’ib (miracles, natural wonders), such as al-Qazwini, have provided extensive information about issues such as the division of the seasons, the influence of weather on the body and culture, and general understandings of ecology and health. Two realms of knowledge have contributed to theories surrounding these questions: (1) Islamic cosmological/theological understandings of the four elements, the three kingdoms, the nature of the physical world, and the role of humanity as steward of God’s creation; and (2) ‘‘folk’’ understandings based on practical experience and knowledge of the environment, which are often correlated with economic lifeways (such as agriculture, pastoralism, craft production) or landscapes (such as desert, irrigated agricultural plain, cities). Despite the distinctions between the geographical and meteorological senses of climate, there have been moments of convergence between the understanding of manakh and iqlam, particularly in connection with the understanding of what constituted the ideal climate for the development of civilizational and spiritual achievements. Ibn Khaldun noted in his seminal work of social history, al-Muqaddimah, that the middle three aqalim were the most suitable for civilization, particularly the proliferation of great monuments and advanced urban centers, because of the moderation of their meteorological climate. Moreover, these more temperate regions were envisioned as the place of prophets and righteous people, a testament to the link made in medieval Islamic society not only between climate and civilization, but also between climate and morality. IAN B. STRAUGHN See also Agriculture; Cartography; Geography; Human Geography; Ibn Khaldun; Meteorology; Nomadism and Pastoralism, al-Qazwini; Yaqut

CLOTHING AND COSTUME Further Reading Ahmad, Sayyid Maqbul. A History of Arab-Islamic Geography. Amman: Ahl al-Bayt University Press, 1995. al-Muqaddasi, Muhammad ibn Ahmad. The Best Division for Knowledge of the Regions. Translated by Basil A. Collins. Reading, UK: Garnet Publishing, 1994. Al-Qazwı¯nı¯. ‘Aja¯’ib al-Makhlu¯qa¯t wa ghara¯’ib al-Mawjuda¯t. Cairo, 1957. Harley, J.B., and D. Woodward, eds. The History of Cartography: Cartography in the Traditional Islamic and South Asian Societies. Vol. 2.1. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987. Hopkins, J. F. P. ‘‘Geographical and Navigational Literature.’’ In Religion, Learning and Science in the Abbasid Period, edited by M.J.L. Young, J. D. Latham, and R. B. Serjeant, 301–327. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1990. Ibn Khaldun. The Muquaddimah. 2 vols. Translated by Franz Rosenthal. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967. Ikhwa¯n al-Safa¯’. Ra¯sa’il Ikhwa¯n al-Safa¯’ wa-khulla¯n al-wafa¯’. Egypt: al-Maktaba al-Tija¯rı¯ya al-Kubra¯, 1928. Miquel, Andre. ‘‘Iklı¯m.’’ In The Encyclopedia of Islam. 2d ed. Leiden: E.J. Brill. ———. La Ge´ographie Humaine du Monde Musulman jusqu’ua Milieu de 11e Sie`cle. 4 vols. Paris: Mouton & Co, 1967–1988. Musa¯, ‘Alı¯ Hassan. Al-Mana¯kh fı¯ al-Tura¯th al- ‘Arabı¯ (Climate in Arab Heritage). Damascus: Da¯r al-Fiqh, 2001. Ya¯qut ibn ‘Abd Allah al-Hamawı¯. Mu ‘jam al-Buldan. Beirut: Da¯r Sa¯dir, 1955–1957.

CLOTHING AND COSTUME Although there were regional and temporal variations in clothing styles throughout the medieval Muslim world, there was a distinct civilization-wide mode of dress that Yedida Kalfon Stillman has dubbed ‘‘the Islamic vestimentary system.’’ This vestimentary system, which remained remarkably constant throughout the Middle Ages, developed from the gradual fusion of three different fashion systems that existed in the lands, rather cultural zones, that became the caliphate: the Arabian Peninsula, the Hellenistic Mediterranean, and Iranian and Turkish Central Asia. The pre-Islamic Arabian mode of dress was characterized by loose, flowing, untailored garments; the Hellenistic Mediterranean by tunics and wraps; and the Central Asian by fitted or tailored garments such as coats, jackets, and trousers. The process of fusion had already begun in the Arab kingdoms of Hira and Ghassan in northern Arabia that bordered the Byzantine and Sasanian empires and were zones of cultural osmosis just prior to the advent of Islam.

Early Islamic Clothing: Style and Religious Ideology The general mode of dress of the Muslim community at the time of the Prophet was generally that of preIslamic Arabia with some modifications in accordance with new moral sensibilities. The new Islamic notions of corporal modesty were not unlike those of Near Eastern Judaism and Christianity. The Qur’an declares that God revealed libas (clothing) to humanity ‘‘to conceal your shame’’ (Sura VII, 26). The medieval Arabic lexicographers even defined libas as ‘‘that which conceals or covers the sexual organs.’’ (It is noteworthy that in many modern Arabic dialects the word is used to denote underwear, not merely as a euphemism, but in recognition of clothing’s essential nature.) Like Jews and Christians, the early Muslims were prudish about pagan society’s easygoing attitude toward nudity, and the hadith literature stresses the importance of underwear. The basic Arab undergarment going back to Antiquity was the izar. This loincloth is already mentioned by Herodotus and still constitutes the lower half of the ritual ihram attire worn by male pilgrims to Mecca. During the formative period when Muhammad led the community in Medina (622–632), a new undergarment of Persian origin, sirwal (drawers), also came into use. Because not everyone in the early umma could afford a separate undergarment, there are numerous traditions warning against exposing one’s private parts when sitting, squatting, or trussing up one’s garment while working. The principal article of clothing at the time of the Prophet was one of a variety of body shirts, such as the qamis, or tunics, such as the thawb. The latter was so basic that the word also simply means ‘‘cloth’’ or, in the plural, ‘‘items of clothing.’’ Depending on weather, occasion, or wealth and status, a person might wear over the body-covering a mantle (rida’), a wrap (burd, milhafa, shamla, or izar), a coat (qaba’), or a sleeveless robe (‘aba’a). Many of the same garment names are used for male and female attire, although there probably were often some gender differences of style. Following norms going back to the ancient Near East, covering the head was considered a mark of modesty for both men and women. Exposing one’s hair was a sign of arrogance, and the Qur’an threatens the sinner with being dragged down to hell by his ‘‘lying, sinful forelock’’ (Sura 104, 15–16). Early Muslims covered the head with a variety of caps, such as the qalansuwa (considered so distinctively Arab that it was specifically forbidden to non-Muslim subjects by the Pact of ‘Umar after the conquests), a headcloth, such as the mandil, or a turban (‘imama). The early turban was probably a simple strip of fabric 159

CLOTHING AND COSTUME wound about the head and not the composite headgear of later medieval and early modern times, which consists of one or more caps and a winding cloth. It certainly did not have the significance that it came to have in the later Middle Ages as ‘‘the crown of the Arabs,’’ ‘‘the badge of Islam,’’ and ‘‘the divider between unbelief and belief.’’ Because of the turban’s later significance, pious legends about the Prophet’s turban abounded, and one of his epithets came to be sahib al-‘imama (the wearer of the turban). Early hadiths, however, mention him appearing publicly with his mantle pulled over his head and held in place with a headband (‘isaba). With the exception of Muhammad’s wives, whose special status set them apart, strict veiling for women does not seem to have been the norm in the early Muslim community. Around 626–627, the Prophet received a revelation that in public his and the Believers’ wives should draw their jilbab, an enveloping outer wrap, ‘‘close about them. . . .so they be recognized and not molested’’ (Sura XXXIII, 59). Another Medinese verse (Sura XXIV, 31) enjoins Muslim women to be modest and cover their bosoms with a khimar, another female veil-cum-wrap, but makes no mention of covering the face. It would appear that strict veiling practices, together with the seclusion of women, only evolved among the bourgeoisie over the first two centuries of Islam in emulation of the Prophet’s personal sunna (practice). Since many of the most stirring prophetic utterances seemed to imply that Judgment Day was nigh, the early Islamic community tended toward sartorial austerity. According to the Qur’an (Sura XXII:23), the Believers will be clothed with raiment of silk and bracelets of gold and pearls in Paradise, but according to the hadith, Muhammad forbade men to indulge in such luxuries in this world. He did, however, make exceptions for men with pruritic skin conditions or body lice, as well as for women. During the century following the Islamic conquests, this early austerity in male attire rapidly gave way to greater luxury for the upper classes, and only the poor and the ascetic pietists continued wearing simple garments. Because of their plain wool (suf) robes, the ascetics came to be known as Sufis.

Evolution of the Islamic Vestimentary System under the Caliphates The Islamic vestimentary system evolved in the great caliphate established by the Arab conquests. As noted at the beginning of this entry, the expanded empire included three different cultural zones, each with its 160

own distinctive fashion system. At first, the Arabs, who were a minority in their own empire, tried to maintain identifiable differences of attire between themselves and their subjects. This led to the ghiyar (differentiation) regulations, which required the dhimmis, or tolerated non-Muslim population, to be visibly dissimilar in dress from Muslims. These sumptuary laws evolved over a long period but were ascribed by later tradition to the so-called Pact of ‘Umar, which was attributed to Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab (r. 634–644). The earliest of these rules probably only date from the time of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (r. 717–720). The requirement to have distinctly distinguishing clothing also applied to the Arab militia that stood guard over the empire. Arab warriors in the eastern provinces, for example, were forbidden from wearing the Persian khaftan (cuirass) and ran (leggings). However, by the end of the Umayyad period, the Arabs living in Khurasan had become increasingly assimilated into the local culture, and this certainly included their style of dress. The fusion of vestimentary styles and a movement away from the earlier austerity were already taking place in the highest echelons of Islamic society shortly after the conquests. Both historical sources and artistic representations attest to the fact that some of the Umayyad rulers wore Persian-style coats, pantaloons, and the regal, high, miterlike hat known as the qalansuwa tawila. They also adopted, from both the Byzantine and the Sasanian courts, the custom of wearing special royal garments of such luxury fabrics as silk, satin, and brocade. Umayyad official attire was white, while the protocol of their successors, the ‘Abbasids, required black. The Umayyads further emulated the Byzantine and Persian rulers by establishing state factories to produce royal fabrics with embroidered bands (tiraz) containing written inscriptions. Along with a mention of the caliph’s name in the Friday sermon, having his name inscribed on tiraz and on coins came to be regarded as the ruler’s prerogative. Garments of these regal fabrics were not only worn by the caliphs and their retinues but also were given as gifts. The bestowal of the khil ‘a, or robe of honor, became a standard practice in Islamic courts throughout the Middle Ages and continued until early modern times. Not only did the wearing of luxurious clothing spread down from the elite to the bourgeoisie, but also private ateliers began imitating royal tiraz. We know both from actual relics preserved in museums and from the documents of the Cairo Geniza that ordinary people who could afford it copied the practice of bestowing robes of honor on family and friends. Valuable articles of clothing were considered part of personal wealth and were handed down as family heirlooms.


Kaftan. Turkish, late sixteenth-early seventeenth century CE (CT22668). Credit: Victoria & Albert Museum, London/Art Resource. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, Great Britain.

During the ninth and tenth centuries, fashion consciousness reached new heights in Baghdad. Sartorial style and elegance formed part of the polite cultural ideal of adab. In his manual for members of refined society, Kitab al-Muwashsha’ aw al-Zarf wa-lZurafa’ (The Book of Ornamentation on Elegance and Elegant People), the aesthete al-Washsha’ (d. 936) devotes several chapters to proper attire and the etiquette of dress for members of both sexes. Many

Persian garments were integrated into the Islamic vestimentary system during that time. The ‘Abbasids increasingly adopted elements from Sasanian court protocols, such as red leather boots. As a demonstration of their Arabian roots, Islamic legitimacy, and charisma, the ‘Abbasid caliphs would on certain ceremonial occasions don the simple woolen burda (cloak) that had supposedly belonged to the Prophet Muhammad. 161

CLOTHING AND COSTUME The Fatimid dynasty (909–1171) exceeded both the Umayyads and the ‘Abbasids in their use of clothing as part of their pomp and ceremony. A government agency oversaw the production, storage, and distribution of seasonal ceremonial attire for all officials from the caliph down to minor civil servants. A complete outfit might consist of a dozen articles of clothing. Fatimid ceremonial costumes were mostly white and embroidered with gold and silver thread in accordance with the dynasty’s official image as bearers of divine light (nur ilahi).

Turkish Military Dynasties and Later Medieval Fashion Trends Yedida Stillman has noted three significant trends occurring in the Islamic vestimentary system during the late eleventh through thirteenth centuries under the Turkish military dynasties of the Seljuks, the Ayyubids, and the Mamluks, and under the Mongol Ilkhanids. These trends were (1) the introduction of new garments and fashions from Central Asia and the Far East; (2) increasing social stratification reflected by clothing; and (3) ever-stricter interpretation and enforcement of the dress code for dhimmis. The first category included a variety of Asian coats, jackets, and vests (qaba’ turki, qaba’ tatari, bughlutaq, sallariyya, malluta); caps and hats (sharbush, kalawta, saraquj, zamt); and military belts (hiyasa, band) and boots (khifaf) emblazoned with heraldic devices. Originally reserved only for the ruling military elite, some variants of these items were in time adopted by the bourgeoisie. The increased social stratification under the feudalistic military regimes was reflected in the dress of the different classes of society. Not only did the ‘‘men of the sword’’ (arbab al-suyuf) have their own distinctive fashions, but so did the bureaucrat ‘‘men of the pen’’ (arbab al-aqlam), the religious scholars (‘ulama’), the urban notables (al-a‘yan), the Sufis, the young mens’ associations (al-fityan), and the masses (al-‘amma). During this period, for example, the Persian shawl known as the taylasan was the badge of qadis and jurists, and the miterlike qalansuwa tawila, a symbol of royalty under the Umayyads and a fashionable hat under the ‘Abbasids, became the mark of a dervish. The strictness of application of ghiyar for the clothing of dhimmis was due both to the increased social stratification of the times and to a hardening of attitudes toward non-Muslims. The Mamluks imposed a color code on dhimmi women’s outdoor clothing. Jewish women were to be identified by a 162

yellow izar, Christian women by a blue one, and Samaritans by red. In Sharifan Morocco, Jewish men (the only dhimmis) had to wear black, and in Zaydi Yemen, Jewish males and females dark indigo. In Safavid Iran, dhimmi men wore an identifying patch, while their womenfolk were forbidden to veil their faces like Muslim women. Overall, the Islamic vestimentary system remained remarkably constant both in its basic form and in ideology throughout most of the Middle Ages. There was continual evolution, introduction of new garments, and regional stylistic variation, but the fusion in different proportions over time and space of the three basic components—Arabian, Hellenistic, and Irano–Turkic—was the essential hallmark of the fashion system. This system would only begin to experience radical changes during the nineteenth century as a concomitant of modernization and the impact of the West. NORMAN A. STILLMAN See also Court Dress Further Reading Gordon, Stewart, ed. Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture. New York and Houndsmill, 2001. Mayer, L.A. Mamluk Costume: A Survey. Geneva, Albert Kundig, 1952. Serjeant, R.B. Islamic Textiles: Material for a History up to the Mongol Conquest. Beirut, Librairie du Liban, 1972. Stillman, Yedida Kalfon. Arab Dress: A Short History from the Dawn of Islam to Modern Times. Edited by Norman A. Stillman. Leiden, Boston and Ko¨ln, 2000 and 2003. ———. ‘‘Costume as Cultural Statement: The Esthetics, Economics, and Politics of Islamic Dress.’’ In The Jews of Medieval Islam: Community, Society, and Identity, ed. Daniel Frank. Leiden: Brill, 1995. ———. ‘‘The Medieval Islamic Vestimentary System: Evolution and Consolidation.’’ In Kommunikation zwischen Orient und Okzident: Alltag und Sachkultur. ¨ sterreichischen Akademie der Vienna, Verlag der O Wissenschaften, 1994. ———. ‘‘The Importance of the Cairo Geniza Manuscripts for the History of Medieval Female Attire.’’ International Journal of Middle East Studies 7 (1976): 579–589.

COINS AND CURRENCY Without any own monetary traditions, the Arabs of Mecca and Medina at first adopted the preexisting coinages in the conquered regions. The result was the development of two currencies: the so called Arab-Byzantine in copper and gold and the ArabSasanian coinage almost entirely in silver, both with minor modifications to their prototypes. During the reign of the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan, coins of purely Islamic inspiration were struck. In AH 77/696 CE, the caliph issued the first

COINS AND CURRENCY gold dinars at weight of one mithqal (4.25 g). Silver dirhams followed in AH 79/698 CE, at the ‘‘canonical’’ weight of 2.97 g. These coins were entirely anonymous; the inscriptions consisted of religious phrases. Additionally to those phrases, dinars also bear the date, dirhams, the mint and date. No such uniform design was applied to the copper coins, called fulus (sg. fals), which were more or less a local affair. During the ‘Abbasid caliphate the epigraphic style of coinage continued with minor changes in the used formulas. In the 770s, the caliph’s name often appeared on the coins, as did the names of the designated heirs, local governors, and court officials. From this period on dinars started to bear the mint, too. During the ninth century, copper coinage was largely abandoned. It is also apparent that Islamic dirhams started to be an important trading medium outside the Caliphate. The various dynasties that took political authority from the ‘Abbasids retained the standard design for their precious metal coinage. Sovereignty is expressed by the right of sikka (the mention of the ruler’s name on the precious metal coinage). In addition to the existent denominations, new ones were introduced, at first in ‘Abbasid Yemen. As the western lands became independent of the ‘Abbasids, they began to strike their own coinage. The Umayyads of Spain continued to strike silver coins like those of the Umayyads and later introduced a gold coinage. The coinage of the Almoravides reflected their fervor for the holy war by introducing pugnacious legends. The Idrisids minted silver dirhams, lighter than the contemporary ‘Abbasid ones. The Sunni Aghlabid gold coinage, on the other hand, was of normal ‘Abbasid type and weight. In the East the Tahirids were the first to issue coins independently. Their Saffarid and Samanid coins were dirhams of the normal ‘Abbasid type. The main post-‘Abbasid coinage in this region was that of the Buyids, which was predominantly in gold. From circa 940, because of the lack of silver in Islam, the Samanids turned to the production of low-grade silver coins of large model, weighing up to twenty grams. Large, billon- or plated-copper coins were first struck by the Qarakhanids. Most dynasties followed and billon coinage came into prominence. By 1010, fine silver coinage had become uncommon in the Muslim world. Umayyad standards of monetary stability were never reached again. The first to depart from the classical coin type was the Fatimid dynasty. On his accession, al-Mu’izz introduced new coinage bearing militant Shi‘i inscriptions in a concentric coin design. Also, a new dinar with the legend ‘‘extremely high’’ to demonstrate the gold fineness was introduced. The twelfth century had

some changes in the coinage of the eastern Islamic lands: copper coins reappeared as important money, sometimes in the form of large copper coins. Also, good silver dirham coinage was reintroduced by the Ayyubid sultan Saladin. Because of several monetary reforms, the Mamluks minted distinctive precious metal coins and coppers that displayed a variety of heraldic emblems. In 1225, the dominance of the Venetian gold ducat forced the introduction of a new Mamluk gold coinage, the ashrafi, at the same standard, which was also adopted by the Ottomans. In the Maghreb, the Almohads also used distinctive new coin types to emphasize their dissident beliefs. Their ‘‘square in circle’’ type of gold coinage and their square-shaped silver coins were adopted by all subsequent Western dynasties. In the late twelfth and the thirteenth centuries, silver coinage spread to Anatolia, Iraq, and Iran. The Rum-Seljuk dirhams were minted copiously. Under the Mongol Ilkhan Ghazan Mahmud, the continued local coinages were abandoned. He created a silver coinage with uniform appearance, weight, and fineness. The early fourteenth century started with a series of reductions under his successors, which went along with changes in the coin design. This system was retained at a regional level by the post-Ilkhanid dynasts. The coinage of the Timurids was based on the Ilkhanid tradition but was dominated by a new and larger silver denomination. Timurid style and denomination spread widely through Safavid Iran and northern India. In their time, each of the great empires, Ottoman, Iranian, and Mughal, had their own diverse and complex coinage. LEONHARD E. REIS See also ‘Abbasids; ‘Abd al Malik ibn Marwan; Credit; Markets; Mining; Moneylenders; Precious Metals; Saladin (Salah al-Din); Tax and Taxation; Trade, Mediterranean; Weights and Measurements; Umayyads

Further Reading Album, Stephan. Marsden’s Numismata Orientalia Illustrata. New York: Attic Books, 1977. ———. A Checklist of Islamic Coins. 2d ed. Santa Rosa: private publishing house, 1998. Bates, Michael. Islamic Coins. ANS Handbook 2. New York: American Numismatic Society, 1982. Broome, Michael. A Handbook of Islamic Coins. London: Seaby, 1985. Codrington, O. A Manual of Musulman Numismatics. London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1904. Deyell, John. Living Without Silver: The Monetary History of Early Mediaeval North India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press India, 1999.


COINS AND CURRENCY Ilisch, Lutz, ed. Sylloge Numorum Arabicorum Tu¨bingen. 6 vols. Tu¨bingen: Wasmuth, 1993. Lane-Poole, Stanley. Catalogue of Oriental Coins in the British Museum. 10 vol. London: British Museum, 1875–1890. Lavoix, Henri. Catalogue des Monnaies Musulmanes de la Bibliothe`que Nationale. 3 vol. Paris: Bibliothe`que Nationale, 1887–1896. Mitchener, Michael. Oriental Coins and Their Values: The World of Islam. London: Hawkins, 1977. Plant, Richard. Arabic Coins and How to Read Them. London: Seaby, 1973. Roberts, James. ‘‘Early Islamic Coins.’’ http://users.rcn. com/j-roberts/home.htm, 2005. Treadwell, Luke, ed. Sylloge of Islamic Coins in the Ashmolean. 3 vols. Oxford: Oxford University, 1999. Zambaur, Eduard von. Die Mu¨nzpra¨gungen des Islams, ¨ rtlich Geordnet. I. Der Westen und Osten Zeitlich und O bis zum Indus mit Synoptischen Tabellen. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1968.

COMMANDING GOOD AND FORBIDDING EVIL The principle of commanding the good and forbidding the evil (al-amr bi al-ma‘ru¯f wa al-nahy ‘an al-munkar), which is applied to any action promoting what is good and prohibiting what is reprehensible, formulates a religious and moral duty based on the Qur’an. The terms ma‘ru¯f and munkar in the expression occur in the Qur’an sometimes in tandem, as in al-amr bi al-ma‘ru¯f wa al-nahy ‘an al-munkar (Q 3:110, 114; 7:157; 9:71, 112; 22:41), and at times separately (Q 4:114; 5:79; 16:90; 29:45). In its basic sense, ma‘ru¯f refers to good manners and behaviors that are well known, recognized, and embraced and that are not considered to be strange when seen among people, while munkar is the misdeed that is not approved and accepted. Discussions that took place in the Muslim community in political, dogmatic (confessional), and juristical domains and the distinction of reason and tradition (aql and naql ) resulting therefrom, gave way to the reformation of the meanings of ma‘ru¯f and munkar in accordance with this distinction. Thus, these two terms, in addition to their religious and moral significance, gained political and juristical content. While most Mu‘tazilite theologians called ma‘ru¯f what reason deems as good and munkar what reason deems evil in accordance with their position on the issue of good and bad (husn and qubh), the Salafis and the Ash‘arites defined ma‘ru¯f as the deeds and utterances that the law says are good, and munkar as what the law says is improper. No matter how they are determined, all political, theological, and jurisprudential schools are in complete agreement that performing this duty is 164

obligatory. However, there is a disagreement on whether this duty must be performed individually or collectively. There is a difference of opinion on such issues as to the way in which this principle should be implemented and the means of this implementation. The principle of commanding the good and forbidding the evil appears to have been enforced in two ways: (1) formally undertaken by the state, or (2) left to the individual responsibility of the Muslims. The former was institutionalized with the name of hisbah in such a way as to include the preservation of morality and the public order in society. Hisbah was intended to deal with the violation of individual, communal, and state rights and with the munkar about which there was no disagreement. Commenting on the verse ‘‘let there be a community of you, calling to all that is good, commanding what is right and forbidding what is wrong’’ (Q 3:104), scholars such as Abu¯ Ya‘la¯, al-Juwaynı¯, al-Ghaza¯lı¯, Fakhr al-Dı¯n al-Ra¯zı¯, Ibn Taymiyya, and Zamakhshari maintained that this duty was to be performed by those who are knowledgeable about ma‘ru¯f and munkar and the methods of commanding and prohibiting such things and those who possess good qualities. By citing the prophetic hadith that reads ‘‘whoever of you sees wrong being committed, let him rectify it with his hand, if he is unable, then with his tongue, and if he is unable, then with this heart, which is the bare minimum of faith,’’ Muslim scholars also held that everyone should carry out this duty with their hands, tongues, and hearts in accordance with their ability. Among the scholars, there are those who, restricting this duty to tongue and heart, disapproved of the use of force, and there are also those who contended that the use of force and coercion should be resorted to when tongue and heart are ineffective. The Kharijis asserted that this duty must be carried out, regardless of the circumstances, with anyone who goes astray, be it the state, the community, or the individual, and that the use of force and arms is required to do it. The Kharijis, who had as their motto the principle of commanding the good and forbidding the evil, accused anyone who did not agree with them of deviating from God’s true path, and hence claimed that these deviants from God’s path could only be fought through waging holy war against them. Grounding the legitimacy and the necessity of revolting against the state in this principle, the Kharijis had the lion’s share in this principle’s gaining a political content. The Ibadis, a Khariji faction, though disapproving of the use of weapon against people, believed that the tyrannical ruler has to be hampered and ousted by any means necessary, with or without arms. Although the Zaydiyyah and

COMMENTARY the Ima¯miyyah of the Shi‘i were in favor, like the Kharijis, of the use of force and arms against tyrannical political authority, the Ima¯mı¯s in particular suspended this practice until the Imam in occultation appears. Muslim scholars such as al-Hasan al-Basrı¯ and Abu Hanı¯fah viewed ‘‘the commanding the good and prohibiting the evil’’ as more of a moral principle and thus did not approve of the use of force against the state and the community on the ground that it would effect mistrust among people, harm the integrity of the community, and cause further social disintegration and unrest. As against the Khawarij, there was a group who considered al-amr wa al-nahy to be subject to the aforementioned conditions, and moreover did not go beyond the confines of the heart and the tongue for its sake. Ahmad b. Hanbal is counted among them. According to this group, a bloody uprising for the sake of struggling against unlawful activities is not permissible. The Salafiyyah, which also includes the people of hadith, did not deem it appropriate to resort to the use of force against political authority, even in the event that people are murdered and family members are harmed, in order to preserve social peace, to keep social order unharmed, and to prevent the community from breaking up due to disorder and corruption. Regarding this principle as one of the five fundamentals that complement the faith, the Mu‘tazilah held that to make the good prevail in social life and to avoid the evil, gentle language or method should first be used; if it is not effective, then a harsh expression may be employed; and if this does not prevail, then hand or force (sword) are to be used until the goal has been achieved. The Mu‘tazilah accepted the conditions for al-amr wa al-nahy, but, not limiting to the heart and the tongue, maintained that if the unlawful practices become common, or if the state is oppressive and unjust, it is obligatory for Muslims to rise in armed revolt. The Mu‘tazilah perceived this principle as the legitimate source of revolt during the Umayyad period and determined the method and conditions of revolting against the government in accordance with this principle. However, when they rose to power during the reign of the ‘Abbasid caliph Ma’mu¯n, the Mu‘tazilah made use of the same principle as a means to coerce others into accepting their views. For them, in order to rise against the authority, certain conditions such as ‘‘just imam,’’ ‘‘loyal and sincere followers,’’ and ‘‘hope of success’’ must obtain. In modern times, it is possible to consider within the extension of this principle the activities of the opposition parties in politics and the activities of

civil organizations for protecting the rights of the individual in Muslim societies. MAHMUT AY

Further Reading Abu¯ Ya‘la¯ al-Farra¯’. Al-Mu‘tamad fı¯ Usu¯l al-Dı¯n. Beirut, 1974, 194–199. Al-Ash‘arı¯. Maqa¯la¯t al-Isla¯miyyı¯n. Wiesbaden, 1963, ii, 451–452. Bayju¯rı¯. Tuhfat al-Murı¯d. Beirut, 1983, 202–203. Cagirici, Mustafa. ‘‘Emir bi’l Ma‘ruf Nehiy ani’l Munker.’’ EI (TDV) xi. (1995): 138–141. Cook, Michael. Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought. Cambridge, MA, 2000. Fakhr al-Dı¯n al-Ra¯zı¯. Asa¯s al-Taqdı¯s. Cairo, 1328 H, 88–89. Al-Ghaza¯lı¯. Ihya¯’ ‘Ulu¯m al-Dı¯n. Cairo, 1967, ii, 179, 155, 455. Ibn Manzu¯r. Lisa¯n al-‘Arab. Beirut, 1956, ix, 238–240. Ibn Taymiyyah. al-Hisbah fi al-Isla¯m. Cairo, 1318 H, 54–55 ff. Jala¯l al-Dı¯n al-‘Umarı¯. al-Amr bi al-Ma‘ru¯f wa al-Nahy ‘an al-Munkar. Kuwait, 1400 H. Al-Juwaynı¯. Kita¯b al-Irsha¯d. Cairo, 1950, 368–370. Madelung, W. ‘‘Amr bi Ma‘ru¯f.’’ EIR, i, 92–95. Mahmut Ay. Mu‘tazilah and Politics. Istanbul, 2002, 193–203. Al-Mas‘u¯dı¯. Muru¯j al-Dhahab. Beirut, 1965, iii, 154. Al-Ma¯wardı¯. Ahka¯m al-Sulta¯niyyah. Cairo, 1973, 240. Al-Mukhtasar fı¯ Usu¯l al-Dı¯n. In Rasa¯’il al-‘Adl wa al-Tawhı¯d, ed. Muhammad Ammarah, 248–249. Cairo, 1971, i. Al-Qa¯dı¯ ‘Abd al-Jabba¯r. Sharh al-Usu¯l al-Khamsah. (Cairo, 1988), 741–756. Ra¯ghib al-Isfaha¯nı¯. al-Mufrada¯t fı¯ Gharı¯b al-Qur’a¯n. Cairo, 1980, entries of ‘‘arf ’’ and ‘‘nkr.’’ Taha¯nawı¯. Kashsha¯f Istila¯ha¯t al-Funu¯n. Istanbul, 1984, ii, 994, 997, 1003. Wensinck, A.J. The Muslim Creed. Cambridge, MA, 1932, 106–107. Al-Zamakhsharı¯. al-Kashsha¯f‘an Haqa¯’iq Ghawa¯mid alTanzı¯l wa ‘Uyu¯n al-Aqa¯wı¯l fı¯ Wuju¯h al-Ta’wı¯l. Beirut, 1947, i, 396 ff.

COMMENTARY Commentary is a type of scholarship that attempts to elucidate, complement, correct, or even sophisticate an existing body of literature. Sometimes the underlying assumption is that the body of literature in question requires a commentary because it was produced at such a time in the past that its meanings and/ or historical circumstances are concealed to the current reader or the knowledge in it requires updating. However, in some cases, commentaries are authored precisely to infuse into that body of literature ideas and beliefs that are not there in the first place, and subsequently make it harmonious with those championed by the commentators. Commentaries are extremely important for the proper understanding of 165

COMMENTARY the dissemination of knowledge in the medieval Islamic world. Invariably, it was in commentaries that authors embedded their own views and sometimes corrections on earlier knowledge and dogma and opened new venues for the succeeding generations. In medieval Islamic scholarship, hundreds of commentaries were produced on a variety of religious and secular subjects, ranging from the Qur’an (being the most prestigious subject to compile a commentary on), Hadith, Sufism, and theology, to grammar, poetry, adab, and science.

Qur’an A commentary on the Qur’an usually engages one or more of the following issues: meaning(s) of particular words and expressions, grammar and proper reading, circumstances of revelation, abrogating and abrogated verses, and political or theological implications of particular verses. The earliest Qur’an commentators from the first century of Islam (seventh century CE) seem not to have had a comprehensive approach to interpreting Islam’s scripture. Rather, their commentary glosses are fragmentary and tend to represent one particular point of view. Later, in the second/eighth century, more comprehensive commentaries with a variety of opinions started to appear, such as the Tafsir of ‘Abd al-Razzaq al-San‘ani (d. 211/826). Commentaries on the grammar of the Qur’an also started to appear around that time, such as Ma‘ani al-Qur’an by al-Farra’ (d. 207/822). The most notable commentary from the medieval period is that of al-Tabari (d. 310/923), entitled Jami‘ al-bayan ‘an ta’wil ay al-Qur’an, which preserves a large number of commentary glosses by scholars from the first two centuries of Islam whose commentaries, if they ever existed as individual compilations, are otherwise lost to us. Other influential commentaries include Haqa’iq al-tafsir by al-Sulami (d. 412/1021), which extracts the ‘‘hidden’’ mystical meanings of the verses of the Qur’an; al-Kashf wa-l-bayan ‘an tafsir al-Qur’an by al-Tha ‘labi (d. 425/1037), which incorporates Sunni, Shi‘i, and Sufi interpretations but leaves out, intentionally it seems, the Mu‘tazila views; al-Tibyan fi tafsir al-Qur’an by Abu Ja‘far al-Tusi (d. 460/1068), which preserves the traditions of several Twelver Shi‘i imams; al-Kashshaf by al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144), which preserves moderate views of Mu‘tazila commentators; and Tafsir al-Jalalayn, started by Jalal al-Din al-Mahalli (d. 864/1459) and completed by his student Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505), which is the most popular commentary in the Arab world because of its conciseness. 166

Hadith The Qur’an was not the only religious text that received the attention of medieval Muslim commentators. The Hadith, perceived by most Muslims as second in importance to the Qur’an, received its share of commentaries. Such works were authored precisely to verify the authenticity of the hadiths they contain and their transmission, as well as the circumstances that allegedly led the Prophet Muhammad to utter them. For instance, several commentaries were authored on the famous Sahih of al-Bukhari (d. 256/ 870); the most notable of them is Fath al-bari bi-sharh sahih al-Bukhari by Ibn Hajar al-‘Asqalani (d. 852/ 1448). Similarly, commentaries were written on the Muwatta’ of Malik ibn Anas (d. 179/796), like the one by al-Zurqani (d. 1122/1710), and on the Sahih of Muslim (d. 261/875), like the one by al-Nawawi (d. 676/1277). Commentaries on Hadith were also authored by grammarians who were eager to explain away certain grammatical inaccuracies in the words attributed to the Prophet Muhammad, like the one by Ibn Malik (d. 672/1274) on the Sahih of al-Bukhari.

Sufism and Theology Sufi commentaries were written sometimes to ‘‘unveil’’ the mystical treasures hidden in a given text, like those on the Qur’an, but were also authored to clarify and simplify a complicated, difficult-to-comprehend, mystical language for the novice mystics. For instance, Shams al-Din Shahrazuri (fl. seventh/ thirteenth century) wrote a commentary on the Sufi gnostic work Hikmat al-ishraq of Shihab al-Din al-Suhrawardi (d. 587/1191). Ihya’ ‘ulum al-din of al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111) was the subject of a major commentary by al-Zabidi (d. 1205/1791), entitled Ithaf al-sada al-muttaqin bi-sharh ihya’ ‘ulum al-din. Several commentaries were authored on al-Futuhat almakkiyya by Ibn ‘Arabi (d. 638/1240), including Sharh mushkil al-futuhat al-makiyya by ‘Abd al-Karim al-Jili (d. ca. 832/1428). Similarly, the mystical poem Qasidat al-Burda of al-Busiri (d. 694/1294) was the subject of several commentaries. Theological commentaries were also written on topics ranging from the one hundred names of God, such as Lawami‘ al-bayyinat sharh asma’ Allah ta‘ala wa-l-sifat by Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1210), to other theological compilations, such as the several commentaries written on the Kitab al-fiqh al-akbar attributed to Abu Hanifa (d. 150/767).


Grammar, Poetry, and Adab Besides the several commentaries on the grammar of the Qur’an, one can mention the Alfiyya of Ibn Malik (d. 672/1274), a thousand-line poem (a summary of his 2757-line poem) on Arabic grammar, which received more than forty commentaries, the most notable of which is that of Ibn ‘Aqil (d. 769/1367), which in turn received minor commentaries, like the one by alSuyuti (d. 911/1505). The grammar book of Sibawayh (known as Kitab Sibawayh) also received several commentaries. Poetry, especially pre-Islamic poetry, received tremendous attention on the part of medieval commentators. For instance, several commentaries were produced on the seven or ten most-celebrated epics (al-mu‘allaqat). Other examples include commentaries on the poetry of al-Mutanabbi (d. 354/ 955), like Sharh diwan al-Mutanabbi by al-Wahidi (d. 468/1075), and on the celebrated Diwan al-Hamasa, a collection of poems attributed to Abu Tammam (d. 231/845). The belletristic masterpiece Maqamat of al-Hariri (d. 516/1122) received several commentaries as well.

Science and Philosophy Science and philosophy received their share of commentaries, and it is in such commentaries that one is likely to encounter the original contribution of Muslim, Christian, and Jewish scholars from the medieval Islamic World, who corrected or elucidated the knowledge presented in earlier Greek and Arabic books. Because of their significance, some of these commentaries were translated into Latin in the late Middle Ages and during the Renaissance. Several commentaries were written on Ptolemy’s Almagest on astronomy, and on Euclid’s Elements on geometry. With respect to medicine, Ibn al-Nafis (d. 687/1288) probably stands out as one of the most prolific medieval commentators. He authored an extensive commentary on the medical encyclopedia al-Qanun fi l-tibb of Ibn Sina (d. 428/1037) and another commentary on the Aphorisms, the Prognostics, and De natura hominis of Hippocrates. Logic was also an attractive subject—Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198) wrote on the Logic of Aristotle (Sharh al-burhan li-Aristu); but it was Porphyry’s Isagogep that received the most attention, like the commentary on it by the Nestorian monk Abu ’l-Faraj ibn al-Tayyib (d. 435/1043). In philosophy, Ibn Sina’s two masterpieces, Kitab al-Shifa’ and Kitab al-isharat wa-l-tanbihat, are the most original philosophical compilations ever produced in medieval Islam and feature extensive commentaries on

the philosophies of Aristotle, Plotinus, and al-Farabi (d. 339/950). SULEIMAN MOURAD See also Scriptural Exegesis Further Reading Rippin, Andrew, ed. The Qur’an: Formative Interpretation. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1999. Saleh, Walid. The Formation of the Classical Tafsir Tradition: The Qur’an Commentary of al-Tha ‘labi (d. 427/ 1035). Leiden: Brill, 2004.

COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET The term Companions refers to anyone living in the original community of the Prophet, though the precise definition varies greatly. In Arabic sources, it is rendered sahaba. Companions are generally held in high esteem due to their close relationship to the Prophet. They are a source of prophetic traditions, as well as heroes and role models for later generations of Muslims. Khadija, the Prophet’s first wife, was the first to convert to the new faith in approximately 612 CE and may be considered the earliest Companion. She was followed by the prophet’s nephew, ‘Ali b. Abi Taˆlib, the Prophet’s adopted son Zayd, and Abuˆ Bakr, who would later become the first caliph. The early conversion of influential and respected Quraysh, such as the Prophet’s uncle, Hamza b. Abi Taˆlib, and ‘Umar b. al-Khattaˆb, helped establish respect for the new faith. Many Companions faced persecution for their beliefs. At Mecca, most clans in Quraysh allowed the harassment and, in extreme cases, the torture and execution of kinsmen who converted to Islam. These circumstances led a large number to emigrate to Ethiopia in approximately 615. When the Banu Haˆshim withdrew its protection of the prophet after the death of Abuˆ Taˆlib, the Prophet and most remaining Companions emigrated to Yathrib, to the north of Mecca, in 622. The sanctuary at Yathrib, later called Medina, allowed the Muslim community to grow. Because belief in Islam rather than loyalty to a tribe or clan formed the basic bond in the new state, the closeness of companionship, often coinciding with priority in conversion, had important implications in deciding social and political rank. Many Medinese converts became close advisors of the Prophet despite their tribal origin. When the Prophet showed favors to later converts from among the Meccan nobility later in his life, many early converts, including those from Mecca, complained bitterly. 167

COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET The decision, upon the death of the Prophet, to keep the Muslim community united politically ensured for several decades the primacy of Companions in Muslim government. The caliphate was established in the Quraysh. The first four caliphs, however, were all close Companions. The first caliph, Abuˆ Bakr, was one of the earliest converts and had no important clan affiliation to aid his rise to power. The caliph ‘Umar b. al-Khattaˆb formalized the privileged status of Companions. He created a dıˆwaˆn, which fixed the stipends of Muslims according to the approximate date of their conversion and service to Islam. Those who joined the community before the battle of Badr in 624 received higher stipends than those who converted before the Pledge of Hudabiyya or the Conquest of Mecca. Much of the prestige and authority of Companions, nevertheless, remained charismatic. As the Muslim conquests brought large numbers of countries and peoples into the Muslim fold, either as converts or dhimmis, Companions provided an important link to the original Muslim community at Mecca and Medina. They held themselves as the guardians of the true Islamic tradition. People turned to them for arbitration much as they once turned to the Prophet. They did not hesitate to criticize even a caliph where they deemed him in error. These different views of companionship led to open conflict during the reign of the caliph ‘Uthmaˆn b. ‘Affaˆn and the First Fitna (656–661 C.E.). Although ‘Uthmaˆn was himself a Companion, many Companions turned the community against him for his innovations and his favoritism of his clan in dispensing favors and appointments. The Companion and son of the first caliph, Muhammad b. Abi Bakr, led a faction that stormed his house and killed him. In the First Fitna, which followed, Companions led and fought on all major sides. At the Battle of Camel, the celebrated Companions Talha b. ‘Ubayd Allaˆh and al-Zubayr b. ‘Awwaˆm and the Prophet’s favorite wife, ˆ ’isha bt. Abi Bakr fought against the Prophet’s ‘A nephew, ‘Ali b. Abi Taˆlib. In the end, Mu‘aˆwiya b. Abi Sufyaˆn, the son of one of the Prophet’s Meccan persecutors, became caliph. Subsequent years saw the sharp decline in the political influence of Companions, but not in their general esteem. When Mu‘aˆwiya died in 680, his son succeeded him as caliph. Although most Companions would have resisted the innovation of hereditary succession, very few survived. Those who remained had been very young at the time of the Prophet’s death and were known mainly for their activities since that time as representatives of one faction or another. Hussayn b. ‘Ali, for example, had become the recognized leader of the Banuˆ Haˆshim, representing the Prophet’s extended 168

family and descendants. He revolted, but his following could not match the resources of the caliphal state. He was quickly massacred. Nostalgia for an earlier era, nevertheless, kept alive veneration for the memory of Companions. A number of piety-minded individuals and groups emulated their simple austere piety. This piety inspired new forms of popular activism. Individuals such as alHasan al-Basrıˆ, Ibn Sıˆrıˆn, and Ibrahıˆm al-Nakha‘ıˆ became renowned for their modest lifestyles, religious knowledge, and frank judgments. Khaˆrijis, promoting a more radical agenda, disavowed the corrupt centers of caliphal power. They formed small bands in the countryside and waged ceaseless battle against the government. The development of Islamic law in the eighth, ninth, and tenth centuries greatly elevated the moral status of Companions among Sunni Muslims. As scholars sought to validate traditions of the Prophet upon which much of Sunni law rested, they resolved the character of every Companion to have been unimpeachable. If any report could be reliably traced back to one, then it was presumed to be true. This doctrine became known as the ‘‘Rectification of the Companions’’ (ta ‘dil al-sahaba). It eliminated the need to discuss and judge numerous controversies that had divided different groups of Companions and which may have called into question fundamental principles of belief. It led, nevertheless, to disputes over who actually qualified as a Companion, with some insisting a candidate must have attained a mature age or have visited the Prophet before his or her death. The doctrine had a profound impact on Sunni historiography. Later Sunni historians treat early controversies with great unease. Their descriptions are generally terse. Where they must, they choose reports that are theologically sound and refrain from assigning blame to any known Companion. While they admit something happened, they often claim the reasons for such a thing happening are not known. They criticize earlier historians as indiscriminant in their choice of reports, which ascribe a wide range of motives and calculations to many Companions. At the same time, while early writers subsumed both Companions and subsequent transmitters of prophetic traditions in their biographical dictionaries, later writers sometimes devoted dictionaries to the lives of Companions exclusively. The later works attempt to decide definitively who was a Companion and to assert their excellent character beyond any doubt. They often add anecdotal information absent from earlier sources without giving documentation. Ibn al-Athir’s discussion of Talha b. ‘Ubayd Allaˆh and al-Zubayr b. ‘Awwaˆm illustrates this tendency.

CONCUBINAGE He mentions the great service each provided for Islam, the favors the Prophet bestowed upon them that recognized this service, and the excellent reputations they enjoyed among their peers. However, when he reaches the Battle of Camel, where both opposed the Prophet’s nephew and the caliph ‘Ali b. Abi Taˆlib, he gives only a lengthy account about how each, upon meeting ‘Ali on the battlefield, withdrew rather than fight their fellow Companion. Both were later killed against ‘Ali’s wishes. Despite the detail, Ibn al-Athir never gives the sources of his information. Shi‘is, in contrast, maintained a more critical perspective. Their faith emphasized their loyalty to the Prophet’s descendants through ‘Ali b. Abi Taˆlib and his daughter Fatima. They held most, but not all, Companions to be virtuous. As a group, they failed to support ‘Alıˆ’s claims to the caliphate. Many were responsible for acts of violence against ‘Ali’s supporters. The caliph ‘Uthmaˆn, for example, exiled the prominent Abuˆ Dharr, thereby bringing about his early death. Talha, al-Zubayr, and Mu‘aˆwiya are also objects of reprobation. Shi‘i historical writers, as a result, extol the virtues of ‘Ali and his followers but transmit more freely than Sunni sources reports that give more human characterizations, if not impugn the integrity, of many other Companions. STUART D. SEARS

Primary Sources Ibn al-Athıˆr, Usd al-Ghaˆba fıˆ ma‘rafat al-æaı`aˆba. Ibn Sa‘d, Tabaqaˆt al-Kubraˆ. Ibn al-I`ajar al-‘Asqalaˆnıˆ, and alIæaˆba fıˆ tamyıˆz al-æaı`aˆba. Ibn Hisham. The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Iæı`aˆq‘s Sıˆrat rasuˆl Allaˆh, ed. and trans. A. Guillaume. Oxford, [1955] 2001.

Further Reading Coulson, N. A History of Islamic Law. Delhi, [1964] 1997. Hallaq, W. The Origins and Evolution of Islamic Law. Cambridge, UK, 2005. Hodgson, M.G.S. The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization. Vol I. Chicago, 1974. Kennedy, H. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. London and New York, 1986. Shoufani, E. Al-Riddah and the Muslim Conquest of Arabia. Beirut and Toronto, 1972.

CONCUBINAGE In the Muslim world, a concubine was a female slave who had a sexual relationship with her Muslim master. According to Islamic law, concubines, like slaves in general, had to be of non-Muslim origin, on the basis that they were legitimate booty from holy war.

There were benefits and drawbacks for both the master and the concubine. For the master, control over the concubine was much greater than that of a wife. He could initiate and terminate the relationship at will and could have as many concubines as he could afford, unlike the limit of four wives. He also did not have to pledge a dowry to his partner, which wives would often use as a bargaining chip for their own well-being. This relationship of a concubine was also widely respected in Islamic law and most often carried no social stigma. The downside for the master included three points: (1) the initial cost of a slave was often greater than a dowry, (2) he had to respect the offspring of a concubine as his own child, and (3) he owed basic obligations to humane treatment for the concubine as a slave. The concubine often had little power, except when she bore her master a child. At this time she held the status of umm-i veled, namely, a mother who could advocate the well-being of his child. The concubine faced many more disadvantages, as she had no power to resist the advances of his master and was subject to his mercy for her financial well-being, including inheritance rights, except for any children. If the concubinage was terminated, she had to wait forty-five days before she could enter a relationship with a second party. Concubinage was common in the Muslim world, beginning with the initial Arab conquests when a massive influx of non-Muslim captives were taken. A booming trade of female slaves continued throughout the medieval period. Umayyads, ‘Abbasids, Fatimids, Mamluks, the Crimean Tatars, Seljukids, and Ottomans alike often took the slaves from the Caucasus, the Crimea, western Ukraine, and the Balkans. Concubinage was practiced at all levels of society. On a popular level, concubines were most often taken on the frontiers, where slaves were taken by armies, raiding forces, or slave traders. Concubines often had a strategic value for Muslim soldiers in a border garrison, as they could help establish a new social group that would help consolidate Muslim power in the region. This can be seen particularly in the Ottoman-area regions such as Tunis, western Anatolia, and the Balkans, where non-Muslim concubines bore a new Muslim generation that identified itself with the interest of the emerging regime. Concubines were commonly sold in market towns and large metropolitan areas. Many urban Muslim subjects saw concubines as an attractive relationship when the single female population was low. The most famous concubines were those which rulers and high Muslim administrators took as their own. While a number of ‘Abbasid and Mamluk rulers had concubine mothers, the Ottoman dynasty was by 169

CONCUBINAGE far the most concubine dominated. Sultans started to have concubines as consorts at least since the midfourteenth century, when Sultan Murad I fathered his son, the future Bayezid I, with a concubine. Sultans still occasionally took wives, however, since it could help cement regional alliances with outside dynasties. After the conquest of Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman Sultans began to only have children from concubines, since having a wife entailed granting significant privileges to someone besides the sultan. Concubines also fit very well within an emerging palace system in Istanbul, which regulated all members as slaves of circumstance. Concubines who inhabited the harem, or female section of the palace, and had relations with the sultan had the right to bear only one male child. Having such a child was a greatly sought honor. Yet their male children competed with all their half-brothers to become the next sovereign. In the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, a son who succeeded to the throne regularly murdered all of his half-brothers in the name of a unified sultanic authority. If the son was somehow able to become a successor, the concubine, as the mother of the sultan, could exert enormous privilege, including control over all female members of the court. Even if she did not succeed in this ultimate aim, a concubine held an extremely influential social position that compared with many of the greatest Ottoman military and administrative officials. Many also were eventually married to many of these officials, as they too were originally slaves of the palace. YORK ALLAN NORMAN Further Reading Brockopp, Jonathan E. Slavery in Islamic Law: An Examination of Early Maliki Jurisprudence. Unpublished dissertation. Yale University, 1995. Brunschvig, R. ‘‘Abd.’’ In Encyclopedia of Islam. Online edition, 2001. Pierce, Leslie P. The Imperial Harem Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993. Rapoport, Yossef. Marriage and Divorce in the Muslim Near East, 1250–1517. Unpublished dissertation. Princeton University, June 2002. Semerdjian, Vivian Elyse. ‘‘Off the Straight Path’’: Gender, Public Morality and Legal Administration in Ottoman Haleppo, Syria. Unpublished dissertation. Georgetown University, October 2002.

THE CONSTITUTION OF MEDINA The Constitution of Medina is the modern name for an ancient Muslim document embedded in the text of the biography of the Prophet Muhammad by Ibn Ishaq (d. AH 151/768 CE) in the recension of Ibn 170

Hisham (d. 218/833). The document consists of a set of articles that bind the subscribing tribal groupings in the oasis of Medina to a single polity through a strong mutual alliance that is both offensive and defensive. Each clan remains a separate constituent unit of the new polity, with accountability to the whole group and responsibility for the actions of its members. No member clan is to shelter or protect anyone betraying or acting against the Medinan polity, particularly the Qurashi enemies of the Muslims that had recently arrived from Mecca. Nevertheless, the right of protecting other outsiders is accorded to all individual tribal members according to existing custom, except that a woman may only be granted that status with the approval of her own clan. As a collectivity, the members of the Medinan polity are all identified as believers (mu’minun) and one community (umma), whether Muslims or Jews, reflecting perhaps the situation shown in Qur’an 2:62, 3:64, and 5:69, among other verses. That is, in opposition to the pagans, all of the members of the Medinan polity believe in God and the Last Day, providing an ideological basis for the polity. Also, the constitution declares the inner part (jawf) of Medina an inviolable sanctuary (haram) like Mecca. This declaration further emphasizes the establishment of a zone of safety and peace among the parties to the agreement. The constitution authorizes little internal political structure or enforcement mechanism. Such central authority as exists appears limited to the Prophet Muhammad, who is the final arbiter of disputes that may arise, including those concerning the interpretation of the document, and the Prophet alone having the decisive authority to authorize offensive military expeditions in case of war. He lacks, however, the power to conscript troops, as the permissibility of holding back from fighting is clearly stated. Thus, overall the document pictures a federation of tribes more akin to a republic than an autocracy. Although scholars disagree about whether this document was written all at once or added to from an original base, most likely all of it dates from shortly after the arrival of the Prophet Muhammad in Medina in 1/622, and certainly it was completed by his death in 11/632. This certainty about the earliness of its date arises because in it the Prophet is not given a clearly sovereign or commanding position as he later attained; the Quraysh, who later became honored nobles, are shown only to be the enemy; and the Jews are included in the polity as allies and members, all suggesting the situation at the beginning of the Muslim era. Despite changes as the Prophet’s authority grew, the document probably remained in force, for the Medinan polity remained rather rudimentary

CONSULTATION, OR SHURA right up to his death. Thus, as shown by the late verses in Qur’an 9:38–50, 81–96, and 118–122, the Prophet had to use exhortation and lacked the power to actually conscript troops right to the end, exactly as in the constitution. For modern Muslims, the Constitution of Medina has been hailed as a predecessor to modern constitutionalism and rule of law equivalent to the Magna Carta and is often cited as a key precedent for constitutionalism, rule of law, collective leadership, and democratizing reform. KHALID YAHYA BLANKINSHIP Further Reading Humphreys, R. Stephen. Islamic History: A Framework for Inquiry. Revised ed. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991, 92–98. Ibn Hisham, ‘Abd al-Malik. The Life of Muhammad: A Translation of Ibn Ishaˆq’s Sıˆrat Rasuˆl Allaˆh. Translated by Alfred Guillaume. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1955, 231–233.

CONSULTATION, OR SHURA The word shura occurs in the Qur’an and means ‘‘consultation.’’ Two verses specifically refer to this concept. The first (Q 3:158–159) states, ‘‘So pass over [their faults], and ask for [God’s] forgiveness and consult them in matters; then, when you have made a decision, put your trust in God.’’ The second verse (Q 42:38) runs, ‘‘And [they are] those who answer the call of their Lord and perform prayer, and who conduct their affairs by mutual consultation, and who spend of what We have bestowed upon them.’’ Consultation (also referred to as mashwara and mashura) has been regarded as obligatory (wajib) or simply recommended (mandub), depending on the circumstances. The predominant sentiment in the literature is that shura as mutual consultation in various spheres (political–administrative, communal, military, familial) is the preferred and desirable method of resolving matters. In the political realm, it is often considered a duty incumbent on the ruler to confer with knowledgeable advisors. For example, the Qur’an commentator Muhammad b. Ahmad alQurtubi (d. AH 671/1272 CE) states, ‘‘It is the obligation of the rulers to consult the scholars on matters unknown to them and in religious matters not clear to them. [They should] consult the leaders of the army in matters having to do with war, and leaders of the people in administrative issues, as well as teachers, ministers, and governors in matters that have to do with the welfare of the country and its development.’’

Shura was known in the pre-Islamic period as well. Arab tribes before Islam had a loosely formed council of elders called shura (also known as majlis or mala’ ), which adjudicated intratribal and intertribal matters through consultation. Like a number of other Jahili virtues and customs, the Qur’an endorsed shura as an acceptable and normative practice within Islam. This is evidenced in Muhammad’s own adherence to this principle in variegated circumstances and the precedent established by the first two caliphs in particular, as documented in hadith, biographical, and historical literature. For example, during the preparations for the battle of Badr, the Prophet is said to have consulted with Habbab al-Mundhir, recognized for his military expertise, and with Salman al-Farisi before the Battle of Khandaq in 627; on the latter’s recommendation the Prophet had a ditch dug around Medina, which successfully prevented a potentially disastrous siege by the pagan Meccans. Before concluding the Treaty of Hudaybiyya in 630, Muhammad conferred with his Companions on the provisions of the treaty and the propriety of acceding to them. Numerous other instances of prophetic consultative activities are to be found in these literatures, creating, in fact, a powerful precedent for succeeding generations. The Companion Abu Hurayra is thus said to have remarked, ‘‘I did not see anyone more [predisposed] to consultation (mushawara or mashwara) with his Companions than the Prophet.’’ After Muhammad’s death in 632, Abu Bakr publicly declared his commitment to the principle of shura. The historian al-Tabari (d. 310/923) refers to the Saqifa episode when Abu Bakr got up to address the Ansar, who at first had opposed his nomination as the caliph. Abu Bakr reassured them by saying that he would not fail to consult them with regard to political matters, nor would he adjudicate matters without them. The most famous shura in the sense of a consultative body is the six-man electoral council set up by ‘Umar b. al-Khattab in 644, as he lay on his deathbed, to elect a candidate who would succeed him. The deliberations of this council brought ‘Uthman, the third caliph, to power. As dynastic rule became the norm after the death of ‘Ali in 661, the last ‘‘Rightly Guided Caliph,’’ invocation of shura as a mandated social and political practice became a way to register disapproval of a political culture that had progressively grown more authoritarian by the ‘Abbasid period (750–1258). Therefore, some political and religious dissident groups, like the Khawarij, made shura their clarion call against dynastic government starting in the Umayyad period. Certain genres of ethical and 171

CONSULTATION, OR SHURA humanistic literature (adab) continued to extol the merits of consultation in various spheres, including bureaucratic, military, and, of course, political administration. To this day, shura as a religiopolitical principle resonates strongly with a significant cross-section of Muslims, as it had with a considerable number of medieval Muslims, representing just, consultative government as opposed to arbitrary despotism (istibdad). In the contemporary period, reformist Muslims tend to conflate shura with the modern concept of democracy. ASMA AFSARUDDIN

Further Reading: Ayalon, A. ‘‘Shura.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New ed. C. E. Bosworth et al., vol. 9, 505–506. Leiden and London, 1997. Lewis, B. ‘‘Mashwara.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New edition H. Gibb et al. Leiden and London. Muslih, Muhammad. ‘‘Democracy.’’ In Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World. Vol. 1, 356–360. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995.

COPTIC LANGUAGE The latest stage of the Egyptian language, Coptic emerged in the second century CE and lasted as a spoken and written language until the eleventh century, after which it remained in use only for liturgical purposes by the Copts of Egypt. From the ninth century onward, Arabic gradually replaced Coptic; today, Arabic is the primary language used in the Coptic Church. The term Coptic is derived from Greek word Aiguptios (Egyptian), which was subsequently brought into Arabic as qibt. After the conquests of Alexander in 332 BCE, Greek became the administrative language of Egypt and eventually superseded the use of the Egyptian language, which came to exist only in spoken form. Greek language had the advantage of a simple alphabet (the Demotic script had already supplanted the traditional hieroglyphic script); its practical advantage was significant. By the end of the first century CE, in unknown circumstances, the Coptic alphabet had emerged. The Coptic alphabet borrowed the twenty-four letters of the Greek alphabet and added seven letters from Demotic (Egyptian) for sounds found in Egyptian but not in Greek. Although the vocabulary of Coptic was largely Egyptian, many words were borrowed (especially in biblical and liturgical texts) from Greek. Some ten major regional dialects of Coptic have been identified; 172

among these, the Sahidic Coptic of Upper (that is, southern) Egypt and the Bohairic dialect of Lower (that is, northern) Egypt are most important. Sahidic Coptic was the primary dialect for written literary texts (and documents such as contracts, wills, and letters) until the eleventh century; Bohairic emerged somewhat later, was the only dialect to survive after the ninth century, and continues in limited liturgical use until today. Of the diverse texts produced in Coptic (including documentary and literary texts), the vast majority pertain to Christianity in Egypt; indeed, many of the earliest extant texts in Coptic are Sahidic translations from Greek of biblical books (from both the New Testament and the Septuagint). In addition, apocryphal works, martyrologies, monastic rules and letters, hagiographical literature, patristic works, and other ecclesiastical texts came to be translated into Coptic during the third century and beyond. One of the most important discoveries for the study of Coptic and the history of Christianity was a cache of thirteen codices (containing fifty-two individual works) found in 1945 at Nag Hammadi in Upper Egypt. Many of the texts in this collection of fourthcentury CE Coptic translations of Greek works (which came to be called the Nag Hammadi Library) have been associated with a form of Christianity loosely identified as gnostic in orientation. In texts such as The Apocryphon of John, the Testimony of Truth, the Gospel of Thomas, and many others, there emerges a privileging of esoteric knowledge necessary for salvation. Literary works originally composed in Coptic began to appear in the fourth-century Pachomian monastic literature and, more importantly, in the writings of the fifth-century abbot of the White Monastery, Shenoute. Although the large literary corpus of Shenoute has yet to be published in a critical edition, much debate has circled around his pioneering use of Coptic for his theological compositions. Was his decision, for example, influenced by his hostility to classical Greek culture? Or was it motivated by his desire to reach a local population that could not understand Greek? When so much of our knowledge of Coptic is mediated through a bilingual lens (as in the many Greek–Coptic bilingual manuscripts), Shenoute’s choice of Coptic over Greek deserves continued study. After the Arab conquests of the seventh century, the subsequent increased Muslim immigration to Egypt, and the conversion of many Copts to Islam, Coptic gradually gave way to Arabic. The transition is readily apparent in the numerous extant Coptic–Arabic bilingual manuscripts. Such manuscripts have provided an important source for the

COPTS study of ancient Egyptian and Coptic. Today the academic study of Coptic is particularly vibrant among scholars in the fields of religion (especially the history of early Christianity) and papyrology (the study of ancient papyrus remains). Among the Copts of Egypt today, there have been attempts to revive the use of liturgical Coptic, but Arabic continues to be the primary language of Egypt, even in the Coptic Church. KIM HAINES-EITZEN See also Alexander; Arabic; Copts; Greek Further Reading Bagnall, Roger S. Egypt in Late Antiquity. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993. Bishai, Wilson B. ‘‘The Transition from Coptic to Arabic.’’ The Muslim World 53 (1963): 145–150. Metzger, Bruce M. The Early Versions of the New Testament: Their Origins, Transmission and Limitations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977. Pagels, Elaine. The Gnostic Gospels. New York: Random House, 1979. Watterson, Barbara. Coptic Egypt. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1988.


Origins and Theology The Coptic Orthodox Church, the native church of Egypt, is one of the oldest Christian churches in the world. The word Copt is derived from the Greek word Aigyptos, which was in turn derived from ‘‘Hikaptah,’’ one of the names for Memphis, the first capital of ancient Egypt. Tradition holds that the church in Egypt was founded by the evangelist St. Mark in the first or third year of the reign of the Roman emperor Claudius, in 41/42 or 43/44 CE, and Mark is considered the first in an unbroken chain of 117 patriarchs. The new faith spread quickly throughout Egypt, and Alexandria, its capital, soon became a major spiritual center of the Christian church. The Catechetical School in Alexandria, the most important institution of learning in early Christendom, fostered such seminal theological scholars as Clement, Origen, Athanasius, and Cyril of Alexandria. The school worked to prove that reason and revelation, philosophy and theology were not only compatible but also essential for each others’ comprehension. The Egyptian church, like others, suffered intense persecution from its rulers, the Roman government,

prior to the 313 Edict of Milan, which granted freedom of worship to Christians within the Roman Empire. In fact, the Coptic calendar, called the Era of the Martyrs, begins August 29, 284, the beginning of the reign of the great persecutor Diocletian. As a result, the concept and ideal of martyrdom is extremely central to the Church’s ethos. When ‘‘opportunities’’ for martyrdom diminished, the Egyptian Christians’ energies were channeled toward its symbolic substitutes: asceticism and monasticism. The monastic movement was the truly outstanding contribution of the Egyptian church to world Christianity. The origins of the movement are traditionally ascribed to St. Anthony, who practiced a rigorous asceticism in the Egyptian desert in the third century. All Christian monasticism stems, either directly or indirectly, from the Egyptian example. From its position at the center of the world Christian church, the Church of Alexandria became marginalized in the fifth century, when its members ended up on the losing side of the controversies over the nature of Christ, which had been raging for hundreds of years. Cyril of Alexandria, concerned to emphasize the divinity of Jesus Christ, refused to accept the pronunciation of the Council of Chalcedon in 451, which proclaimed that Christ was truly God and truly man, and as such possessed two natures (human and divine). By the sixth century, those who rejected Chalcedon had consolidated into three great monophysite (‘‘one nature’’) churches: the Coptic Church with its daughter church, the Ethiopian; the Syrian Jacobite Church; and the Armenian Church.

History from the Islamic Conquest through the Mamluk Period The disaffection felt by the Copts for their Chalcedonian–Byzantine (Roman Empire successor) rulers contributed to their lack of resistance to the Islamic conquest of 642. In return for payment of a special poll tax, the Copts were classified as protected people (ahl al-dhimma). The native patriarch Benjamin I, who had been in hiding from the persecution of the Byzantine-appointed patriarch, was encouraged to emerge and reassume the leadership of his church. There was no attempt to force the Copts to convert to Islam; indeed, conversion was rather discouraged because it decreased the base of those liable for the poll tax and thus state revenue. The Byzantine system of taxation, combining a land tax with a poll tax (for non-Muslims), was basically maintained, though streamlined and centralized. Copts continued to staff the tax and administrative 173


Woman and her lover in a garden. Panel of woven Coptic textile. Fatimid period, eleventh century. Credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY. Museum of Islamic Art, Cairo, Egypt.

bureaus, except at the highest levels, and when the official language of the administration was changed from Greek to Arabic in 705, the Copts learned Arabic and maintained their predominance in that field, increasing the speed of Arabization and the transition of Coptic to a purely liturgical language. Taxation was heavy, leading to a number of tax rebellions in the eighth and ninth centuries, the most serious being the Bashmuric Rebellion of 829–830. 174

The harsh suppression of these revolts, combined with the heavier taxes and other social disabilities endured by the Copts, contributed to an increased pace of conversion to Islam. Some believe that by the end of this period the Copts’ shift from majority to minority had already occurred, while others place that milestone later, in the Mamluk period. During the Fatimid period (969–1171), the Copts, if not the majority, were still a substantial minority of

CORDOBA the population. While still in the minority, the Copts flourished, participating actively in the social, artistic, and economic life of the country and sporadically even reaching the highest ranks of the government. This era of tolerance was not unmarred, however; the persecution of the caliph al-Hakim (r. 996–1021) is one such example. The advent of the Crusades led to a deterioration of the position of the Copts, who were suspected of sympathizing with their co-religionists (the Muslims being unfamiliar with the doctrinal differences between the Copts and the Western Christians). In fact, the Crusades were disastrous for the Copts, as the Crusaders scorned them as heretics and forbade them to make their accustomed pilgrimages to Jerusalem. The thirteenth century, despite its turbulence, turned out to be the great century of Copto-Arabic literature. Led by the four Awlad al-‘Assal, brothers theological, linguistic, and historical scholarship, as well as literature, enjoyed a renaissance. The deterioration of the Copts’ situation, however, intensified under the rule of the Mamluks (1250–1517), perhaps due to their perception of themselves as the ‘‘defenders of Islam’’ against outside threats such as the Mongols and the Crusaders. Six hundred years after the conquest, the Copts still filled the ranks of the bureaucracy, for which they were considered to have a natural affinity. Under this regime, most of the bureaucrats had converted to Islam, but their sincerity was doubted and they were still labeled Copts. On numerous occasions the government dismissed the Copts en masse from their bureaucratic posts, only to be forced to reinstate them in the face of the ensuing administrative chaos. If the Copts were not already a minority before this time, the numerous conversions brought on by the difficult conditions of the Mamluk period assured that they were so by the end of it. The core who remained have clung to their faith and traditions, maintaining their self-awareness as a distinct community that persists to this day. MARLIS J. SALEH

Further Reading Atiya, Aziz Suryal. A History of Eastern Christianity. London: Methuen, 1968. ——— (Ed). The Coptic Encyclopedia. 8 vols. New York: Macmillan, 1991. Butcher, Edith Louisa. The Story of the Church of Egypt: Being an Outline of the History of the Egyptians under Their Successive Masters from the Roman Conquest until Now. 2 vols. London: Smith, Elder & Co., 1897. Meinardus, Otto Friedrich August. Christian Egypt: Faith and Life. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1970.

———. Christian Egypt: Ancient and Modern. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1977. Partrick, Theodore Hall. Traditional Egyptian Christianity: A History of the Coptic Orthodox Church. Greensboro, NC: Fisher Park Press, 1996. Sawirus ibn al-Muqaffa‘, Bishop of el-Ashmunein [and continuators]. Tarikh Batarikat al-Kanisah al-Misriyah (History of the Patriarchs of the Egyptian Church). Translated from the Arabic by Antoine Khater and O.H.E. KHS-Burmester. Cairo: Publications de la Socie´te´ d’Arche´ologie Copte, 1943–1970. ‘‘The Christian Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt.’’ Online at www.coptic.net (accessed November 19, 2003).

CORDOBA Cordoba, named Qurtuba in Arabic and Co´rdoba in Spanish, was the political capital of al-Andalus during the Umayyad emirate and caliphate periods (AH seventh century first quarter of the eleventh century CE). Today it is the capital of the province of the same name. Cordoba is located in the southwest of the Spanish state, overlooking the medial course of the Guadalquivir River (Wadi al-kabir in Arabic) on both banks. The rural area of the south of the city was called qanbaniya, approximately the same rural area known these days as ‘‘the Cordoba countryside.’’ The plain known as Fahs al-Ballut (field of oaks) was located to the north of the province, where the little town of Pedroche is found (known by the Arabs as Bitrawj or Bitrush.). Until the thirteenth century, the Cordoban region was known for the wheat produced in its countryside and for the gardens and meadows that flanked the river. Nevertheless, the main areas of farming production of al- Andalus were found far from the capital, in the Seville highlands and the Toledo surroundings. Mining exploitation did not completely disappear with Cordoba’s decadence, and there is evidence that still in the thirteenth century, Ovejo (located forty kilometers from the capital) was an important center of extraction of cinnabar, from which mercury is obtained. The city was occupied by the Muslim armies in AH Shawwal of 92/July–August 711 CE. Leading these armies was the manumitted slave Mughith al-Rumi, deputy of Tariq ibn Ziyad. Governor al-Hurr ibn ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Thaqafi (r. 97–100/716–719) transferred the capital of al-Andalus from Seville to Cordoba. His successor, al-Samh ibn Malik al-Jawlani (r. 100–102/719–721), repaired the old Roman bridge and some demolished parts of the protective enceinte. Al-Samh also founded the first Islamic cemetery of the city, the Maqbarat al-rabad (cemetery of the suburb), in the north bank of the river. In 133/750, 175

CORDOBA governor Yusuf ‘Abd al-Rahman (r. 129–138/ 747–756) bought the church of Saint Vincent to make it the first cathedral mosque (al-jami‘) of Cordoba. In 138/756, the governor was overthrown by the Umayyad prince ‘Abd al-Rahman, who had managed to escape from the massacre of his family in Syria. ‘Abd al-Rahman made Cordoba the administrative, political, military, religious, and cultural capital of his new emirate. In this way, Cordoba came to monopolize most of the artistic activities. Its monumental center was composed of the fortress or alcazar (erected on the remains of the old Visigoth palace), the main mosque, and the bridge. The fortress and the mosque were located on the north bank of the Guadalquivir River, separated from the river by a terrace. Work began on the mosque in 785, under the rule of ‘Abd al-Rahman I, and it was enlarged on several occasions, as a parallel process to the city’s growth and development, during the governments of ‘Abd alRahman’s successors, Hisham I (r. 172–180/788–796), ‘Abd al-Rahman II (r. 206–238/822–852), and Muhammad I (r. 238–273/852–886). During the rule of ‘Abd al-Rahman III (300–350/912–961)—the first to adopt the title of caliph—the city enjoyed its apogee. It was this same caliph who ordered the palatine city of Madinat al-Zahra’ three to be built, approximately three miles northeast of Cordoba, at the foot of the mountains. The remains of this city were declared a national monument in 1923. Since then, some of its old rooms have been restored, among which the socalled Rich Room is especially significant. In regard to the old fortress of Cordoba, it has to be said that it was assigned to administrative uses when the court was transferred to Madinat al-Zahra’. Later on, when the palatine city was destroyed, the fortress was used again as the residence of the different governors of the city. The most important enlargement of the main mosque of Cordoba was carried out by al-Hakam II (r. 350–366/961–976), son and successor of ‘Abd alRahman III. The last big enlargement was commissioned by al-Mansur ibn Abi ‘Amir, the mighty visir of Hisham II (r. 366–399/976–1009). Al-Mansur built his own palatine city, Madinat al-Zahira, east of Cordoba. This city underwent the same fate of Madinat al-Zahra’ and was destroyed during the widespread revolts that took place at the beginning of the fifth/ eleventh century. After the fall of the caliphate, Cordoba was ruled by the Jahwarids, between 1031 and 1070. It then became a part of the territories governed by the Seville monarch Banu ‘Abbad. In 1091, Cordoba was taken by the Almoravids, who built the defensive wall of the eastern part of the city. In 1236, the city 176

passed into Christian hands for good, after its conquest by Ferdinand III of Castile. After the disappearance of the caliphate and the subsequent loss of Cordoba’s political and economic hegemony, the city still kept its intellectual prestige, especially in the area of religious sciences. However, Cordoba was no longer the main representative of Andalusis’ cultural life. Rather, it had to share this role with the capitals of the different petty kingdoms into which al-Andalus was fragmented from the eleventh century onward. The city recovered its capital status under the Almoravid rule, but the construction of monuments could never equal the emirate and caliphate periods. Almohads, for their part, clearly showed a preference for the city of Seville. After the Christian conquests, the process of conversion of churches into mosques, which had taken place during the Islamic invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, was reversed. Cordoba was taken by the Christians in 1236, and its main mosque was converted into a cathedral. The modifications undergone by the mosque did partially alter its original shape. However, contrary to what happened to other mosques that underwent a similar transformation process, the Cordoba temple still keeps a markedly Arabic and Islamic character. This is probably related to the artistic and architectonic singularity of the building, the preferred object of all the descriptions of Islamic Cordoba. Cordoba was the home of ‘‘ulama’’ such as of Ibn Hazm (d. 456/1064), Ibn Rushd (Averroes) (d. 595/ 1198), and Maimonides (d. 601/1204). MARIBEL FIERRO See also Andalus; Ibn Hazm; Ibn Rushd (Averroes); Maimonides

Further Reading Arberry, A.J. ‘‘Muslim Cordoba.’’ In Cities of Destiny, edited by A. Toynbee, 166–177. London, 1967. EI2, s.v. Al-Andalus. [Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E.; Torres Balba´s, L.; and Colins, G. S.]. EI2, s.v. Kurtuba. [Seybold, C.F.; [Ocan˜a Jime´nez, M.] Grabar, O. ‘‘Great Mosque of Cordoba.’’ In The Genius of Arab Civilization. Source of Renaissance. Cambridge, MA, 1978, 106. Hillenbrand, R. ‘‘The Ornament of the World. Medieval Co´rdoba As a Cultural Centre.’’ In The Legacy of Muslim Spain, ed. S.Kh. Jayyusi, 112–135. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill, 1992. Le´vi-Provenc¸al, E. Espan˜a musulmana 711–1031 (tran. Garcı´a Go´mez, E.), Historia de Espan˜a, dirigida por R. Mene´ndez Pidal. Madrid, 1965, vols. V–VI. Urvoy, D. Pensers d’al-Andalus. La vie Intellectuelle a CorDoue et Seville au Temps des Empires Berbe`res (fin Xie Sie`cle-De´but XIIIe Sie`cle). Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1990, 52–77.


COSMETICS In Islamic times both sexes used cosmetics extensively, continuing a long tradition in the pre-Islamic Near East going back in time to the ancient civilizations of Mesopotamia, Ancient Egypt, and Iran. Cosmetics were used for different purposes and can be studied under different aspects: in connection with cleaning and hygiene; as perfumes; for skin protection, especially from the sun; for hair coloring; for medicine; and also for magical purposes. Generally, cosmetics were linked to traditional views about beauty and appearance, carrying especially for women a sexual aspect. The important role cosmetics played in social life was highlighted at wedding ceremonies. Many cosmetics combine different uses and applications. Henna and kuhl (as ophthalmic medicine) possess medical properties as well. Even the expensive ointment ghaliya, mainly made of musk and ambergris, had a double use as perfume and medication. Generally, women used cosmetics widely, but mainly in the private sphere, and only slave girls, singers, and the like used it more extensively in public. For men and children the usage of decorative cosmetics was restricted to basics such as kuhl and henna mentioned in the traditions (hadith), as recommended by the Prophet Muhammad. Cosmetic substances came mainly from plants such as henna, indigo (nil, wasma), saffron, and sandalwood. Others were derived from minerals such as ochre, or metals such as kuhl; a few have an animal origin, like musk. Historical sources give a lot of information: in the works of the medieval Arab and Persian historians and scientists, such as Biruni, Ibn Sina, Nasir ad-Din Tusi, al-Kindi, and others, and also in medical works and in sociocultural writings like those of Ibn al-Washsha’. Some works include hundreds of recipes for cosmetic substances, including their surrogates and falsifications. These existed parallel to innumerable local and individual recipes, transmitted by family tradition and health care professionals. The traditional ideal of beauty stated that women’s skin should be white, soft, smooth, and hairless. Ointments and pastes were used for lightening the skin. For the face, white powders and powdered rouge were used. Often, yellow pastes made of sandalwood, saffron, and similar substances were used to protect the face from sunlight and to soften the skin. A beauty spot made with perfumed cre`mes was not unusual. For body hair removal, a large variety of different mixtures were used, based mostly on either sugar or honey. A special technique to remove body hair consists of a twisted thread pulled back and forth by the fingers of both hands.

Coloring the hair was practiced by both sexes. For thick, long, and dark black hair both sexes used mixtures of indigo, oak apple, walnut, and similar materials. Henna could be added for extra shine. Henna was also used to cover gray and white hair, producing shades of orange-red. After cleaning and coloring the hair, perfumed oils and ointments could be added, as mentioned in the traditions of A’isha, the Prophet’s favored wife. For the men it was important to have a black beard like the Prophet, and it could be perfumed, as practiced by the Prophet with the precious ghaliya. The primary cosmetic used by men, women, and children for eyes was kohl (ithmidh, surma), a black mixture in use since pre-Islamic times. The best varieties came from Iran. Its main substance was powdered antimony sulphide. Some mixtures contained lead among other metal or mineral substances, and occasionally, organic materials such as nut shells and even soot were used. Other recorded eye cosmetics, equally called kuhl, were made from a variety of substances, which produced dark blue, dark red, purple, or even yellow hues. Henna, partly enriched with indigo (or a substitute such as oak apple ink), was the main body paint used for hands and feet. Medieval Persian and Indian miniature paintings depict ladies and occasionally men with hands and feet dyed in different shades of orange-red. Also, they picture ladies adorned with intricate body paintings in black, blue, or dark brown, or while applying makeup. The important role henna plays in wedding customs all over the Islamic world is especially visible in the ‘‘henna night’’ bearing witness to the magical properties ascribed to cosmetics. Combs; metal mirrors; mortars; small, narrownecked vessels for liquid cosmetics and makeup jars for powders and ointments; applicators; makeup palettes; and other small tools and vessels come from all parts of the Islamic world. A variety of materials were used in their production, reflecting local resources, customs and habits, and the user’s financial status. GISELA HELMECKE See also Baths; Marriage; Medicine; Painting; Perfume; Women Further Reading Colin, G.S. ‘‘Hinna.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 3. Leiden and London, 1971. ‘‘Cosmetics.’’ In Encyclopaedia Iranica. Vol. 6. Costa Mesa, 1993. Dietrich, A. ‘‘Sandal.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 9. Leiden, 1997. Wiedemann, Ernst, and James. W. Allan. ‘‘Kuhl.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 5. Leiden, 1986.



COURT DRESS, ‘ABBASID By the early tenth century CE, Islamic society was perceived as consisting of four classes: (1) the ruling family, (2) the chief ministers (viziers), (3) the wealthy upper classes and educated middle classes, and (4) ‘‘The remainder . . . a filthy refuse, a torrent of scum’’ (al-Fadl ibn Yahya, courtier quoted in Levy 1957, 67). It was understood that the individual’s social rank and occupation should be visible in dress; to adopt fabric, styles, and colors associated with a higher class displayed dissatisfaction with the Godgiven order and thus challenged spiritual and temporal authority, whereas wearing clothing associated with a lower social grade displayed proper humility, so pious Muslim rulers were always recorded as being austere in their attire. At the same time, political statesmen such as Nizam al-Mulk (d.1092) argued for the importance of rich, colorful, ostentatious court dress and ceremonial to demonstrate secure political power, economic prosperity, and social well-being. This apparent contradiction was never resolved.

Caliph al-Mansur (r. 754–775) is traditionally credited with the introduction of black robes as the ‘Abbasid dynastic color to be worn by all court bureaucrats and theologians at audiences and at public investiture of sultans and governors; failure to do so was seen as a public rejection of the regime, the ruler, and his policies. Black banners had heralded the ‘Abbasid uprisings against Umayyad authority, and it was understood that the color signified the need for revenge and mourning for the tragic deaths of the Prophet’s grandsons (see Hasan and Husayn ibn Ali Talib). (In contrast, the dynastic color of Egypt’s Fatimid caliphate [c. 969–1171] was white, reflecting luminous splendor and divine light.) At each caliphal investiture, the legitimacy of ‘Abbasid rule was reinforced by donning several relics of the Prophet Muhammad’s, including his burda (mantle), implying the transference of authority, and blessing. The ‘Abbasid court had two main groupings, the military and the bureaucrats, known by their different

Scene from a picnic of the court of Abbas I. Safavid mural, 1640s. Credit: SEF/Art Resource, NY. Chihil Sutun (Pavilion of Forty Columns), Isfahan, Iran.


COURT DRESS, FATIMID modes of dress, as their Arabic names imply: ashab al-aqbiyya (men of the qaba’: the military garment) and ashab al-darari‘ (men of the durra‘a: voluminous robe). However, the precise structure of such garments is unclear. A third group, the ‘ulama (see Theologians) increasingly adopted a distinctive dress indicating their growing separation from the other court power groups, while in time the ‘Abbasid caliphs took to wearing military dress for most ceremonial duties, mirroring their growing dependence on army support. Gifts of clothing and other presents (khilca) became an established court ritual, accompanied by due ceremony. It could consist of one garment, but generally four or more items were presented, in one of three price ranges according to the recipient’s status. These could be decorated with a tiraz (embroidered band, identifying the donor (and thus the honor bestowed), the date, the place of manufacture, and so on (see Tiraz). While medieval Arabic literature contains a great variety of clothing terms, the exact structure and characteristics of these garments were not detailed, and few items have survived. It appears the wraps and simple garments with minimal seaming (such as the so-called Coptic tunics) of the Umayyad period were replaced by more multiseamed items, perhaps to minimize costly fabric wastage or marking changes in loom technology. Late-ninth-century Baghdadi fashionable citizens were known for their keen knowledge and appreciation of fabrics, obtained from across the Islamic empire (see Textiles, ‘Abbasid). Graduated coloring and textural compatibility were important considerations. Strident color shades were best avoided, while thick and thin textiles, and linen and cotton were not to be worn together. Small fragments of ‘Abbasid textiles are found in most major museum collections, but few were acquired from controlled archaeological excavations. Tiraz pieces have generally had extraneous material removed, so they provide few clues as to their original placing and the clothing items they once decorated. However, a number of Islamic manuscript paintings produced in or around the thirteenth century (such as Kitab al-Diryaq, 1199, probably Northern Iraq, ms. Arabe 2964; and Maqamat al-Hariri, 1237, probably Iraq, ms. Arabe 5847, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris) are known, and these, along with figural depictions on contemporary ceramics and metalwork, help the dress historian. However, for the early ‘Abbasid period, aside from murals located in the remote eastern regions of the empire, the pictorial evidence is virtually limited to wall paintings from the Samarran palaces (see Architecture, ‘Abbasid). PATRICIA L. BAKER

Further Reading Ahsan, M.M. Social Life under the Abbasids, 170–289 AH/ 786–902 A.D London: Longman, 1979. Ettinghausen, Richard. Arab Painting. Cleveland: Skira, 1962. Golombek, L., and V. Gervers. ‘‘Tiraz Fabrics in the Royal Ontario Museum.’’ In Studies in Textile History in Memory of Harold B. Burham, edited by L. Golombek and V. Gervers, 82–126. Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1977. Levy, Reuben. ‘‘Notes on Costume from Arabic Sources.’’ Journal of Royal Asiatic Society (London). (1935): 319–338. ———. An Introduction to the Sociology of Islam. Vol.1. London: Williams & Moorgate, 1957. Salem, Elie A., trans. Hilal ibn al-Muhassin al-Sabi ‘Rustam dar al-Khilafah’. Beirut: American University of Beirut, 1977 (use with caution). Serjeant, R.B. Islamic Textiles: Materials for a History up to the Mongol Conquests. Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1972. Tyan, Emile. Histoire de l’Organisation Judicaire en Pays d’Islam. Vols. 1 and 2. Paris: Librairie du Receuil Sirey, 1938.

COURT DRESS, FATIMID The Fatimids, who ruled Egypt from 969 to 1171 CE, followed the conventions of other Islamic dynasties in their adoption of an official dynastic color. The Fatimid color was white. Most court costumes were a white luxury fabric (fine linens, silks, or brocades) with inscribed or ornamental bands (tiraz), and embroidered with gold or silver threads. Every member of the court received a ceremonial costume, often for the public celebration of a festival in the Islamic calendar. These costumes often were complete outfits (including underclothes) and consisted of anywhere from five to fifteen separate pieces. The base material, the number of pieces in the costume, and the amount of gold or silver in the costume were tied to rank. Our sources provide almost no information about tailoring of these garments, which is typical of the period, where there were a limited number of styles and most garments were woven in a single piece. In the sources dating to the early eleventh century, most court garments are described as being woven or embroidered with gold (muthaqqal, mudhahhab), but silk is mentioned rarely. Inventories describing clothing distributed for festivals from the early twelfth century onward, however, mention numerous garments of both silk and gold, often woven into or embroidered onto a linen base. Silk was so readily available in the twelfth century that its presence in an inventory is not necessarily a sign of high rank, but the presence of gold (a more expensive commodity) always indicates high rank. The gold thread used in 179

COURT DRESS, FATIMID the production of textiles for the court was produced under the supervision of the director of the caliph’s mint. The predominance of linen as a base material for court costumes is a function of the central importance of flax to the Egyptian agricultural economy of the Middle Ages. Clothing in the Fatimid period was a form of capital, and the luxury materials used in the production of court costumes carried significant economic, as well as symbolic, value. The Fatimids kept large treasuries of fabrics and costumes that were distributed at designated times for use by court personnel. The detailed inventories of the contents of these wardrobe treasuries show that they formed a significant part of the Fatimid dynasty’s wealth. In the 1060s, the caliph al-Mustansir was forced to sell the contents of his wardrobe treasuries to raise money to placate his rebellious army. When the economy recovered, his successor replenished the wardrobes and multiplied the number of costumes distributed on ritual occasions. The textiles and garments were produced in government factories. Many of them had inscribed or ornamental borders (tiraz). The caliph did not wear a crown, but rather an elaborately wrapped turban. His eunuch bodyguards also wore specially wrapped turbans, with a ‘‘tail’’ left hanging down to the side or back. His highest-ranking eunuchs were distinguished by wrapping the tail under their chin (called muhannak). Princesses of the royal family received gold robes, while their eunuch guardians received garments of silk. The most luxurious costumes came in wrappers of fine linens or in chests. In addition to the costumes given to courtiers at festival times, dignitaries received robes of honor (khil‘a, pl. khila‘) as a mark of special favor, to mark important events, and when invested with office. The term literally means ‘‘cast-off,’’ and originally a khil‘a was a piece of clothing actually worn by the ruler and then given to another. By the tenth century, these honorific robes were only rarely actual cast-offs, and the caliphal textile mills produced robes specifically for this purpose. At the Fatimid court, honorific robes were typically given whenever an official was appointed to an office at court, and the phrase ‘‘he was invested with a robe of honor’’ clearly meant that he was appointed to office. These robes carried both prestige and material value, since they were made of luxury fabrics at a time when clothing was a form of capital and could represent considerable wealth. The noncourtier middle and upper classes imitated court fashions by wearing luxury fabrics, giving robes of honor as gifts, and wearing inscribed bands (or bands that created the appearance of being inscribed) on their robes. Important officials of the Jewish 180

community, for example, conferred embroidered silk robes of honor upon scholars, and men of higher status conferred robes of honor as gifts upon men of lesser status. Such costumes were extremely expensive, often costing as much as twenty dinars, a sum of money sufficient to support a lower middle class family for nearly a year. PAULA SANDERS See also Fatimids; Gifts and Gift Giving Further Reading Baker, Patricia Lesley. ‘‘A History of Islamic Court Dress in the Middle East.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, School of Oriental Studies. University of London, 1986. Sanders, Paula. ‘‘Robes of Honor in Fatimid Egypt.’’ In Robes and Honor: The Medieval World of Investiture, ed. Stewart Gordon. New York: Palgrave, 2001. Serjeant, R.B. Islamic Textiles: Material for a History up to the Mongol Conquest. Beirut: Librairie du Liban, 1972. Stillman, Yedida Kalfon. Arab Dress, A Short History. Leiden: Brill, 2000. ———. ‘‘Libas.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam. New ed. Leiden: Brill. ———, and Paula Sanders. ‘‘Tiraz.’’ In Encyclopaedia of Islam. New ed. Leiden: Brill, 1999.

COURT DRESS, MAMLUK As in ‘Abbasid times, the two major court groupings were distinguished by dress: the military, calf-length qaba’ garment with close-fitting sleeves, which was designed for riding and fighting and worn with breeches tucked into high boots; and the ample, fulllength robes of bureaucrats (arbab al- ‘ama’im, turban wearers), worn with loose trousers. It appears the basic, simple robe and wraps of the early Islamic period had been set aside for more tailored garments, using the fabric loom width to form the front and back with, if required, extra material in the form of triangular inserts or gussets added to the selvage sides of the main panels. Indeed, by the late fourteenth century CE, tailoring was perceived as a mark of civilized urban society (Ibn Khaldun 1967). The Mamluk sultanate retained the Ayyubid dynastic color (yellow) for battle dress, but for court parades and ceremonials, certain military sections jealously guarded their exclusive right to various dress items and colors; thus, in 1498, the royal Mamluks reacted aggressively to the sultan’s honorific presentation (khil‘a) of their short-sleeved sallari tunic and special turban form to the black commander of the musketeers, instead of that section’s usual red wool cloth (qaba’). The khassikiya (royal bodyguard) was renowned for its meticulous dress, which

CREDIT incorporated a section of tiraz zarkash (see Textiles), presumed to be a highly decorative band woven with gold or silver metallic thread, perhaps with an honorific inscription, placed at the (dropped) shouldersleeve join. The terminology suggests there were at least five or six types of qaba’, and possibly the method of fastening still denoted the ethnic origins of the wearer as in Mongol times (see Mongol Dress); certainly the so-called qaba’ tatari (diagonal fastening from left shoulder to waist) and the qaba’ turki (from right shoulder diagonally to left) implied this. There was also a great variety in headgear, with some forms worn by the Bahri Mamluks falling out of favor by the mid-thirteenth century CE, the so-called Burji period. Certain court members were permitted blazons (rank), which were displayed on their belongings, their buildings, and their servants’ clothing; these could be simple shapes, say of a lozenge form (the royal napkin holder’s serviette), or a stylized composite design indicating the various court responsibilities associated with the owner (see Heraldry). Our knowledge of bureaucratic dress mainly derives from historical descriptions of the khil‘a awarded by the sultan for loyal service, at least twice a year at the major Muslim festivals, but also given to mark new appointments, honorable dismissals, and so on. As with the military, bureaucrats were presented with robes according to status. Viziers and chief secretaries could expect white kamkha (patterned woven silk) robes decorated with embroidery and lined with squirrel and beaver, whereas lower ranks were given cheaper fabrics in other colors, and fur-trimmed only. Similar voluminous robes with long, wide sleeves were presented to members of the ‘ulama, but generally speaking, because of theological antipathy to men wearing silk, theirs were made of wool. The ‘Abbasid caliph in exile (see ‘Abbasid caliphate) wore black at all court ceremonies and invested each new Mamluk sultan with black robes, thus symbolizing the legitimate transference of authority with his blessing (see Burda, Khirqa of Muhammad). Apart from market regulations (hisba) concerning tailors, dyers, cobblers, and so on, sumptuary legislation was regularly issued by the sultan, often at the request of the ‘ulama. Male and female descendants of the Prophet Muhammad were required from 773 AH/1371–1372 C.E. to wear in public a piece of green fabric about their clothing, so that due respect could be paid. However, the chief targets for such legislation were women’s attire and that of non-Muslims (see Dress, dhimmi ). Insisting street patrols policed matters, the ‘ulama bitterly criticized the outrageous sums spent on women’s garments, the excessive amounts of fabric used particularly for sleeves, bejewelled hems, and shoes, and railed against ladies

wearing headcoverings based on men’s styles, and the fashion of wearing sirwal (trousers) low on the hips. Few complete dress items have survived—the occasional shoe (Keir Collection, London; Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto), caps (minus turban cloths) (V&A Museum, London; Ashmolean Museum, Oxford), and embroidered tailored linen shirts (Royal Ontario Museum; Textile Museum, Washington, DC; V&A Museum). Nevertheless, garment fragments in the major collections often possess informative cutting and tailoring details as to buttons, loops, and seams. Mamluk manuscript illustrations provide useful information about certain styles, although artistic license may have impinged on depictions of garment colors and patternings; similarly, the inclusion of Mamluk men and women in European paintings (such as the work of Giovanni Bellini, d. 1516) should be viewed as ‘‘Orientalizing’’ additions rather than accurate records of contemporary fashion. PATRICIA L. BAKER Further Reading Ayalon, David. Gunpowder & Firearms in the Mamluk Kingdom: A Challenge to a Mediaeval Society. London: Frank Cass, 1973. Haldane, Duncan. Mamluk Painting. Warminster, UK: Aris & Phillips, 1978. Ibn Khaldun. An Introduction to History: The Muqaddimah. Translated by Franz Rosenthal. Cambridge, MA: Princeton University Press, 1967. Ibn al-Ukuwwa. The Ma‘alim al-Qurba fi Ahkam al-Hisba. Translated by Reuben Levy. E.J.W. Gibb Memorial Series. London: Cambridge University Press, 1938. Mayer, Leo Ary. ‘‘Costumes of Mamluk Women.’’ Islamic Culture 17 (1943): 298–303. ———. Mamluk Costume: A Survey. Geneva: Albert Kundig, 1952. ———. ‘‘Some Remarks on the Dress of the Abbasid Caliphs in Egypt.’’ Islamic Culture 17 (1943): 36–38.

CREDIT Many scholars have cited the lack of credit as a reason why Islamic societies were unable to effectively compete with the Western European commercial interests that emerged during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This argument is based on the premise that only Western Europeans tolerated the development of financial interest and profit as commercial practice. It is clear, however, that Islamic notions of profit and interest also developed to a substantial degree during the medieval era. Both Muslim and non-Muslim merchants who engaged in long-distance trade constantly risked social 181

CREDIT alienation. Most outsiders viewed the overseas and caravan trade in luxury items such as spices and silk as sinful because the money spent on non-necessities could have been used for the greater social good. Only those who gained a profit—namely the state, which took custom imposts; the merchants; financiers and adventurers who ran the trade; and the patrons and retailers who purchased the items—saw the venture in positive terms. On a number of occasions and places, others sought to prevent ‘‘injustices,’’ most often invoking the religious principle that merchants and traders who took financial interest and profit exploited the productive forces in society. Merchants in the Islamic world sought a number of legal means to protect themselves against such allegations. The first of these constructions were jointventure contracts for long-distance trade, either in credit (s¸irket’u¨l-vu¨cu¨h) or involving both labor and capital (commenda; mudaraba). In both cases the merchant and financiers involved would combine their assets before the venture, and later would split the profits. Such arrangements circumvented measures against interest. These merchants also developed a new means of transferring funds (havale), which involved one permanently based merchant issuing a deed to another, who would redeem the promise once the traveling merchant brought it to the permanently based merchant. This practice was absolutely critical because coinage was often in very short supply, was bulky, and was very liable to be stolen. As in most European economies, merchants in the Muslim world faced considerable resistance from local manufacturers and traders. These local urban economies were organized into guilds that continually tried to monopolize economic activity. Guilds wielded considerable power in enforcing ‘‘just regulation’’ among the urban populace. Many historians argue that merchants made little headway in developing commercial capital among these local economies. However, a number of intriguing recent studies have pointed to commercial development, particularly in the sixteenth-century Ottoman Empire. Commercial activity again established itself through Islamic legal institutions, in particular the pious foundation (waqf), a welfare institution that often formed the basis of each city quarter (mahalle), a structure arguably as central to urban life as the guilds themselves. Although early waqfs were donations of land and immovable property for the good of the Islamic community, donations of cash waqfs began to boom in the mid-sixteenth century. Cash from these waqfs was lent to merchants and other parties at interest (rib). This innovation was justified by Ebu’s-suud, the leading Ottoman religious authority, who argued that taking of interest was justified if it served the 182

public welfare of the Muslim community. While this author has only seen detailed evidence of this in Sarajevo, there are also signs of the practice in other major urban centers of the empire, such as Istanbul, Edirne, and Bursa. Some scholars have commented that the interest this money was lent at was very high, sometimes reaching 25 percent or even 50 percent. Nevertheless, the prevalence of a rate of 8 percent to 10 percent in Sarajevo at least might beg a reconsideration of the issue as a whole. Finally, merchants were increasingly used as a means for the state to develop their treasuries, particularly when they were to embark on military campaigns, as seen most clearly in the conflicts between Muslim and non-Muslim Mediterranean powers in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. It was during this time that the Ottoman sultan, like his French and northern European counterparts, came to rely heavily on long-distance merchant families who had just suffered persecution as Jews from the Iberian Peninsula. These merchant families became an attractive asset to the state because they could garner considerable amounts of cash. They additionally could more effectively collect revenues, even though they too made a hefty profit from the transaction. One should not ignore, however, that Muslim merchants made up a majority of the tax farmers, particularly in provincial settings. In time they would work alongside emerging urban elites, such as the money changers and jewelers, and would help break down the barrier between the commercial and local urban economies. YORK ALLAN NORMAN Further Reading C ¸ izakc¸a, Murat. A Comparative Evolution of Business Partnership, The Islamic World and Europe, with Specific Reference to the Ottoman Archives. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill, 1996. Imber, Colin. Ebu’s-su’ud: The Islamic Legal Tradition. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1977. Inalcik, Halil, ‘‘Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empire.’’ The Journal of Economic History. The Tasks of Economic History. 29, no. 1 (March 1969): 97–140. Norman, York A. ‘‘Urban Development in Sarajevo.’’ In Islamization in Bosnia, 1463–1604. Forthcoming Ph.D. dissertation. Georgetown University. Schacht, J. ‘‘Rıb.’’ In Encyclopedia of Islam. Online Ed., 2001.

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT To appreciate the general concept of crime in Muslim societies requires appreciating very different properties of the legal framework. Due to the composite

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT nature of the Shari‘a, the assessment of a crime is contingent on multiple types of reasoning—those of religious law rooted in Tribes and Tribal Customs developed and transformed into a legal scholar’s law, and finally, legal doctrine often reconciled to new social and cultural conditions. Our discussion will be confined to the most elementary categories of crimes and punishments according to Muslim jurists, to the social meaning of retaliation and collective liability, and to the question of judicial arbitrariness. Taking the perspective of a legal scholar’s law, criminal acts are basically grouped into six categories: (1) interfering with the order of descent, such as by adultery; (2) affecting another’s honor by slanderous accusation; (3) detriment to one’s own power of reason, such as by intoxication; (4) illegal seizure of wealth as through theft or highway robbery; (5) attacks against life or physical integrity; and (6) perturbation of public order. The first categories, in particular fornication, wrongful accusation, drinking wine, theft, and highway robbery, comprise the hadd, or limit penalties. They are rights or claims of God (huquq Allah) explicitly stated in the Qur’an (Q 24:2 f.; 24:3 f.; 5:33; 5:38; 5:90 f.). The pursuit and the punishment of these crimes are incumbent on the Muslim community—that is, the legal authorities. Such crimes require corporal punishment ranging eighty lashes for slanderous accusation and capital punishment, either by stoning for fornication or, for highway robbery, by crucifixion or decapitation. Apostasy does not fall into the judicial categories of crime. From a religious point of view, the punishment of the apostate belongs to the hereafter; however, in this world he is condemned to death inasmuch as he places himself out of the bounds of the social community. The fifth category comprising homicide and bodily injury—and occasionally other damages as well—is known as jinayat (offenses). Since they belong to the rights of humans (huquq adami), prosecution of such crimes only takes place at the request of the offended party. The penalties vary based on either an intentional or an erroneous commitment of the crime (Schacht 1964, 181). In the case of voluntary murder, there follows a threefold penalty: the punishment in the hereafter, the loss of inheritance rights, and retaliation for the damage of the victim’s group. The latter can change its claim on the culprit’s life into recompensation (diya), which might also be paid, in the case of involuntary homicide, by the ‘‘blood-money group’’ (‘aqila). The term ‘aqila signifies the agnatic descent in its largest sense and refers to tribal notions of collective liability. However, the importance of the diya—a fact of which medieval Muslim jurists were particularly

aware—resides in the function of replacing or restricting the circular exchange of violence resulting from blood feuds of the tribal factions (Brunschvig 1960, 338; see, for example, Hart 1996, on the mechanisms of tribal feuds). It has often been aptly stated that the introduction of the diya in early Islam marks a major shift in the transition from private revenge to penal law. Furthermore, legal doctrine transcended gradually the tribal notion of collective liability toward a concept of responsibility based on the obligations of property and geographical closeness (Johansen 1999, 370). In a comparable way the scholars elaborated definitions of theft to the effect that they translated divergent variants of economic and social patterns into the legal doctrines of their respective Schools of Jurisprudence. Since progress of law offers a rather tautological explanation for these developments, only detailed studies of relevant social and historical backgrounds could shed more light on the primary agents of legal change (Johansen 1998). In cases of uncertainty about an offense punishable by a hadd penalty, as well as in instances of transgression of the public order, the decision is left to the discretion of the judge. He is authorized to pronounce a wide range of punishments, such as public announcement of the crime, imprisonment, exile, corporal punishment, or monetary fines. However, all these punishments shall not be more severe than the hadd penalty. The judge’s discretionary power (ta‘zir) has given rise to the famous Weberian formulation of Kadijustiz, which points to a state of legal uncertainty and arbitrary justice. A number of studies criticize this statement on the ground that it lacks the necessary reflection about judicial considerations of social relations or legal doctrine. The ongoing discussion focuses on the importance of the legal sphere (Powers 2002, 23–52; Dakhlia 1993). TILMAN HANNEMANN See also Commanding Good and Forbidding Evil; Ethics; Peace and Peacemaking; Police; Prisons; Thieves and Brigands; Usury and Interest; Wine

Further Reading Brunschvig, Robert. Art. ‘‘Akila.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam. New ed. Vol I, 337–340. Leiden and London: Brill, 1960. Dakhlia, Jocelyn. ‘‘Sous le vocable de Salomon: L’Exercice de la ‘Justice Retenue’ au Maghreb.’’ Annales Islamologiques 27 (1993): 169–180. Eigentum. ‘‘Familie und Obrigkeit im hanafitischen Strafrecht: Das Verha¨ltnis der privaten Rechte zu den Forderungen der Allgemeinheit in hanafitischen Rechtskommentaren.’’ In Contingency in a Sacred Law: Legal and Ethical Norms in the Muslim. Fiqh. Leiden [et al.]: Brill, 1999, 349–420.


CRIME AND PUNISHMENT Hart, David M. ‘‘Murder in the Market: Penal Aspects of Berber Customary Law in the Precolonial Moroccan Rif. Islamic Law and Society 3 (1996): 343–371. Johansen, Baber. ‘‘La Mise en Sce`ne du vol par les Juristes Musulmans.’’ In Vols et Sanctions en Me´diterrane´e, ed. ´ d. des Archives Maria Pia di Bella, 41–74. Amsterdam: E Contemporaines, 1998. Krcsma´rik, Johann. ‘‘Beitra¨ge zur Beleuchtung des islamitischen Strafrechts mit Ru¨cksicht auf die Theorie und Praxis in der Tu¨rkei.’’ Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenla¨ndischen Gesellschaft 58 (1904): 69–113; 316–360; 539–579. Powers, David S. Law, Society, and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Schacht, Joseph. An Introduction to Islamic Law. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1964.

CRUSADES Crusades is the name commonly given to a period of conflict between Roman Catholic Christians and non-Christians that lasted, at its height, from the eleventh to thirteenth centuries CE. It is important to note that this term is a modern label applied to this period retrospectively by historians. The numbering of the major expeditions of the Crusades (First Crusade, Second Crusade, etc.) is also a modern invention used merely for convenience’s sake; in reality, the passing of warriors from Europe to the Levant was a much more continuous process. Although the major targets of the Crusades were the Muslims of the Levant, Crusades were also conducted against a variety of groups in other locations, including non-Christians, heretics, and political opponents of the papacy in various parts of Europe. However, as far as the Muslim world is concerned, it was the Levant that felt the greatest impact from the Crusades. The First Crusade (1096–1102) was launched by Pope Urban II (d. 1099) in 1095. At the Council of Clermont in France he exhorted his Catholic brethren to march to the aid of the Christians of the East, who were suffering under Muslim rule, in return for which he promised his listeners remission of their sins. The call was answered by both of Urban’s intended targets: the knightly classes, and members of the lower classes who were stirred up with religious fervor. Starting in 1096, a number of armies marched to the Levant, the most successful ones fighting their way across Asia Minor and down the Levantine littoral, establishing Catholic Christian states at Antioch, Edessa, and Jerusalem. A fourth Catholic state, based at Tripoli, came into being when Crusaders took the city in 1109. A number of major expeditions to the Levant were launched over the course of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, one of which, the 184

Third Crusade (1189–1192), took Cyprus from its Byzantine ruler in 1191, establishing yet another Catholic state there. After the initial shock of the loss of Jerusalem, the third holy city of Islam, had passed, the Muslim response to the arrival of the First Crusade was largely one of apathy and compromise. While a number of Muslims, particularly preachers and poets, called on their political authorities to respond to the Crusader invasion, and some undoubtedly did, many rulers were preoccupied with struggles with other Muslim rivals and found that it was actually more convenient to ally themselves with the Franks, as the European Crusaders were called by the Muslims; indeed, one finds several cases of Muslim and Frankish leaders joining together to fight against other Muslims, Franks, or even both! Thus the Crusaders became integrated into the political framework of the region. However, over time, and particularly during the reigns of the sultans Zanki (r. 1127–1146), Nur al-Din (r. 1146–1174), Salah al-Din (Saladin, r. 1169–1193), Baybars (r. 1260–1277), and Qalawun (r. 1279–1290), there was a gradual hardening of Muslim hostility to the Franks that led to an increase of the jihad (holy war) against them, resulting in the gradual reconquest of territory by the Muslims. The last Frankish stronghold on the coast, Acre, fell to Qalawun’s son, al-Ashraf Khalil (r. 1290–93), in 1291, while Cyprus lasted until 1570, when it was conquered by the Ottomans. By this time, despite further attempts that had been made to launch Crusades to the East, the era of Catholic states in the Levant had come to an end. However, it would be a mistake to see the Crusadeing period as merely one of conflict. During the period there was a vibrant trade of goods between the Levant and Europe that experienced only temporary hiatuses during periods of increased hostility between Muslims and Crusaders. Some features of the Franks, especially military prowess, seem to have been admired by the Muslims, and a number of genuine friendships, transcending the religious barriers, seem to have formed. That said, in the sources, Muslim perceptions of the Franks still tend to be tinged with an air of superiority. While Franks clearly adopted Muslim habits and practices that were more suited to life in the Middle East, the Muslims seem to have felt that the Europeans had little to teach them in return. NIALL CHRISTIE See also Abu Shama; Architecture, Secular: Military; Ayyubids; Baybars I; European Literature about Medieval Islam; Fatimids; Franks; Ibn al-‘Adim; Ibn al-Athir; Ibn al-Furat; Ibn Shaddad; Ibn Taghribirdi; Ibn Wasil; Interfaith Relations; Jerusalem; Jihad;

CURSING Mamluks; Manzikert; Muslim–Crusader Relations; Nur al-Din ibn Zanki; Pacts and Treaties; Saladin (Salah al-Din); Seljuks; Sibt ibn al-Jawzi; Trade, Mediterranean; Warfare and Techniques; Weapons and Weaponry; Zankids

Further Reading Arab Historians of the Crusades, trans. Francesco Gabrieli and E.J. Costello. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984. Dajani-Shakeel, Hadiah, and R.A. Messier, eds. The Jihad and Its Times. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Center for Near Eastern and North African Studies, 1991. Gervers, Michael, and James M. Powell, eds. Tolerance and Intolerance: Social Conflict in the Age of the Crusades. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2001. Goss, Vladimir P., and Christine V. Bornstein. The Meeting of Two Worlds. Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1986. Haddad, Yvonne Y., and Wadi‘ Z. Haddad (Eds). ChristianMuslim Encounters. Gainesville and Tallahassee, FL: University Press of Florida, 1995. Hallam, Elizabeth, ed. Chronicles of the Crusades. Godalming, Surrey: Bramley Books, 1996. Hillenbrand, Carole. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. Holt, Peter M. The Age of the Crusades. London and New York: Longman, 1986. Kedar, Benjamin Z. Crusade and Mission: European Approaches Towards Muslims. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1984. Laiou, Angeliki E., and Roy P. Mottahedeh, eds. The Crusades from the Perspective of Byzantium and the Muslim World. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2001. Maalouf, Amin. The Crusades Through Arab Eyes, trans. J. Rothschild. London: Al Saqi Books, 1984. Madden, Thomas F., ed. The Crusades: The Illustrated History. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2004. Mayer, Hans Eberhard. The Crusades, trans. John Gillingham. London: Oxford University Press, 1972. Murray, Alan V., ed. The Crusades: An Encyclopedia. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 2005. Richard, Jean. The Crusades, c. 1071-c. 1291, trans. Jean Birrell. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Riley-Smith, Jonathan. The Crusades: A Short History. London: Athlone, 1987. ——— (Ed). The Oxford Illustrated History of the Crusades. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Shatzmiller, Maya, ed. Crusaders and Muslims in Twelfth Century Syria. The Medieval Mediterranean Vol. 1. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill, 1993. Sivan, Emmanuel. l’Islam et la Croisade. Paris: Librairie d’Ame´rique et d’Orient Adrien Maisonneuve, 1968. Usamah ibn Munqidh. An Arab-Syrian Gentleman & Warrior in the Period of the Crusades: Memoirs of Usamah ibn-Munqidh. Translated by Philip K. Hitti. New York: Columbia University Press, 2000.

CURSING Although using the name of God in promissory oaths is perfectly acceptable Muslim practice, invoking God’s power against fellow Muslims in the form of a curse (sabb, la‘n) is regularly condemned in the hadı¯th literature. The Prophet is remembered never to have cursed a Muslim (although he is said to have cursed his enemies), and to have included among the rights of a wife that she not be cursed by her husband. In one report, the Prophet is shown to have equated cursing a believer with murdering him, a statement that reflects a widespread belief in the power of curses to do real harm. Oaths were, in fact, sometimes strengthened with self-curses (‘‘May God blacken my face if I fail to do such-and-such’’), although swearing in this manner was widely disapproved of by the legal scholars. Even so, exposing oneself to curses was the central feature of the judicial procedure known as li‘a¯n, an ordeal used to resolve accusations of adultery in cases where neither confession nor witnesses were on hand. The Prophet is said to have invited a delegation of Christians from Najran to resolve their dispute with him by recourse to reciprocal cursing (muba¯hala), an invitation that was not in the end taken up. Early Muslims commonly expressed their affiliation with a particular faction by dissociating from and cursing its enemies. ‘Ali was cursed by the Umayyads soon after the First Civil War ended, and those who supported ‘Alid claims likewise cursed ‘Uthman and Mu‘awiya. Eventually, Imami (and some Zaydi) Shi‘is would incorporate cursing of the first three Caliphs into their supererogatory prayers. (The qunu¯t, understood in classical Sunni and Shi‘i law as a prayer of supplication, in fact, began as an imprecation against enemies used by Muslims of various sects.) More generally, Muhammad’s Companions were cursed by Imamis and some Zaydis; in certain contexts, this ‘‘vilification of the Companions’’ (sabb al-s.ah.a¯ba) could take place during public festivities commemorating the Prophet’s designation of ‘Ali at Ghadı¯r Khumm. KEITH LEWINSTEIN See also Oaths Further Reading Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2d ed. s.vv. muba¯hala, li‘a¯n. Kohlberg, E. ‘‘Bara¯’a in Shı¯‘ı¯ Doctrine.’’ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. 7 (1986): 139–175. ———. ‘‘Some Ima¯mı¯ Shı¯‘ı¯ Views on the S.ah.a¯ba.’’ Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam. 5 (1984): 143–175 (E. Kohlberg. Belief and Law in Ima¯mı¯ Shı¯ ‘ism. Brookfield, VT: Variorum Reprints, 1991, IX). Pedersen, J. Der Eid bei den Semiten. Strassbourg, 1914, 64–107.



CUSTOMARY LAW With the establishment of the Islamic sphere of influence in North Africa and Asia, large segments of the rural population, such as Berbers or Kurds, progressively converted to Islam and became, in theory, subjects of Islamic law and jurisprudence. However, sedentary tribes, as well as Arab Bedouins, retained distinctive types of jurisdiction, to such an extent that the fourteenth-century CE historian Ibn Khaldun stated in regard to the notion of common descent, ‘‘The only meaning of belonging to one or to another group is that one is subject to its laws and conditions’’ (Ibn Khaldun 1967, 267). The question of customary law in the Islamic world touches accordingly on the problem of accommodating concurrent normative orders, as well as the negotiation of group identities in the context of state expansion into tribal areas.

Approaches, Sources, and Terminology In studies of Muslim societies, the term customary law usually adopts one of three meanings representing different approaches to the subject. First, customary law might refer to a body of rules or to judgments, enacted either by state agencies or by Muslim jurists, and stating or regulating generally accepted social practices. In this case, the legal character of custom is acknowledged because it has been sanctioned by formal authorities. The research interest then focuses on the particular modes of sanctioning, that is, the conditions under which a specific custom might become integrated, temporarily or permanently, into the normative body of the Sharı‘a (cf. Libson 1997; Johansen 1999). Second, customary rules and judgments were also pronounced by informal authorities, such as tribal assemblies, arbiters, charismatic leaders, and so on. Since the legal character of these customary rulings is not immediately apparent, most studies of tribal jurisdiction are indecisive about whether they deal with ‘‘custom’’ or with ‘‘law.’’ Some authors, mostly of Islamic studies, have applied the first approach in classifying any custom not in accordance with Islamic law under ‘‘social practice’’ (cf. Coulson 1959–1961). Colonial legal practitioners and social anthropologists have proposed rather two distinct spheres of Islamic and customary jurisdiction (cf. Milliot 1932; Gellner 1969). The importance given to custom in this latter framework characterizes the third meaning, according to which Islamic law scarcely produced social significance in tribal contexts (cf. Chelhod 1971). The activities and notions considered as ‘‘customary law’’ might then encompass the 186

whole range of social practices. As a result, the legal aspects of custom are determined by the respective research interests and vary considerably; the investigated subjects include such different topics as folklore and ethnology, popular religion, social structure, vengeance and blood money, and arbitration procedures. However, since most of these questions belong to Tribes and Tribal Customs (q. v.) in general, we will limit our discussion to the first two meanings. A central feature of tribal customary law is the fact that it was only occasionally written down. The sources are therefore unevenly distributed, and most of the material dates back merely as far as the eighteenth century. Throughout the medieval period, no testimonies other than the consideration of custom by formal authorities meet the requirement of sufficient documentation for analytical purposes. However, this author believes that it is relatively safe to further define the characteristics of tribal customary law from more recent material, if some precautions are observed. A number of studies suggest that customary law evolves in close relationship to other normative conceptions within legal pluralistic settings. Therefore, all too factitious presumptions on its immutability—expressed, for example, in the widely accepted evaluation of custom as a pre-Islamic residuum—are sometimes misleading. Another important factor restraining the general value of some assertions about the contents of customary law is the actual diversity of local practices. Both the adaptivity to changing social and cultural conditions and the variability of practice contribute to a multifaceted picture of our subject hardly obtainable within narrowing definitions. The textual basis for considering custom in Islamic law appears in the Qur’an (Q 7:199): ‘‘Observe forgiveness, and command what is just’’ (khudh al-‘afw wa ’amur bil-‘urf). Despite the fact that the translations of the term ‘urf in this verse differ widely, it refers literally to ‘‘what is known.’’ In this sense, ‘urf evoked a local or a general custom and could acquire the legal value of a contractual stipulation. The other main technical term for designating custom, ‘ada, or literally ‘‘what is repeated,’’ is not attested in the Qur’an. In the vocabulary of the legal sciences, it appeared with the meaning of ‘‘common usage’’ after the tenth century. ‘Urf and ‘ada are often mentioned in law texts as a pair. Some authors tried to arrive at a general definition allowing discrimination between ‘urf and ‘ada (see Libson 1997, 133, n. 4). However, the technical usages of both terms varied according to the contexts of text production and might be best traced in considering the texts of selected discursive fields throughout a certain period.


Customary Law According to the Schools of Jurisprudence The attitudes of the four Sunni schools of jurisprudence toward ‘urf and ‘ada show remarkable differences. Social practice among the people of Medina became an important part of nascent Maliki legal doctrine under the precondition that it had been confirmed as judicial practice (‘amal) by Malik ibn Anas or his contemporaries (cf. Dutton 1999). From the tenth century onward, the ‘amal evolved into a juridic tool enabling judges to pronounce legal solutions founded on local ‘urf, even if these solutions differed from the majority doctrine (mashhur). Andalusian and Maghrib cities such as Cordoba, Fez, and Qayrawan established in this way their distinctive, unified judicial practice. The prerequisites for this procedure had been summed up by the Moroccan jurist Miyyara (d. ca. 1662–1663 CE) and included the confirmation of the ‘urf by righteous witnesses, a continuous legal precedence of exemplary jurists, and the principal conformity with Islamic law (on Maliki ‘amal, see references in Toledano 1981:14 f.; Libson 1997:134, n. 8). Besides the ‘amal, there are numerous general statements of renowned Maliki jurists, from Abu ‘Imran al-Fasi (d. 1038) to Ahmad al-Dardir (d. 1786), on the necessity of considering ‘urf in legal evaluation. Whether or not custom constituted a formal legal source in early Hanafi law is a question still awaiting further research. The prevailing opinion among Hanafi jurists came to be the preference of textual authority found in Hadith and Qur‘an, which would definitively override deviating ‘urf. In cases in which the texts were silent, the jurists disagreed whether local ‘urf could be taken into consideration. However, when the ‘urf in question enjoyed universal acceptance among the Muslims, it possessed the force of legal argument. There are some noteworthy exceptions from the majority opinion, such as the Egyptian scholar Ibn Nujaym (d. 1563), who openly argued against Hanafi doctrine by first acknowledging certain local customs of Usury and Interest not explicitly mentioned in the texts and then trying to establish his judgment as a principle (see Johansen 1999; Libson 1997, 142–154; Hallaq 2001, 215–233). The positions regarding custom in the Shafi‘i and Hanbali schools have not been thoroughly studied. The prolific Shafi‘i scholar al-Suyuti (d. 1505) dedicated a full chapter of a treatise to custom, but he could nevertheless entirely avoid the problem of local ‘urf in his response to questions emerging in the central Sudanese Tekrur (Libson 1997, 154; Hunwick 1970). Driven by obvious political motives, the

Hanbali scholar Ibn Taymiyya (d. 1328) denounced in his condemnation of the Mongol rulers of Baghdad their adherence to Mongol custom despite their previous conversion to Islam, and turned it into a primary reason for declaring them to be unbelievers. Finally, in Shi‘i legal literature, ‘urf figures merely in the sense of ‘‘habit’’ and no allusion is made to specific tribal custom. However, the particular notion of legal reasoning in Shi‘ism might have contributed to its greater flexibility in adjusting custom and legal doctrine.

Tribal Customary Law The case of Maliki law in North Africa, which recognized custom to a large extent, affords significant insights into the modes of negotiating the concurrent normative orders of tribal groups. Berber customary law differed from Islamic law in several important, and by no means tolerable, aspects; for example, denial of inheriting real estate by females, the dower for a wife’s family at marriage, the taking of interest, and the avoidance of bodily punishments. Moreover, state jurisdiction (hukm al-sultan) and officially appointed judges were almost absent in tribal areas. Instead, tribal assemblies (jama‘at), as well as arbiters (muhakkamun), delivered legal judgments. It is possible that most tribal actors conceived customary law in the framework of ‘‘their’’ shari‘a, the only semantic reference to law available for them (see Rosen 1995). However, both sides, jurists and tribes, spent considerable effort to adjust conflicting norms of customary and religious law. On the one hand, various legal remedies of Islamic law, from gifts and sales to endowments, were intentionally employed for legalizing inheritance practice (see Powers 2002, chapters 4 and 6). On the other hand, the authors of a tribal resolution from 1749, declaring overtly female disinheritance and laying explicit claim to the equal value of ‘ada and state jurisdiction, carefully sought to satisfy the formal requirements for the establishment of a Maliki ‘amal (cf. Patorni 1895). Both accommodation and self-authorization, different modes of dealing with the same problem, demonstrate the awareness of distinct legal orders, which nevertheless intersect and interact within the legal process. Though there are no empirically founded reasons to presume a common language of the ‘ada forming the equivalence of legal doctrine, legal and political discourses generated images of tribal ‘ada reduced to changing features of unbelief, from disinheritance to highwaymen. A comprehensive study on the selective 187

CUSTOMARY LAW processes of these contested markers of customary law promises important insights about the transformations of Muslim rural societies. TILMAN HANNEMANN See also Agriculture; Irrigation; Muslim Conceptions of Past Civilizations; Pagans and Pagan Customs Further Reading Chelhod, Joseph. Le Droit dans la Socie´te´ Be´douine: Recherches Ethnologiques sur le ‘orf ou Droit Coutumier des Be´douins. Paris: Rivie`re et C, 1971. Coulson, Noe¨l James. ‘‘Muslim Custom and Case-Law.’’ Welt des Islams 6 (1959–1961): 13–24. Dutton, Yasin. The Origins of Islamic Law: The Qur’an, the Muwatta’ and Madinan ‘Amal. Richmond: Curzon, 1999. Gellner, Ernest. Saints of the Atlas. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press/Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1969. Hallaq, Wael B. Authority, Continuity, and Change in Islamic Law. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Hunwick, John. ‘‘Notes on a Late Fifteenth-Century Document Concerning‘al-Takrur’.’’ In African Perspectives: Papers in the History, Politics and Economics of Africa, edited by Christopher Allen and R.W. Johnson, 7–33. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 1970. Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History. 2 vols. Translated by Franz Rosenthal. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967. Johansen, Baber. ‘‘Coutumes Locales et Coutumes Universelles aux Sources des Re`gles Juridiques en Droit Musulman Hane´fite.’’ In Contingency in a Sacred Law: Legal and Ethical Norms in the Muslim Fiqh. Leiden [et al.]: Brill, 1999, 163–171. Libson, Gideon. ‘‘On the Development of Custom As a Source of Law in Islamic Law: Alruju‘u ila al-‘urfi ahadu al-qawa‘idi al-khamsi allati yatabanna ‘alayha al-fiqhu.’’ Islamic Law and Society 4 (1997): Nr. 2, 131–155. Milliot, Louis. ‘‘Les Institutions Kabyles.’’ Revue des Etudes Islamiques 6 (1932): 127–174. Patorni, F. ‘‘De´libe´ration de l’anne´e 1749 dans la Grande Kabylie.’’ Revue Africaine 39 (1895): 315–320. Powers, David S. Law, Society, and Culture in the Maghrib, 1300–1500. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press, 2002, Cambridge Studies in Islamic Civilization. Rosen, Lawrence. ‘‘Law and Custom in the Popular Legal Culture of North Africa.’’ Islamic Law and Society 2 (1995): Nr. 2, 194–208. Toledano, Ehud R. Judicial Practice and Family Law in Morocco: The Chapter on Marriage from as-Sijilmasi’s Al- ‘Amal Al-Mutlaq. Boulder, CO: Social Science Monographs, 1981.

CYPRUS Cyprus (Kıbrıs in modern Turkish, Kubrus in old Ottoman or Arabic text, and Kypros in Greek) is the largest island in the Eastern Mediterranean. The first encounter of Cyprus with Islam began in 632 CE 188

when the Arab invaders under Abu Bakr, according to the Arab and Greek chronicles, showed themselves in Cyprus capturing the Byzantine city of Salamis (Constantia) and converting the large basilica of St. Epiphanios into a mosque. During another expedition by Mu‘awiya, governor of Syria in 649, Umm Haram bint Milhan, wife of Ubada ibn as-Shamit, a close relation of the Prophet, died by a fall from her mule in Larnaca. Hala Sultan Tekke, a ku¨lliye including her mausoleum erected at the spot of her tomb, marked by a megalithic monument, is the most venerated Islamic monument in the island. The Arab expeditions continued during the Latin Crusading Kingdom between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries. In one of these, the Memelouk Sultan Emir Tanriverdi al-Mahmoudi from Cairo landed at Limassol with his army in 1426 and proceeded as far as Nicosia, where he enjoyed the luxury of the Lusignan king’s palace and demanded a quarter to be allocated to them in the capital city, as well as making an agreement of an annual tribute. Islamic societies took part sometimes as allied forces beside the Lusignans against the Byzantines or the Genoese. However, there is not much known about the extent of the spreading of the Islamic culture in Cyprus dating back to pre-Ottoman rule, although medieval chronicles referred to mosque building and the presence of the Turcopoles on the island. There are several Ottoman buildings (St. ¨ mer Tekke, Kirklar Tekke, and O ¨ merge Mosque) O dedicated to the early Islamic martyrs. The Ottoman conquest during the reign of Selim II in 1570/71, with the consent of the Sheyh u¨l Islam, introduced the permanent Islamic culture on the island. An organized settlement policy by forced migrations from Anatolia, mainly Konya, Karaman, Larende, Nig˘de, Ichel, Menteshe, Denizli, and Zu¨lkadiriye, created a Turkish Islamic population beside the Orthodox Greek natives. Institutions of the Ottoman administration and the Islamic religion were established, the most significant being the Evkaf (waqf) institution, which still functions as the administrator of the religious and philanthropic affairs as the greatest property holder in the island. Trade activities from the Islamic countries also increased during this period. Cyprus became a chief principality governed by a Beylerbeyi in Nicosia and Sancak Beys in the kazas, including some provinces in Anatolia such as Ichel, Sis, Alaiye (Alanya), and Tarsus until the early decades of the seventeenth century. British rule terminated the Ottoman administration in 1878, although the Turkish Islamic culture continued. The language of the Turkish Cypriots is in the southeastern dialect deriving from Oghuz Turks.


Bu¨yu¨k Han in Nicosia, c. 1571. ß N. Yıldız.

Islamic architectural heritage is of Ottoman charac¨ meriye complex, ter. Bu¨yu¨k Han, Bu¨yu¨k Hamam, O Arap Ahmet and Agha Cafer Mosques, Hala Sultan and Mevlevi Tekkes, aqueducts, fountains, and the castles in Paphos, Larnaca, and Limassol are the most notable ones from the sixteenth century. Also, Latin monuments, mainly Selimiye (Ayia Sophia) Mosque in Nicosia, Lala Mustafa Pasha (Ayia Sophia or St. Nicholas) Mosque in Famagusta, the city walls, and citadels and domestic buildings, restored and renovated according to Turkish culture during the last quarter of the sixteenth century, is a sign of the respect of the Ottoman administrators toward the cultural heritage. Several others were constructed during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, including Bekir Pasha Aqueduct and Sultan Mahmut Library. Museums located in Mevlevi Tekke, Dervish Pasha Konak, and Canpolat Bastion display art and ethnographical collections of Islamic origin. Islamic manuscripts and Ottoman documents in the possession of the Turkish Cypriot Archive and Documentary Centre and the Waqf Administration in North

Cyprus and the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive in Istanbul show the legacy of the Islamic culture in Cyprus. NETICE YILDIZ See also Abu Bakr Further Reading Boustronios, George. The Chronicles of George Boustronios 1456–1489, ed. and trans. R. M. Dawkins. Melbourne: University of Melbourne, Cyprus Expedition Publication, No. 2, 1964. Cobham, Claude Deleval, ed. and trans. Excerpta Cypria, Materials for a History of Cyprus. Cambridge, MA, 1908. C ¸ uhadirog˘lu, Fikret, and Og˘uz, Filiz. ‘‘Kibrıs‘ta Tu¨rk Eserleri [Turkish Historical Monuments in Cyprus].’’ Vakiflar, Ro¨lo¨ve ve Restorasyon Dergisi, Vakiflar Genel Mu¨du¨rlu¨g˘u¨ Yayinlari No. 2 (1975): 1–76. De Groot, A. H. ‘‘Kubros.’’ In The Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. Bosworth, E. van Donzel, Lewis, B., and Pellat, Ch. Vol V. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1986. Esin, Emel. Aspects of Turkish Civilization in Cyprus. Ankara: Tu¨rk Ku¨ltu¨ru¨nu¨ Aras¸tıma Enstitu¨su¨, 1965.


CYPRUS Gaziog˘lu, Ahmet Cemal. The Turks in Cyprus. London: Kemal Rustem and Brother, 1990. Hill, George. A History of Cyprus. 4 vols. Cambridge, MA: University Press, 1948–1952. I˙nalcik, Halil (Ed). The First International Congress of Cypriot Studies (14–19 April 1969), Ankara. Institute for the Study of Turkish Culture, 1971. Le Januen, C.D. Histoire Ge´ne´rale Des Roiaumes de Chypre de Jerusalem. 3 vols. A Leide, 1785. Jennings, Ronald C. Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World, 1571–1640. New York, 1993. Latrie, L. de Mas. Histoire de L’Ile de Chypre Sous le Re`gne des Princes de la Maison de Lusignan. Paris, 1862 (Famagouste, Chypre: Les Edition l’Oiseau), 1970. Makhairas, Leontis. Recital Concerning the Sweet Land of Cyprus, Entitled ‘Chronicle, ed. and trans., R. M. Dawkins. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1932 (Famagouste, Chypre: Les Edition l’Oiseau), 2 vols. Ostrogorsky, George. History of the Byzantine State. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1969. Roper, Geoffrey, ed. World Survey of Islamic Manuscripts. 2 vols. London: Al-Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation, 1992. Runciman, Steven. History of the Crusades. 3 vols. Cambridge, MA. 1951–1954. Setton, Kenneth M., and M. W. Baldwin, eds. A History of the Crusades. VI vols. Madison, Milwaukee, and London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969–1989. S¸es¸en, Ramazan, Altan, Mustafa Has¸im, and I˙zgi, Cevat. Kıbrıs I˙slam Yazmaları Katalog˘u. I˙stanbul: I˙slam Tarih ve Ku¨ltu¨ru¨nu¨ Aras¸tırma Vakfı, 1415/1995.


Uluc¸am, Abdu¨lsellam. ‘‘The Architectural Characteristics of Turkish Monuments in Cyprus.’’ Cyprus International Symposium on Her Past and Present, Gazimag˘usa, 28 October Ekim–2 November 1991. Ankara: Eastern Mediterranean University of TRNC and Van Yu¨zu¨ncu¨ Yıl University of Turkish Republic, No: 9, 1994, 149–181. Yıldız, Netice. ‘‘The Koran of Lala Mustafa Pas¸a.’’ New Cyprus (July 1991): 22–25. ———. ‘‘Ottoman Period in Cyprus, A Glance at Turkish Architecture.’’ New Cyprus (February–March 1992): 22–27. ———. ‘‘Aqueducts in Cyprus.’’ Journal for Cypriot Studies 2/2 (1996): 89–112. ———. ‘‘Ottoman Houses in Cyprus.’’ Proceedings on the International Symposium on The Ottoman Houses, Papers from the Amasya Symposium, 24–27 September 1996, The British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara and the University of Warwick, BIAA Monographs 26, 1998, 79–88, pl. 10.1–8 ———. ‘‘Ottoman Culture and Art in Cyprus.’’ Learning and Education in the Ottoman. World Proceedings, I˙stanbul 12–15 April 1999, Research Centre for Islamic History, Art and Culture (IRCICA), I˙stanbul, 2001, 259–276. ———. ‘‘Kıbrıs’ta Osmanlı Ku¨ltu¨r Mirasına Genel Bir Bakıs¸.’’ In Tu¨rkler, edited by H. C. Gu¨zel, K. C ¸ ic¸ek, and S. Koca, vol. 19, 966–993. Ankara: Yeni Tu¨rkiye Yayınları, 2002. ———. ‘‘Vakfs in Ottoman Cyprus.’’ CIEPO–15th Symposium, (International pre-Ottoman and Ottoman Studies, The London School of Economics and Political Science, 7–12 July 2002 (in print by TAURIS Publications).


as an imperial city. During that period, the first mosque built on a grand scale in Islam (the Umayyad Mosque) was constructed by orders from Caliph alWalid b. ‘Abd al-Malik (r. 86–96/705–715), who also ordered the construction of the Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem. The site of the Umayyad Mosque and its courtyard was originally occupied by the Church of St. John, which included a small chapel built to house a casket that was believed to contain St. John’s head. After the Islamic conquest, an earlier mosque was built in the southern corner of the Church’s courtyard, although some Muslim historians suggest that the Church itself was divided into two sections: one for the Muslims and another for the Christians. AlWalid ordered the confiscation of the property, and all preexisting buildings, including the Church and the earlier mosque, were razed to the ground to allow for the new mosque. The casket containing St. John’s head was incorporated into the main mosque, where it still exists today. In 61/680, the head of al-Husayn b. ‘Ali, the grandson of the Prophet Muhammad and the third Shi‘i Imam, was buried in the eastern side of the mosque complex; however, it was moved shortly after 359/970 and buried in Cairo, in a mosque built for that purpose by the Fatimids of Egypt (the alHusayn Mosque). These two figures of tremendous religious and spiritual authority made the Umayyad Mosque a center especially for local pilgrimage and subsequently augmented the religious symbolism (fada’il) of Damascus. In addition to the two key figures mentioned above, local legends identify Damascus and its surrounding

Damascus (Dimashq) is the current capital of the Arab Republic of Syria. In popular usage, it is widely referred to as al-Sham, a term that is also used to refer to greater Syria (i.e., Bilad al-Sham). Damascus owes its existence to the river Barada, which springs from the eastern slopes of the AntiLebanon mountain range, and, after crossing Damascus, empties into the eastern and southern desert, forming around the city a fertile agricultural land known as al-Ghuta. The abundance of water and agriculture, along with the city’s strategic location on the internal highway that connects the south (Egypt and Arabia) and the north (Mesopotamia and Asia Minor), allowed Damascus to play a significant role in Near Eastern trade and communication, and, at times, in politics, too, from antiquity to modern times. The city plan took its shape inside the surrounding wall and its seven gates during the Roman period. The main east–west street (decumanus) is still partly in existence, and approximately in its middle was the Temple of Jupiter (which was converted during the Byzantine period into the Church of St. John the Baptist) and the market place (agora), the ruins of which still exist just outside the southern gate of the Umayyad Mosque. The town’s houses were arranged in quarters on both sides of the main street, with small alleys and paths leading to them. Damascus fell to the Muslim army in AH 15/636 CE and ever since has been under Islamic rule. It rose to significance under the Umayyads (r. 41–132/661–750), who chose it as their main capital and reorganized it


DAMASCUS area as the birthplace of Abraham and the burial place of Moses and Mary, the mother of Jesus. Similarly, Jesus is believed to have escaped to Damascus with Mary and Joseph at the time of the Massacre of the Innocents—hence its association with the Qur’anic reference ‘‘wa-awaynahuma ila rabwatin dhati qararin wa-ma‘ini’’ (23:50); it is also believed that He will descend into the city to usher in the End Times. The town’s main medieval cemetery, Maqbarat al-Bab alSaghir (this is outside of the southern Small Gate, which is also known as Bab al-Hadid), contains the graves of a large host of significant Muslim public figures and religious scholars, including companions of the Prophet Muhammad. All of this bestowed on Damascus—and, by extension, on Syria—additional holiness. The city grew outside its walls, but it gradually lost most of its prestige and centrality, especially as compared with towns in Syria like Aleppo (Halab) and Hims after the ousting of the Umayyads. It reclaimed its political, intellectual, economic, and religious supremacy back when Sultan Nur al-Din (d. 569/1174) captured it in 549/1154 and made it his capital city, although its political prominence was lost again with his death. Nur al-Din ordered a major facelift for the city, including major renovations of some of its existing monuments and the addition of new ones, such as a hospice (al-Bimaristan al-Nuri), several schools for religious sciences (e.g., Dar al-Hadith al-Nuriyya), and several mosques. Since the time of Nur al-Din, Damascus has become one of the most prestigious centers for Sunni Islam, and its scholars (both natives and residents) played a significant role in the promotion and diffusion of Sunni Islam in Syria and the Middle East. During the Ottoman period, Damascus rose back to political supremacy, especially with the alAzm family during the eighteenth century. Many members of the family were governors of the wilayet (province) of Damascus, which extended east to the Bekaa valley in modern-day Lebanon and south to Jordan and northern Palestine. The al-Azm family left their mark on the city, with their splendid palaces and public undertakings, including construction and renovation of the city’s markets and caravanserais. Damascus gave its name to several types of merchandise that were initially produced there and traded widely during the Middle Ages. The two most notable items are damask, which is a firm, lustrous fabric that blends linen and silk, and the damask rose (ward juri), which is a very fragrant red rose. A special syrup is made from the damask rose and used in desserts and a few other recipes; if diluted in water, the syrup becomes a refreshing drink that is usually served at weddings and on special occasions. SULEIMAN A. MOURAD 192

See also Syria; Umayyad Mosque

Further Reading Elissee´ff, Nikita. La Description de Damas d’Ibn ‘Asakir, 3 vols. Damascus: Institut Franc¸ais de Damas, 1959. Hillenbrand, Carole. The Crusades: Islamic Perspectives. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1999. Lindsay, James E. Daily Life in the Medieval Islamic World. Westport, Conn: Greenwood, 2005.

DANCING At least from the early ‘Abbasid period, Muslim authors were troubled by the active role of female participants in various popular festivals, the mingling of genders, and the sensuality that accompanied some of these rites. They particularly addressed the issue of music and dancing during these ceremonies; hence, the prevalent attitude of Muslim writers toward dancing is concentrated in works that criticize Sufi customs or condemn manifestations of popular Islam. That these questions alarmed some writers is reflected in an anecdote narrated by Ibn ‘Abd alHakam: Yazid ibn Abi Habib wrote to ‘Umar and asked him about playing music and using tambourines and guitars at weddings. In response, the righteous caliph prohibited the playing of guitars but let the public beat tambourines. According to ‘Umar, this denotes the difference between a wedding and fornication (sifah). The jurists turned their attention mainly to those circles of Sufis that—through tambourine (daff ) and flute (shabbaba) playing, hand clapping, and dancing (raqs)—attracted audiences to their public performances. Chanting, playing musical instruments, and dancing were magnets for the populace. Interestingly, the jurisprudents did not dwell on the music and dancing that were performed in the royal palaces. An examination of hisba manuals and bid‘a criticism confirms that dancing and music were not approved of. Condemnation of them is particularly conspicuous in works that criticize the quasi-Sufis (fuqara’). It is not surprising to find that those who wrote against popular culture and expressed disapproval of music and dancing also participated in campaigns against the manners and customs of the fuqara’. It seems that the principal objection of these fuqaha to music and dancing sessions (sama) was the sexuality associated with them, which would also explain their objection to singing (ghina). A well-known example of such writers is Ibn Hajj al-‘Abdari. This famous jurisprudent took a particularly fierce stand against the mingling of men and


Marriage of Akbar’s brother at Agra in 1561. Folio from the Akbar-nama. Moghul miniature, c. 1590. (CT3443). Credit: Victoria & Albert Museum, London/NY. Victoria and Albert Museum, London, Great Britain.


DANCING women in any social or religious situation, and this was also the attitude of Ibn Taymiyya toward dancing and music playing as expressed in several of his works. In his discussions of the sama‘, Ibn Taymiyya provides his readers with extensive descriptions of the fuqara’s’ rituals and performances as well as with information about popular Islam. Ibn Taymiyya differentiates between two types of spiritual concerts (dhikrs): one is legal (sama‘ shar‘i), but the other one oversteps the bounds of Islamic law (kharij shurut al-masha’ikh). Ibn Taymiyya argues that, during the forbidden dhikrs, music is used to bring the participants to a state of ecstasy. He compares this practice to the consumption of alcohol or the use of drugs, both of which are strictly prohibited. He considers the deeds of the quasi-Sufis’ to be a taboo, and he deduces that the shari‘a forbids sama‘ that leads to ecstasy. Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya opens his examination of music and dancing with a pseudo-fatwa (dated 740/ 1339). The question reads as follows: ‘‘What is the stand of our learned masters (al-sada al-‘ulama’) regarding sama’, which consists of playing musical instruments such as tambourine and flute, hand clapping, singing, and amusement. Men and women mingle and recite Qur’anic verses. Claiming that this ritual brings the participants in these ceremonies closer to Allah, the partakers argue that if a person dance his sins will be forgiven.’’ The question posed by Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya triggered answers by other fuqaha, thereby raising a wide range of issues. Some scholars imposed a total ban on music. They depicted behavior by the Sufi brethren that led some to brand such a group as ‘‘a band of disgrace.’’ Moreover, they were incensed by scenes of women and young men dancing and chanting in the presence of mixed audiences. In one case, the heads of the Kilaniyya brotherhood applied to the Hanbali qadi of Cairo (in 852/1448) to ban singing and the playing of musical instruments. They further appealed to the sultan to prohibit the playing of drums and flutes in al-Rifa‘i’s lodge. It goes without saying that the fulminations against music and dancing achieved only limited results. Rigorous ‘ulama never succeeded in eliminating music from Arab, Turkish, or Persian societies, as can be deduced from chronicles and biographies; proof is to be found in the performances by Sufis that used music as an instrument to attain unity with God, in works by authors favoring music, and in accounts of the activities of professional musicians. The tariqa Mavlawiyya (Mevleviler) are perhaps the best–known examples that support this proposition. The failure of the puritans might explain the position arrived at by other jurists, who distinguished 194

between licit and illicit poetry. These fuqaha’ regarded loud supplication (awrad) and the reciting of Qur’anic verses as noble, and they permitted the chanting of hymns. An example of this line of argumentation can be seen in the writing of ‘Alwan al-Hamawi. YEHOSHUA FRENKEL Further Reading Al-‘Abdari, Ibn Hajj. al-Madkhal. Cairo. Al-Din Ahmad Ibn Taymiya, Taqi. Al-Risala fi al-Sama‘ wal-Raqs. In Musique et Danse Selon Ibn Taymiyya, ed. J.R. Michot. Paris, 1991. Memon, Muhammad U. Ibn Taimaya’s Struggle Against Popular Religion: With an Annotated Translation of his Kitab Iqtida Assirat al-Mustaquin Mukhalafat Ashab alJahim. Berlin and New York: Mouton de Gruyter, 1976. Al-Din Muhammad Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya al-Dimashqi, Shams. Kashf al-Ghita’ ‘an Hukam Sama ‘al-Ghina’, ed. R.A. Khalaf. Cairo, 1991. Al-Din al-Suyuti, Jalal. al-Amar bil-Itiba ‘wal-Nahi ‘an alIbtida‘, ed. M.H. Salman, 99–113. Cairo, 1990. Izzi Dien, Mawil. The Theory and the Practice of Market Law in Medieval Islam: A Study of Kitab Nisab al-Ihtisab of Umar b. Muhammad al-Sunami. Warminster, UK: Gibb Memorial Trust, 1997. Al-‘Abbas Ahamd Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Abu. Kaf al-ra‘a‘ ‘an Muharramat al-Lahw wal-Sama‘. Cairo, 1951. Al-Shadhili al-Tunisi, Muhammad. Farh al-Asma‘ bi-Rukhs al-Sima‘, ed. M. Sh. al-Rahhamuni. Tripoli/Tunis, 1985. ‘Ali b. ‘Atiyya b. al-Hasan al-Hiti al-Husayni al-Shafi‘i ‘Alwan al-Hamawi. al-Sham a‘Rasuha wa-Fada’il Suknaha (A‘ras al-Sham), ed. N. Alwani. Damascus, 1997. Pouzet, L. ‘‘Prises de Position Autour de Sama‘ en Orient Musulman au VIIe/XIII Siecle.’’ Studia Islamica 57 (1983): 119–34. Gribetz, A. ‘‘The Sama‘ Controversy: Sufi vs. Legalist.’’ Studia Islamica 74 (1991): 43–62. Markoff, I. ‘‘Music, Saints and Ritual: Sama‘ and the Alevies of Turkey.’’ In Manifestations of Sainthood in Islam, eds. G.M. Smith and C.W. Ernest, 95–110. Istanbul: ISIS Press, 1993. Hammarlund, A., Tord Olsson, and E. Ozdalga, eds. Sufism, Music and Society in Turkey and the Middle East. Richmond, VA: Curzon, 2001.

DARA SHIKOH (1615–1659) The eldest son and the heir apparent of the Mughal Emperor Shahjahan (d. 1657) and his favorite wife Mumtaz Mahal and himself an Emperor manque´, Dara never showed much interest in political affairs. He took part in one military campaign to Kandahar in 1659, which resulted in failure, and he only accepted the governorship of Allahabad in 1645 so that he could be near the Chishti mystic and philosopher Muhibb Allah Ilahabadi (d. 1648); he never took up his post in Allahabad and merely corresponded

DATES AND CALENDARS with the philosopher. Along with his favorite sister, Jahanara, he spent more time with literati and Sufis, affiliating himself with the Qadiri order. Their political disinterest led to his younger brother Awrangzeb to launch a successful bid to become emperor and outflanking Dara Shikoh. European travelers such as Bernier and Manucci regarded him as an aloof and arrogant man who had no real convictions and was hence interested in syncretism. Dara was already associated with the Qadiri order at the time of Miyan Mir (d. 1635), but, along with his sister, he only formally joined in 1640, paying allegiance to Mulla Shah Badakhshi (d. 1661), Miyan Mir’s successor. This in itself was a significant act: the heir apparent pledging allegiance to a Sufi master was an almost unique step during the Mughal period. Dara wrote two hagiographies of famous Sufis of the past and of the Qadiri order: Safinat al-Awliya’ in 1640 and Sakinat al-Awliya’ in 1642. However, his major literary contribution came later. In 1646, he completed his best work, Risala-yi Haqq-numa, which was a defense of monism that was steeped in the learning of the school of Ibn ‘Arabi. His growing interest in following in the footsteps of his greatgrandfather Akbar led to his encounters with Indian thought. In 1653, he met the kabirpanthi ascetic Baba La‘l Das and asked him questions about truth, religion, and community, a conversation that was recorded for posterity in an intriguing mix of Persian, Sanskrit, and Hindavi by Dara’s secretary, Candrabhan Brahman. Dara’s most obvious expression of syncretism came in 1655 with the completion of Majma‘ al-Bahrayn (The Mingling of the Two Oceans). Drawing on Qur’an 18:60, he argued that the essences of Indian religions (he meant the Vedanta and Natha paths) and Sufism were the same. A rather mediocre work, its significance lies not in the quality of its composition but rather the identity of its author. It does seem that Dara had a good grasp of Sanskrit and of the technical terminology of the Vedic schools, because he himself translated this work as Samudrasangama. He extended this by commissioning a translation of the Upanishads. which was completed in 1657 with the title Sirr-i Akbar (The Great Secret). He claimed that the Upanishads were the ‘‘hidden scripture’’ alluded to in Qur’an 56:78. A patron of the arts, Dara commissioned paintings and albums that included depictions of himself that still survive. Awrangzeb, who was seen as a heretical aesthete, took advantage of Shahjahan’s illness in 1658 and had Dara declared a heretic. During the ensuing trial, Dara was condemned, and he was executed on August 12, 1659. His political failure meant that he could not call on powerful defenders for his cause.

Since then, historians and Indians have debated what might have been. Awrangzeb has been cast as Dara’s opposite, associating with Naqshbandis and treating non-Muslims harshly; this was in contrast with Dara’s syncretic idea of ‘‘universal peace.’’ Dara’s real problem was that, by focusing on lofty ideals and transcendental unity, he had little understanding of political realities. SAJJAD H. RIZVI See also Akbar; Mughals; Sufism Primary Sources Shikoh, Dara. Majma‘ al-Bahrayn (The Mingling of the Two Oceans), ed. and trans. M. Mahfuz ul-Haq. Calcutta: Biblioteca Indica, 1929. ———. ‘‘Mukalama Baba La‘l (Entretiens de Lahore).’’ ed. and trans. C. Huart and L. Massignon, Journal Asiatique 209 (1926): 285–334. (English translation in Waseem, M., ed. and trans. On Becoming an Indian Muslim: French Essays on Aspects of Syncreticism, 106–30. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003.) Hasrat, B.J. Dara Shikuh: Life and Works. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1979. Filliozat, J. ‘‘Dara Shikoh’s Samudrasangama’.’’ In On Becoming an Indian Muslim: French Essays on Aspects of Syncreticism, Waseem, M., ed. and trans., 131–44. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003. ¨ bersetzung Go¨bel-Gross, E. Sirr-i Akbar. Die Upanishad-U Dara Shikohs. PhD dissertation. Marburg: 1961. Renard, P. ‘‘Historical Bibliography of Upanisads in Translation.’’ Journal of Indian Philosophy 23 (1995): 223–46. Shayegan, D. Les Relations de ‘Hindouisme et du Soufisme. Paris: Editions de la Difference, 1979.

DATES AND CALENDARS The Islamic calendar, also known as the Hijra calendar, is based on a lunar cycle that has twelve months of approximately twenty-nine to thirty days each. The term Hijra refers to the emigration of the early Muslim community in Mecca to the northern oasis of Yathrib (later known as Medina), a seminal event in Islamic history. ‘Umar b. al-Khattab (r. 634–644 CE), the second Rightly Guided Caliph, designated the year that the Emigration (Hijra) took place (622 CE) as Year One of the Islamic calendar in 638. It has become a standard convention of the modern scholarship of Islamic history to provide both dates, with the Hijra year first, followed by the Gregorian calendarbased Common Era (CE) date: for example, 450/ 1058. Conversion from the Hijra calendar to other calendars is not an exact science, and detailed data (i.e., the day of the week, the month, and the year) are required before one can obtain an accurate conversion. This is due in large part to the methods that have been traditionally used to determine the changeover from one month to the next. 195

DATES AND CALENDARS According to traditions that predate the rise of Islam, each new month begins with the sighting of the new crescent moon right after sunset and lasts until the sighting of the next new crescent moon; this system of dating based on the movement of celestial bodies or the moon with the sun is also known as a synodic system. Although this is fraught with potential human error, medieval scholars eventually settled on a more consistent system of giving the odd-numbered months thirty days each and the even-numbered months twenty-nine days each. The twelve months of the Islamic calendar, in order, are as follows: (1) Muharram; (2) Safar; (3) Rabi‘ al-Awwal; (4) Rabi‘ al-Akhir (or al-Thani); (5) Jumada ’l-Ula; (6) Jumada ’l-Akhira; (7) Rajab; (8) Sha‘ban; (9) Ramadan; (10) Shawwal; (11) Dhu ’lQa‘da; and (12) Dhu ’l-Hijja. For administrative and agricultural reasons, medieval Muslims also used derivations of existing solar and/or fixed-month calendars from the region; these include aspects of the Ancient Egyptian seasonal calendar, the Roman Julian calendar, and the Persian calendar. Although the Islamic calendar and dating system was the overarching system used by medieval Muslims (especially with regard to religious holidays [eids]), Muslims from such places as al-Andalusia, Central Asia, and India would retain their traditional calendars and practices at the local level. Some key days in the Muslim calendar are Eid al-Adha (The Feast of the Sacrifice), which commemorates Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son, Isma‘il (10 Dhu ’l-Hijja); Eid al-Fitr (Breaking of the Fast), which is celebrated at the end of Ramadan; and Laylat al-Qadr (The Night of Power), which occurs during one of the last ten nights of Ramadan; on this night, the prayers of sincere Muslims are said to be answered. In addition to these days, such local traditions as the Persian Nawruz (Festival of the New Year) are observed, regardless of their non-Islamic origin. It should also be noted that, within Islamic society itself, there are some minor deviations in terms of ritual practice concerning dates and calendars between the Sunni and Shi‘i communities. The most famous difference involves the commemoration of Ashura (10 Muharram); within the Sunni community this has some significance, but, within the Shi‘i community, it is the commemoration of the martyrdom of Husayn b. Ali, the grandson of the Prophet, in 680 at the hands of Umayyad forces. The Islamic calendar of twelve lunar months creates a year with 354 days; the result of this is that, over decades, the Islamic months actually travel throughout the solar-based seasonal year. The practical effect of this can be seen with the example of Ramadan, the Islamic month of fasting, during 196

which Muslims refrain from drinking and eating between sunrise and sunset. At one point, Ramadan will fall during the winter season, when the days are shorter; a decade or so later, Ramadan will fall during the summer, when the time between sunrise and sunset is much longer. Medieval scholars of both the religious and natural sciences wrote numerous works about the proper methods for ascertaining the change in months as well as about their astronomical observations. Modern scholars have used these works, in addition to more modern calculation methods, to create reliable conversion tables; students and scholars also have Internet-based conversion tables at their disposal that allow for day-to-day conversions. ERIC HANNE See also Astrology; Astronomy; Festivals and Celebrations; Nawruz; Pagans and Pagan Customs Further Reading Birashk, Ahmad. A Comparative Calendar of the Iranian, Muslim Lunar, and Christian Eras for Three Thousand Years: 1260 B.H–200 A.H./639 B.C.–2621 A.D. Costa Mesa: Mazda in association with Bibliotheca Persica, 1993. Freeman-Grenville, G.S.P. The Islamic and Christian Calendars, AD 622-2222 (AH 1–1650): A Complete Guide for Converting Christian and Islamic Dates and Dates of Festivals, revised edition. Reading, UK: Garnet, 1995. Ilyas, Mohammad. A Modern Guide to Astronomical Calculations of Islamic Calendar, Times and Qibla. Kuala Lumpur: Berita, 1984. Minai, Hasan Ahmad. ‘‘The Hijri Calendar.’’ Islamic Order 2i (1980): 64–77.


Qur’anic Themes ‘‘Every soul shall taste of death,’’ declares the Qur’an in verse 3:185, in an expression suggesting why death ought to be a universal concern. Yet human beings, in the Qur’anic understanding, are not equally preoccupied with their mortality. Their attitudes differ strikingly, depending on whether or not they believe in the afterlife. According to the Qur’an, infidels enjoy life without giving much thought to the hereafter. They cultivate the vineyards of this world, pay no heed to the Hour of Reckoning, and doubt that God has the power to recreate life from bones and fragmented corpses. A harsh surprise awaits them, for, after passing away from this life, they will suffer a second death, an

DEATH AND DYING afterlife of torment in the fire of Hell. Believers, by contrast, live in awe of God’s power to create and destroy. They argue against the infidels that, if God can revivify with vegetation a lifeless land, so too can he quicken the dead, and that, on the Day of the Resurrection, they shall be rewarded with eternal life in the Garden. This polemic dialog, recorded in verses 36:78, 56:47–8, and elsewhere, does not necessarily reflect actual exchanges between incredulous infidels and believing Muslims. However, regardless of its historic truth, the dialogue served to emphasize—if only in believers’ minds—the reassuring notion that an omnipotent God would allow life to continue after death. The related belief that God controlled life and death—and that in fact He decreed or predetermined the very moment at which every individual’s life should end—also offered consolation. Muslims, unlike early Arabic poets, did not see death as a misfortune striking loved ones unjustly and arbitrarily; rather, death for them was a part of God’s wise—if inscrutable—plan. Such consolation derived special meaning in an environment in which, as a result of tribal warfare and the military struggles of the first Muslims, the way of death was often violent. In fact, the theme of violent death is an essential one in the Qur’an. It recurs most frequently in the so-called Medinan verses, as O’Shaughnessy has pointed out. There are references to the persecution and violent death of several prophets, and one reads about killing by drowning, stoning to death, burning to death, and crucifixion. These ways of dying, although gruesome, need not be feared by those fighting in God’s path, for martyrs only seem to undergo death: in reality, they continue to live with God. Upon death, as during sleep, God sends angels to take the souls of women and men. He returns the souls of the sleepers to their bodies so that they will continue to live until their predetermined end, and He keeps with Him the souls of the dead. Deceased wrongdoers plead with God, asking Him to allow them to return to Earth, where they hope to accomplish the good works they had neglected to do during life. However, a barrier that shall be breached only on the Day of the Resurrection, according to verses 23:99–100, prevents the dead from crossing over into the realm of the living. In death, they must live with the consequences of their actions in the physical world.

The Ideal Way of Dying Throughout early Islamic times, the Qur’anic ideal of suffering a violent death in the name of Islam

remained appealing. In biographical works and in the hadith, the bravery of warriors for the faith, who expressed a yearning to die of battle wounds, was celebrated. Thus, Khubayb ibn ‘Adiyy (d. 625 CE), who, according to Muslim tradition, inaugurated the custom of offering a special prayer before suffering death in captivity, boasted in a poem that mutilation was in no way a concern to him, convinced as he was that God would bless the limbs of his amputated body. The reward of Paradise was on the minds of holy warriors, according to Muslim tradition, and this belief inspired them to fight bravely even while anticipating the disfiguration of their bodies beyond recognition. The hadith granted the status of martyr not only to those who died on the battlefield but also to several other categories of Muslims. For instance, those who died of plague, of a stomach ailment, by drowning, or in the destruction of a building were considered martyrs. The logic underlying this formulation seems clear: to undergo a painful, gruesome death counted as a way of meriting in the afterlife the rewards of martyrdom. It was essential, however, for the dying person, in agony, to not succumb to desperation; to reach Paradise alongside the martyrs of the battlefield, one needed to retain until the end a sense of composure and patience supported by trust in God’s judgment. Dying of old age in one’s bed was less admirable than dying in battle, but Muslims who anticipated a peaceful death could undertake certain preparations to reach the end of life properly. First, they would need to discharge any unpaid debts. Failure to fulfill this financial oblig